Questions on the Heptateuch

Augustine of Hippo · Exegetical Works
Revisions II
C. 55The Seven Books of QuestionsQuaestionum, libri septem
1. Eodem tempore scripsi etiam libros Quaestionum de Libris eisdem Divinis septem, quos ideo appellare sic volui, quia ea quae ibi disputantur magis quaerenda proposui quam quaesita dissolvi, quamvis multo plura in eis mihi videantur ita pertractata, ut possint etiam soluta et exposita non immerito iudicari.
1. At the same time I also wrote seven books of Questions on these same divine books, which I chose to call by this name because the matters discussed there I have set forth as things to be inquired into rather than as inquiries resolved—although it seems to me that many more of them have been so thoroughly treated that they may not unreasonably be judged to have been resolved and explained.
QsHept.1
Regnorum quoque libros eodem modo iam considerare coeperamus; sed non multum progressi in alia, quae magis urgebant, animum intendimus.
We had also begun in the same way to consider the books of Kingdoms; but, having made little progress, we turned our attention to other matters that were more pressing.
QsHept.1
In primo autem libro, ubi agitur de virgis variatis quas ponebat Iacob in aqua, ut in conceptu positae oves eas viderent cum biberent et varios fetus parerent (Quaest. in Hept. 1, 93), non bene a nobis exposita est causa, cur iterum concipientibus non ponebat, id est cum alios fetus conciperent, sed in priore conceptu (Gen 30, 37 ss). Nam quaestionis alterius expositio (Quaest. in Hept. 1, 95), ubi quaeritur cur dixerit socero suo Iacob: et decepisti mercedem meam decem agnabus (Gen 31, 41), satis veraciter enodata demonstrat istam, sicut solvi debuit, non solutam.
In the first book, however, where the discussion concerns the variegated rods that Jacob set in the water so that the sheep, having been placed there to conceive, might see them when they drank and so bear variegated offspring (QQ. in Hept. 1, 93), we did not give a good account of why he did not set them out again when the sheep conceived a second time—that is, when they conceived other offspring—but only at the first conception (Gen 30:37ff). For the explanation of another question (QQ. in Hept. 1, 95), where it is asked why Jacob said to his father-in-law, and you have cheated my wage by ten ewe-lambs (Gen 31:41), having been unraveled with sufficient truth, shows that this one, though it ought to have been solved, was not solved.
QsHept.1
2. In tertio quoque libro, ubi de summo agitur sacerdote (Quaest. in Hept. 3, 82. 85), quomodo creabat filios, cum haberet necessitatem bis in die ingredi in Sancta Sanctorum, ubi erat altare incensi, ad offerendum incensum mane et vespera (Ex 30, 7-8), quo non posset, sicut Lex dicit, immundus intrare, et eadem Lex dicat immundum fieri hominem etiam ex concubitu coniugali (Lev 15, 16), quem iubet quidem lavari aqua sed et lotum dicit immundum esse usque ad vesperam, unde dixi: consequens fuisse ut aut continens esset aut diebus aliquibus intermitteretur incensum, non vidi non fuisse consequens. Potest enim sic intellegi quod scriptum est: immundus erit usque ad vesperam, ut per ipsam vesperam iam non esset immundus, sed usque ad ipsam, ut vespertino iam tempore incensum mundus offerret, cum propter creandos filios post matutinum incensum mixtus esset uxori.
2. In the third book also, where the discussion concerns the high priest (QQ. in Hept. 3, 82. 85)—how he begot sons, since he was under the necessity of entering twice a day into the Holy of Holies, where the altar of incense was, to offer incense morning and evening (Exod 30:7-8), into which, as the Law says, he could not enter while unclean, and since the same Law says that a man becomes unclean even from intercourse with his wife (Lev 15:16), whom indeed it commands to wash with water but says that, even when washed, he is unclean until evening—I said: it would follow that he must either be continent or that the incense must be omitted on certain days, not seeing that this did not follow. For what is written, he will be unclean until evening, can be understood in this way: that by evening itself he was no longer unclean, but only up until it, so that at evening, now clean, he might offer the incense, since for the begetting of sons he had united with his wife after the morning incense.
QsHept.2
Itemque ubi quaesitum est, quomodo prohibitus esset super funus patris summus sacerdos intrare (Lev 21, 11), cum eum fieri sacerdotem, quando unus erat, nisi post mortem sacerdotis patris non oporteret, dixi: propter hoc necesse fuisse nondum sepulto patre statim post eius mortem filium eius constitui, qui succederet patri, propter etiam continuationis incensum, quod bis in die necesse erat offerri (Quaest. in Hept. 3, 83), qui sacerdos super mortem nondum sepulti patris prohibetur intrare.
Likewise, where it was asked how the high priest was forbidden to go in over the body of his father (Lev 21:11), since he ought not to be made priest—when there was but one—except after the death of his priestly father, I said: that for this reason it was necessary, while the father was not yet buried, that immediately after his death his son be appointed to succeed the father, on account also of the continual incense which had to be offered twice a day (QQ. in Hept. 3, 83), the very priest who is forbidden to go in over the death of his father not yet buried.
QsHept.2
Sed parum attendi potuisse hoc praecipi magis propter illos qui futuri fuerant summi sacerdotes non patribus summis sacerdotibus succedentes, sed tamen ex filiis, id est ex posteris Aaron, si forte summus sacerdos aut filios non haberet, aut ita reprobos haberet ut nullus eorum patri deberet succedere, sicut Samuel summo sacerdoti Heli successit (3 Regg 1, 3 ss.; 3, 1 ss), cum sacerdotis filius ipse non esset, sed tamen ex filiis, hoc est ex posteris esset Aaron.
But I gave too little attention to the fact that this could have been commanded rather on account of those who were to become high priests not as successors to high-priestly fathers, but nonetheless from among the sons—that is, from the descendants of Aaron—if perhaps a high priest either had no sons, or had sons so reprobate that none of them ought to succeed his father, as Samuel succeeded the high priest Eli (1 Sam 1:3ff.; 3:1ff), though he was not himself the son of the priest, but was nonetheless from the sons, that is, from the descendants of Aaron.
QsHept.2
3. De latrone etiam cui dictum est: hodie mecum eris in Paradiso (Luca 23, 43), quod non fuerit visibiliter baptizatus, quasi certum posui, cum sit incertum magisque illum baptizatum fuisse credendum sit, sicut ego quoque alibi postea disputavi (Cf. Quaest. in Hept. 3, 84).
3. Concerning the thief also, to whom it was said, today you will be with me in Paradise (Luke 23:43), I set down as though certain that he had not been visibly baptized, whereas it is uncertain and it is rather to be believed that he had been baptized, as I myself later argued elsewhere (See QQ. in Hept. 3, 84).
QsHept.3
Item quod in quinto libro dixi, ubi commemorantur matres in generationibus Evangelicis, non eas positas nisi cum patribus (Cf. Matteo 1, 16; Luca 3, 23), verum est quidem, sed ad rem de qua agebatur non pertinet. Agebatur autem de his qui ducebant fratrum vel propinquorum coniuges, eorum qui sine filiis defuncti essent, propter duos patres Ioseph, quorum alterum Matthaeus commemorat, alterum Lucas. De qua quaestione diligenter in hoc opere disserui, cum retractaremus opus nostrum Contra Faustum Manichaeum (Quaest. in Hept. 5, 46).
Likewise, what I said in the fifth book, where the mothers are mentioned in the gospel genealogies, namely that they are placed there only together with the fathers (See Matt 1:16; Luke 3:23), is indeed true, but does not pertain to the matter under discussion. For the discussion was about those who married the wives of brothers or kinsmen who had died without children, on account of the two fathers of Joseph, one of whom Matthew mentions and the other Luke. I discussed this question carefully in this work, when we were revising our work Answer to Faustus the Manichean (QQ. in Hept. 5, 46).
QsHept.3
Hoc opus sic incipit: cum Scripturas Sanctas, quae appellantur canonicae.
This work begins thus: When in reading the Holy Scriptures that are called canonical.
QsHept.3
Bk. 1Questions on GenesisQuaestiones in Genesim
C
Cum Scripturas Sanctas, quae appellantur canonicae, legendo et cum aliis codicibus secundum Septuaginta interpretationem conferendo percurreremus, placuit eas quaestiones, quae in mentem venirent, sive breviter commemorando, vel etiam pertractando tantummodo proponerentur, sive etiam qualitercumque tamquam a festinantibus solverentur, stilo alligare, ne de memoria fugerent. Non ut eas satis explicaremus, sed ut, cum opus esset, possemus inspicere; sive ut admoneremur quid adhuc esset requirendum, sive ut ex eo quod iam videbatur inventum, ut poteramus, essemus et ad cogitandum instructi, et ad respondendum parati.
When in reading the Holy Scriptures that are called canonical, and in comparing them with other manuscripts according to the Septuagint translation, we were running through them, it seemed good to set down in writing the questions that came to mind—whether they were merely set forth by a brief mention, or even by some treatment of them, or were solved in whatever way, as by men in haste—lest they slip from memory. This was not so that we might fully explain them, but so that, when there was need, we might be able to look at them; whether that we might be reminded of what still had to be sought out, or that, from what already seemed to have been found, we might be both equipped for thinking and ready for answering, so far as we were able.
QsHept.3
Si quis igitur haec legere propter incultum in nostra festinatione sermonem non fastidierit, si quas quaestiones propositas invenerit nec solutas, non ideo sibi nihil collatum putet. Nonnulla enim pars inventionis est, nosse quid quaeras. Quarum autem solutio placuerit, non ibi vile contemnat eloquium, sed de aliqua participatione doctrinae potius gratuletur. Non enim disputatio veritate, sed veritas disputatione requiritur. Exceptis ergo his quae a principio, ubi Deus caelum et terram fecisse narratur, usque ad dimissionem duorum primorum hominum de Paradiso, tractari multipliciter possunt, de quibus alias, quantum potuimus, disseruimus (Cf. De Gen. ad litt.; De Gen. c. Man.; De Gen. ad l. imp.: NBA 9/1 e 9/2); haec sunt quae legentibus nobis occurrentia voluimus litteris attinere.
If, then, anyone does not, on account of the unpolished speech of our haste, disdain to read these things, and finds some questions set forth but not solved, let him not on that account think that nothing has been gained for him. For it is no small part of discovery to know what you are seeking. And as for those whose solution he finds pleasing, let him not there despise the cheapness of the expression, but let him rather rejoice at some share in instruction. For it is not by truth that disputation is sought, but by disputation that truth is sought. Setting aside, therefore, those matters which, from the beginning, where God is narrated to have made heaven and earth, down to the sending of the two first human beings out of Paradise, can be treated in many ways—about which we have discussed elsewhere, so far as we were able (See De Gen. ad litt.; De Gen. contra Manich.; De Gen. ad litt. imperf)—these are the things which, occurring to us as we read, we wished to commit to writing.
QsHept.3
COn the city that Cain founded.De civitate quam condidit Cain.
1. (4, 17) Quomodo Cain potuerit condere civitatem, cum civitas alicui utique constituatur hominum multitudini, illi autem duo parentes et duo filii fuisse referantur, quorum filiorum ab altero alter occisus est, in cuius occisi locum alius natus esse narratur. An ideo quaestio est, quoniam qui legunt, putant solos tunc fuisse homines quos divina Scriptura commemorat, nec advertunt eos qui prius sunt conditi duos, vel eos etiam quos genuerunt, tam diu vixisse, ut multos gignerent? Non enim et Adam ipse eos solos genuit, quorum nomina leguntur, cum de illo Scriptura loquens ita concludat, quod genuerit filios et filias (Cf. Gen 5, 4). Proinde cum multo pluribus illi vixerint annis, quam Israelitae in Aegypto fuerunt, quis non videat quam multi homines nasci potuerunt, unde illa civitas impleretur, si Hebraei multo minore tempore ita multiplicari potuerunt?
1. (4:17) How could Cain have founded a city, since a city is surely established for some multitude of human beings, whereas those two parents and their two sons are reported to have existed, of which sons the one was killed by the other, and in the place of the one killed another is narrated to have been born? Is the question raised because those who read suppose that the only people then alive were those whom divine Scripture mentions, and do not notice that the two who were first created, and those also whom they begot, lived so long that they begot many? For not even Adam himself begot only those whose names are read, since Scripture, speaking of him, concludes that he begot sons and daughters (See Gen 5:4). Therefore, since they lived many more years than the Israelites were in Egypt, who does not see how many human beings could be born, from whom that city might be filled, if the Hebrews could multiply so greatly in a much shorter time?
QsHept.3
De longitudine vitae Mathusala.
On the length of the life of Methuselah.
2. (5, 25-27) Quaeri solet quomodo Mathusalam secundum annorum computationem vivere post diluvium potuerit, cum omnes, praeter eos qui in arcam ingressi sunt, periisse dicantur (Cf. Gen 7, 21-22). Sed hanc quaestionem plurium codicum mendositas peperit. Non solum quippe in Hebraeis aliter invenitur; verum etiam in Septuaginta interpretatione, Mathusalam in codicibus paucioribus, sed veracioribus, sex annos ante diluvium reperitur fuisse defunctus.
2. (5:25-27) It is commonly asked how, according to the reckoning of years, Methuselah could have lived after the flood, since all are said to have perished except those who entered the ark (See Gen 7:21-22). But this question was produced by the faultiness of many manuscripts. For not only in the Hebrew is it found otherwise; but even in the Septuagint translation, in fewer but more accurate manuscripts, Methuselah is found to have died six years before the flood.
QsHept.3
De eo quod scriptum est, filios Dei intrasse ad filias hominum et inde natos gigantes.
On what is written, that the sons of God went in to the daughters of men and that from them giants were born.
3. (6, 4) Item quaeritur quemadmodum potuerint angeli cum filiabus hominum concumbere, unde gigantes nati esse perhibentur; quamvis nonnulli et latini et graeci codices non angelos habeant, sed filios Dei; quos quidam ad solvendam istam quaestionem, iustos homines fuisse crediderunt, qui potuerunt etiam angelorum nomine nuncupari. Nam de homine Ioanne scriptum est: ecce ego mitto angelum meum ante faciem tuam, qui praeparabit viam tuam (Mal 3, 1; Mt 11, 10). Sed hoc movet, quomodo vel ex hominum concubitu nati sint gigantes, vel feminis misceri potuerint, si non homines, sed angeli fuerunt? Sed de gigantibus, id est, nimium grandibus atque fortibus, puto non esse mirandum quod ex hominibus nasci potuerunt; quia et post diluvium quidam tales fuisse reperiuntur; et quaedam corpora hominum in incredibilem modum ingentia, nostris quoque temporibus exstiterunt, non solum virorum, verum etiam feminarum. Unde credibilius est homines iustos appellatos vel angelos, vel filios Dei, concupiscentia lapsos peccasse cum feminis (Cf. Gen 6, 2), quam angelos carnem non habentes usque ad illud peccatum descendere potuisse; quamvis de quibusdam daemonibus, qui sint improbi mulieribus, a multis tam multa dicantur, ut non facile sit de hac re definienda sententia.
3. (6:4) Likewise it is asked how angels could lie with the daughters of men, from whom giants are said to have been born—although some Latin and Greek manuscripts do not have angels, but sons of God; and these certain people, to solve this question, have believed to have been righteous men, who could also be called by the name of angels. For of the man John it is written: behold, I send my angel before your face, who will prepare your way (Mal 3:1; Matt 11:10). But this is troubling: how giants could be born from intercourse with men, or how the women could be mingled with, if they were not men but angels. Yet as for the giants—that is, exceedingly large and strong men—I think it is not to be wondered at that they could be born from men; for even after the flood some are found to have been such; and certain human bodies, incredibly huge, have existed even in our own times, not only of men but also of women. Hence it is more credible that righteous men, called either angels or sons of God, fell through concupiscence and sinned with women (See Gen 6:2), than that angels, having no flesh, could have descended to that sin—although concerning certain demons, who behave wickedly toward women, so many things are said by so many that it is not easy to settle a judgment on this matter.
QsHept.3
De capacitate arcae Noe.
On the capacity of Noah's ark.
4. (6, 15) De arca Noe quaeri solet utrum tanta capacitate quanta describitur, animalia omnia quae in eam ingressa dicuntur, et escas eorum ferre potuerit. Quam quaestionem cubito geometrico solvit Origenes (ORIGENE, Omil. 2 in Gen), asserens non frustra Scripturam dixisse quod Moyses omni sapientia Aegyptiorum fuerit eruditus (Act 7, 22), qui geometricam dilexerunt. Cubitum autem geometricum dicit tantum valere quantum nostra cubita sex valent. Si ergo tam magna cubita intellegamus, nulla quaestio est, tantae capacitatis arcam fuisse, ut posset illa omnia continere.
4. (6:15) Concerning Noah's ark it is commonly asked whether, with the capacity described, it could have held all the animals that are said to have entered it, and their food. Origen solved this question by means of the geometric cubit (Origen, Homilies on Genesis 2), asserting that Scripture did not say without reason that Moses was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians (Acts 7:22), who loved geometry. He says that the geometric cubit is worth as much as six of our cubits. If, then, we understand cubits so great, there is no question that the ark was of such capacity that it could contain all those things.
QsHept.3
Utrum arca tam magna centum annis potuerit fabricari a quattuor hominibus.
Whether so great an ark could have been built in a hundred years by four men.
5. (6, 15) Item quaeritur utrum arca tam magna centum annis potuerit fabricari a quattuor hominibus, id est, Noe et tribus filiis eius. Sed si non potuit, non erat magnum fabros alios adhibere; quamvis operis sui mercede accepta non curaverint, utrum eam Noe sapienter, an vero inaniter fabricaretur; et ideo non in eam intraverint, quia non crediderunt quod ille crediderat.
5. (6:15) Likewise it is asked whether so great an ark could have been built in a hundred years by four men, that is, Noah and his three sons. But if it could not, it was no great matter to bring in other workmen; though, having received the wages for their work, they would not have cared whether Noah was building it wisely or in vain, and therefore did not enter into it, because they did not believe what he had believed.
QsHept.3
Quid sit quod scriptum est: Inferiora bicamerata et tricamerata facies ea.
What it means that it is written: You will make its lower parts with two stories and three stories.
6. (6, 16) Quid ait, cum de arcae fabricatione loqueretur: inferiora, bicamerata et tricamerata facies eam? Non enim inferiora futura erant bicamerata et tricamerata. Sed in hac distinctione totam instructuram eius intellegi voluit, ut haberet inferiora, haberet et superiora inferiorum quae appellantur bicamerata; haberet et superiora superiorum, quae appellavit tricamerata. In prima quippe habitatione, id est in inferioribus, semel camerata erat arca; in secunda vero habitatione supra inferiorem iam bicamerata erat, ac per hoc in tertia supra secundam sine dubio tricamerata erat.
6. (6:16) What does he mean when, speaking of the building of the ark, he says: you will make its lower parts with two stories and three stories? For the lower parts were not going to be of two and three stories. But by this distinction he wished the whole structure of it to be understood: that it should have lower parts, and have also the upper part of the lower parts, which are called two-storied; and have also the upper part of the upper parts, which he called three-storied. For in the first dwelling, that is, in the lower parts, the ark was of one story; in the second dwelling, above the lower, it was now two-storied; and thus in the third, above the second, it was without doubt three-storied.
QsHept.3
De escis animalium quae in arca intraverunt.
On the food of the animals that entered the ark.
7. (6, 21) Quoniam non solum vivere, sed etiam pasci in arca animalia Deus dixit, et iussit ut Noe ab omnibus escis sumeret sibi et illis, quae ad illum fuerant ingressura; quaeritur quomodo ibi leones vel aquilae, quae consuerunt carnibus vivere, pasci potuerint; utrum et animalia praeter illum numerum propter aliorum escam fuerint intromissa, an aliqua praeter carnes - quod magis credendum est - a viro sapiente, vel Deo demonstrante provisa sint, quae talium quoque animantium escis convenirent?
7. (6:21) Since God said that the animals were not only to live but also to be fed in the ark, and commanded Noah to take for himself and for them from all the foods that were to enter in to him, it is asked how lions or eagles, which are accustomed to live on flesh, could be fed there: whether animals beyond that number were brought in for the food of the others, or whether some things besides flesh—which is rather to be believed—were provided, either by the wise man or at God's showing, which would be suitable also as food for such animals.
QsHept.3
Quod ait: Duo duo intraverunt ad Noe in arcam.
What it means: Two by two they went in to Noah into the ark.
8. (7, 8-9) Quod scriptum est: et a volatilibus mundis et a volatilibus immundis, et a pecoribus mundis et a pecoribus immundis, et ab omnibus serpentibus in terra; quod deinde non additur, subauditur mundis et immundis; et adiungitur: duo duo intraverunt ad Noe in arcam, masculus et femina. Quaeritur quomodo superius distinxerit duo duo ab immundis, nunc autem sive a mundis sive ab immundis duo duo dicat intrasse. Sed hoc refertur non ad numerum mundorum vel immundorum animalium, sed ad masculum et feminam; quia in omnibus sive mundis sive immundis duo sunt, masculus et femina.
8. (7:8-9) As to what is written: both of the clean birds and of the unclean birds, and of the clean cattle and of the unclean cattle, and of all the creeping things on the earth—where what is then not added, namely clean and unclean, is understood—and it is added: two by two they went in to Noah into the ark, male and female. It is asked how he distinguished above the two-by-two from among the unclean, but now says that two by two went in, whether from the clean or from the unclean. But this refers not to the number of clean or unclean animals, but to the male and female; because in all, whether clean or unclean, there are two, male and female.
QsHept.3
Quod ait: In quo est spiritus vitae.
What it means: In which is the spirit of life.
9. (7, 15) Notandum quod scriptum est: in quo est spiritus vitae, non solum de hominibus, sed etiam de pecoribus dictum, propter illud quod quidam de Spiritu Sancto volunt intellegere, ubi scriptum est: et insufflavit Deus in faciem eius spiritum vitae (Gen 2, 7), quod melius quidam codices habent: flatum vitae.
9. (7:15) It is to be noted that what is written, in which is the spirit of life, was said not only of human beings but also of cattle, on account of the fact that some wish to understand of the Holy Spirit the passage where it is written: and God breathed into his face the spirit of life (Gen 2:7)—which certain manuscripts have better as: the breath of life.
QsHept.3
De montium altitudine, quam omnem scriptum est transcendisse aquam.
On the height of the mountains, all of which the water is written to have surmounted.
10. (7, 20) De montium altitudine, quam omnem scriptum est trascendisse aquam cubitis quindecim, quaeritur propter Olympi montis historiam Cf. LUCANUS, Phars. 2, 271-273; cf. anche De civ. Dei 15, 27; De Gen. ad l. imp. 14, 44; De Gen. c. Man. 1, 15, 24.. Si enim terra invadere potuit spatium tranquilli illius aeris, ubi dicitur nec nubes videri, nec ventos sentiri, cur non et aqua crescendo?
10. (7:20) Concerning the height of the mountains, all of which the water is written to have surmounted by fifteen cubits, a question is raised on account of the account of Mount Olympus See Lucan, Pharsalia 2.271-273; see also De civitate Dei 15.27; De Gen. ad litt. imperf. 14.44; De Gen. contra Manich. 1.15.24.. For if the earth could reach into the space of that tranquil air, where it is said that no clouds are seen nor winds felt, why could not the water also by rising?
QsHept.3
Quod ait: Exaltata est aqua super terram centum quinquaginta dies.
What it means: The water was raised above the earth a hundred and fifty days.
11. (7, 24) Quod scriptum est: et exaltata est aqua super terram centum quinquaginta dies; quaeritur utrum usque ad hunc diem creverit, an per tot dies in altitudine qua creverat manserit; quoniam alii interpretes planius videntur hoc dicere. Nam Aquila dixit: obtinuit; Symmachus: praevaluerunt, id est aquae.
11. (7:24) As to what is written: and the water was raised above the earth a hundred and fifty days; it is asked whether it kept rising up to this day, or whether for so many days it remained at the height to which it had risen—since other translators seem to say this more plainly. For Aquila said: it prevailed; Symmachus: they prevailed, that is, the waters.
QsHept.3
De eo quod scriptum est, post centum quinquaginta dies adductum esse spiritum super terram.
On what is written, that after a hundred and fifty days a wind was brought over the earth.
12. (8, 1-2) Quod scriptum est, post centum quinquaginta dies adductum esse spiritum super terram, et desiisse aquam, et conclusos fontes abyssi, et cataractas caeli, et detentam pluviam de caelo; quaeritur utrum post centum quinquaginta dies haec facta sint, an per recapitulationem omnia commemorata sint, quae post quadraginta dies pluviae fieri coeperunt; ut hoc solum ad centum quinquaginta dies pertineat, quod usque ad ipsos aqua exaltata est, aut de fontibus abyssi cessante iam pluvia, aut quia mansit in altitudine sua, dum nullo spiritu siccaretur; cetera vero quae dicta sunt, non post centum quinquaginta dies omnia facta sint, sed commemorata sint omnia, quae ex fine quadraginta dierum fieri coeperunt.
12. (8:1-2) As to what is written, that after a hundred and fifty days a wind was brought over the earth, and the water abated, and the fountains of the deep and the floodgates of heaven were closed, and the rain from heaven was held back; it is asked whether these things were done after a hundred and fifty days, or whether by recapitulation all the things were mentioned that began to happen after the forty days of rain; so that this alone pertains to the hundred and fifty days, namely that the water was raised up until them, either because the rain had now ceased from the fountains of the deep, or because it remained at its height while it was dried by no wind; whereas the other things that were said were not all done after a hundred and fifty days, but all the things were mentioned which began to happen from the end of the forty days.
QsHept.3
De eo quod scriptum est, dimissum esse corvum nec rediisse.
On what is written, that the raven was sent out and did not return.
13. (8, 6-9) Quod scriptum est, dimissum esse corvum, nec rediisse; et dimissam post eum columbam, et ipsam rediisse, quod non invenisset requiem pedibus suis; quaestio solet oboriri, utrum corvus mortuus sit, an aliquo modo vivere potuerit. Quia utique si fuit terra ubi requiesceret, etiam columba requiem potuit invenire pedibus suis. Unde conicitur a multis quod cadaveri potuit corvus insidere, quod columba naturaliter refugit.
13. (8:6-9) As to what is written, that the raven was sent out and did not return; and that after it the dove was sent out and itself returned, because it had not found rest for its feet; a question is wont to arise whether the raven died, or could in some way have lived. For surely, if there was earth where it might rest, the dove too could have found rest for its feet. Hence it is conjectured by many that the raven could settle on a carcass, which the dove naturally shuns.
QsHept.3
Quomodo columba non invenerit ubi resideret.
How the dove found nowhere to settle.
14. (8, 9) Item quaestio est quomodo columba non invenerit ubi resideret, si iam, sicut narrationis ordo contexitur, nudata fuerant cacumina montium (Cf. Gen 8, 5). Quae videtur quaestio aut per recapitulationem posse dissolvi, ut ea posterius narrata intellegantur, quae prius facta sunt; aut potius quia nondum siccata fuerant.
14. (8:9) Likewise there is the question how the dove found nowhere to settle, if, as the order of the narrative is woven, the tops of the mountains had already been laid bare (See Gen 8:5). This question seems able to be resolved either by recapitulation, so that those things are understood to be narrated later which happened earlier; or rather because they were not yet dried.
QsHept.3
Quod ait: Non adiciam adhuc maledicere terram, etc.
What it means: I will not again curse the earth.
15. (8, 21) Quid sibi vult quod Dominus dicit: non adiciam adhuc maledicere super terram propter opera hominum; quia apposita est mens hominis ad maligna a iuventute. Non adiciam ergo adhuc percutere omnem carnem vivam, quemadmodum feci; et deinde adiungit quae secundum largitatem bonitatis suae donat hominibus indignis? Utrum hic Testamenti Novi indulgentia figurata sit (Cf. Mt 5, 38), et praeterita ultio ad Vetus pertineat Testamentum; hoc est, illud ad Legis severitatem, hoc ad gratiae bonitatem?
15. (8:21) What does the Lord mean when he says: I will not again curse the earth on account of the works of men; for the mind of man is set toward evil things from his youth. I will not, therefore, again strike all living flesh, as I have done; and then adds the things which, according to the generosity of his goodness, he grants to unworthy men? Is the indulgence of the New Testament here prefigured (See Matt 5:38), and the past vengeance pertains to the Old Testament—that is, the one to the severity of the Law, the other to the goodness of grace?
QsHept.3
Quid est: Et de manu hominis fratris exquiram animam hominis.
What it means: And from the hand of a man's brother I will require the soul of man.
16. (9, 5) Quid est: et de manu hominis fratris exquiram animam hominis? An omnem hominem fratrem omnis hominis intellegi voluit, secundum cognationem ex uno ductam?
16. (9:5) What does it mean: and from the hand of a man's brother I will require the soul of man? Did he wish every man to be understood as the brother of every man, according to the kinship derived from one?
QsHept.3
Cur Cham in filio suo, non in se, maledicitur.
Why Ham is cursed in his son, not in himself.
17. (9, 25-27) Quaeritur quare peccans Cham in patris offensa, non in seipso, sed in filio suo Chanaan maledicitur; nisi quia prophetatum est quodammodo terram Chanaan, eiectis inde Chanaanaeis et debellatis, accepturos fuisse filios Israel, qui venirent de semine Sem?
17. (9:25-27) It is asked why Ham, sinning in his offense against his father, is cursed not in himself but in his son Canaan—unless it is because it was in a way prophesied that the children of Israel, who would come from the seed of Shem, were to receive the land of Canaan, after the Canaanites had been driven out and conquered.
QsHept.3
Quid est: Hic coepit esse gigans super terram.
What it means: He began to be a giant upon the earth.
18. (10, 8) Quaeritur quomodo dictum sit de Nembroth: hic coepit esse gigans super terram; cum gigantes et antea natos Scriptura commemoret. An forte quia post diluvium novitas generis humani reparandi denuo commemoratur, in qua novitate hic coepit esse gigas super terram?
18. (10:8) It is asked how it was said of Nimrod, he began to be a giant upon the earth, since Scripture mentions that giants were born also before. Or is it perhaps because, after the flood, the renewal of the human race to be restored is mentioned afresh, and in this renewal he began to be a giant upon the earth?
QsHept.3
De Phalech, quomodo in diebus eius divisa sit terra.
On Peleg, how in his days the earth was divided.
19. (10, 25) Quaeritur quid sit: et Heber nati sunt filii duo; nomen unius Phalech, quia in diebus eius divisa est terra; nisi forte in diebus eius linguarum illa diversitas exstiterit, per quam factum est ut gentes dividerentur.
19. (10:25) It is asked what it means: and to Eber two sons were born; the name of the one was Peleg, because in his days the earth was divided—unless perhaps in his days that diversity of languages arose, through which it came about that the nations were divided.
QsHept.3
Quod ait: Et erat omnis terra labium unum.
What it means: And the whole earth was one lip.
20. (11, 1) Et erat omnis terra labium unum, quomodo hoc potest intellegi, quando superius dictum est quod filii Noe, vel filiorum eius distributi essent per terram secundum tribus et secundum gentes, et secundum linguas suas (Cf. Gen 10, 5. 20. 31), nisi quia per recapitulationem postea commemorat quod prius erat? Sed obscuritatem facit quod eo genere locutionis ista contexit, quasi narratio de iis quae postea facta sunt, consequatur.
20. (11:1) And the whole earth was one lip—how can this be understood, when it was said above that the sons of Noah, or of his sons, were distributed throughout the earth according to their tribes and according to their nations and according to their languages (See Gen 10:5. 20. 31)—unless it is because by recapitulation he afterward mentions what was earlier? But it creates obscurity that he connects these things in such a manner of speech as if a narrative of things done afterward were following.
QsHept.3
Quod ait: Aedificemus nobis turrem cuius caput sit usque in caelum.
What it means: Let us build for ourselves a tower whose top may reach to heaven.
21. (11, 4) Venite, aedificemus nobis civitatem, et turrem cuius caput erit usque in caelum. Si hoc se posse crediderunt, nimium stulta audacia et impietas deprehenditur. Et quia ob hoc Dei vindicta secuta est, ut eorum linguae dividerentur, non absurde hoc cogitasse creduntur.
21. (11:4) Come, let us build for ourselves a city, and a tower whose top will reach to heaven. If they believed they could do this, an exceedingly foolish boldness and impiety is detected. And since on this account God's punishment followed, so that their languages were divided, it is not absurdly believed that they thought this.
QsHept.3
Quibus dicat Dominus: Venite descendamus et confundamus linguam eorum.
To whom the Lord says: Come, let us go down and confound their language.
22. (11, 7) Venite, descendamus, et confundamus ibi linguam eorum, ne audiat unusquisque vocem proximi; utrum ad angelos Dominus hoc dixisse intellegitur? An secundum illud accipiendum est, quod in exordio libri legitur: faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram (Gen 1, 26)? Nam et quomodo postea dicitur singulari numero: Quia ibi confudit Dominus labia terrae (Gen 11, 9); sic et illic cum dictum esset: Faciamus ad imaginem nostram; in consequentibus tamen non dictum est: "fecerunt," sed: fecit Deus (Gen 1, 27).
22. (11:7) Come, let us go down, and let us there confound their language, so that no one may hear the voice of his neighbor; is the Lord understood to have said this to the angels? Or is it to be taken according to that which is read at the opening of the book: let us make man to our image and likeness (Gen 1:26)? For just as it is afterward said in the singular: because there the Lord confounded the lips of the earth (Gen 11:9); so too there, when it had been said, let us make to our image, yet in what follows it was not said, "they made," but God made (Gen 1:27).
QsHept.3
De eo quod scriptum est: Et vixit Arphaxad annos trecentos, propter illud quod dictum erat: Erunt anni eorum centum viginti.
On what is written: And Arphaxad lived three hundred years, in relation to what had been said: Their years will be a hundred and twenty.
23. (11, 12-13) Quod scriptum est: et erat Arphaxad annorum centum triginta quinque, cum genuit Chainan; et vixit Arphaxad postquam genuit Chainan annos quadringentos, vel, sicut in graeco invenimus: annos trecentos; quaeritur quomodo dixerit Deus ad Noe: erunt anni vitae eorum centum viginti (Gen 6, 3). Nondum enim natus erat Arphaxad quando dixit hoc Deus, nec fuit in arca cum parentibus suis; quomodo ergo intelleguntur deinceps anni vitae humanae praedicti centum viginti, cum inveniatur homo vixisse amplius quadringentis annis? Nisi quia intellegitur, ante viginti annos quam inciperet arca fieri, quae centum annis facta reperitur, hoc Deum dixisse ad Noe, cum iam praenuntiaret facturum se esse diluvium, nec vitae humanae deinceps futurae in iis qui post diluvium nascerentur spatium praedixisse, sed vitae hominum quos fuerat diluvio deleturus.
23. (11:12-13) As to what is written: and Arphaxad was a hundred and thirty-five years old when he begot Cainan; and Arphaxad lived after he begot Cainan four hundred years—or, as we find in the Greek, three hundred years—it is asked how God said to Noah: the years of their life will be a hundred and twenty (Gen 6:3). For Arphaxad was not yet born when God said this, nor was he in the ark with his parents; how, then, are the years of human life thereafter understood to have been foretold as a hundred and twenty, when a man is found to have lived more than four hundred years? Unless it is understood that God said this to Noah twenty years before the ark began to be made—which is found to have been made in a hundred years—when he was already foretelling that he would bring a flood, and that he did not foretell the span of human life that was to be thereafter in those who would be born after the flood, but the life of the men whom he was about to destroy by the flood.
QsHept.3
Quare scriptum est: Sem erat pater omnium filiorum Heber.
Why it is written: Shem was the father of all the sons of Eber.
24. (10, 21) Quaeritur quare scriptum sit: Sem erat pater omnium filiorum Heber; cum inveniatur Heber quintus a Sem filio Noe (Cf. Gen 10, 22-24), utrum quia ex illo Hebraei dicuntur appellati? Per illum enim generatio transiit ad Abraham. Quid ergo probabilius sit, Hebraeos tamquam Heberaeos dictos, an tamquam Abrahaeos, merito quaeritur.
24. (10:21) It is asked why it is written, Shem was the father of all the sons of Eber, when Eber is found to be the fifth from Shem the son of Noah (See Gen 10:22-24): is it because from him the Hebrews are said to be named? For through him the line passed to Abraham. What, then, is more probable—that the Hebrews are so called as it were from Eber, or as it were from Abraham—is rightly asked.
QsHept.3
Veritas super numero annorum Tharrae patris Abrahae.
The truth concerning the number of years of Terah, the father of Abraham.
25. 1. (11, 26) Quomodo accipiendum sit, quod cum esset Tharra, pater Abrahae annorum septuaginta, genuit Abraham, et postea cum suis omnibus mansit in Charran, et vixit annos ducentos quinque in Charran, et mortuus est (Cf. Gen 11, 32); et dixit Dominus ad Abraham ut exiret de Charran, et exiit inde, cum esset idem Abraham septuaginta quinque annorum (Cf. Gen 12, 1-4)? Nisi quia per recapitulationem ostenditur, vivo Tharra locutum esse Dominum; et Abraham vivo patre suo secundum praeceptum Domini, exiisse de Charran, cum esset septuaginta quinque annorum, centesimo et quadragesimo quinto anno vitae patris sui, si dies vitae patris eius anni ducenti quinque fuerunt; ut ideo scriptum sit: fuerunt anni vitae Tharrae ducenti quinque in Charran (Gen 11, 32), quia ibi complevit omnes annos totius vitae suae. Solvitur ergo quaestio per recapitulationem, quae indissolubilis remaneret, si post mortem Tharrae acciperemus locutum esse Dominum ad Abraham ut exiret de Charran, quia non poterat esse adhuc annorum septuaginta quinque cum pater eius iam mortuus esset, qui eum septuagesimo aetatis suae anno genuerat; ut Abraham post mortem patris sui annorum esset centum triginta quinque, si omnes anni patris eius ducenti quinque fuerunt. Recapitulatio itaque ista, si advertatur in Scripturis, multas quaestiones solvit, quae indissolubiles possunt videri secundum etiam superiorum quaestionum expositionem, per eamdem recapitulationem factam.
25. 1. (11:26) How is it to be taken that, when Terah, the father of Abraham, was seventy years old, he begot Abraham, and afterward dwelt with all his people in Haran, and lived two hundred and five years in Haran, and died (See Gen 11:32); and that the Lord said to Abraham that he should go out of Haran, and he went out from there when Abraham was seventy-five years old (See Gen 12:1-4)? Unless it is because it is shown by recapitulation that the Lord spoke while Terah was alive; and that Abraham, while his father was alive, went out of Haran according to the Lord's command when he was seventy-five years old—in the one hundred and forty-fifth year of his father's life, if the days of his father's life were two hundred and five years; so that it is written, the years of Terah's life were two hundred and five in Haran (Gen 11:32), because there he completed all the years of his whole life. The question, then, is solved by recapitulation, which would remain insoluble if we took the Lord to have spoken to Abraham, that he should go out of Haran, after Terah's death; because Abraham could not still be seventy-five years old if his father, who had begotten him in the seventieth year of his age, were already dead—for Abraham would be a hundred and thirty-five years old after his father's death, if all his father's years were two hundred and five. And so this recapitulation, if it is noticed in the Scriptures, solves many questions which can seem insoluble—as also according to the explanation of the earlier questions, made by means of the same recapitulation.
QsHept.3
De aetate Abrahae.
On the age of Abraham.
25. 2. Quamquam et aliter ista quaestio a quibusdam solvatur, ex illo computari annos aetatis Abrahae, ex quo liberatus est de igne Chaldaeorum, in quem missus ut arderet, quia eumdem ignem superstitione Chaldaeorum colere noluit, liberatus inde, etsi in Scripturis non legitur, Iudaica tamen narratione traditur. Potest et sic solvi, quoniam Scriptura quae dixit: cum esset Tharra annorum septuaginta, genuit Abraham et Nachor et Arran (Gen 11, 26); non utique hoc intellegi voluit, quia eodem anno septuagesimo aetatis suae omnes tres genuit, sed ex quo anno generare coepit, eum annum commemoravit Scriptura. Fieri autem potest ut posterior sit generatus Abraham, sed merito excellentiae, qua in Scripturis valde commendatur, prior fuerit nominatus; sicut Propheta priorem nominavit minorem: Iacob dilexi, Esau autem odio habui (Mal 1, 2-3); et in Paralipomenon cum sit quartus nascendi ordine Iudas, prior est commemoratus, a quo Iudaicae genti nomen est, propter tribum regiam (Cf. 1 Paral 4, 1). Commodius autem plures exitus inveniuntur, quibus quaestiones difficiles dissolvantur.
25. 2. Although this question is solved by some in another way as well: that the years of Abraham's age are counted from the time when he was delivered from the fire of the Chaldeans—into which he was cast to be burned because he refused to worship that same fire in the superstition of the Chaldeans—from which he was delivered; and although this is not read in the Scriptures, it is nonetheless handed down by Jewish narration. It can also be solved in this way: that the Scripture which said, when Terah was seventy years old, he begot Abraham and Nahor and Haran (Gen 11:26), did not at all wish it to be understood that he begot all three in the same seventieth year of his age, but that Scripture mentioned the year from which he began to beget. And it can be that Abraham was begotten later, but on account of the eminence by which he is greatly commended in the Scriptures was named first—just as the Prophet named the younger first: Jacob I loved, but Esau I hated (Mal 1:2-3); and in Chronicles, though Judah is fourth in order of birth, he is mentioned first, from whom the Jewish people takes its name, on account of the royal tribe (See 1 Chr 4:1). And it is more convenient that several solutions be found, by which difficult questions may be resolved.
QsHept.1.25.2
Narratio Stephani de hac re.
Stephen's narration about this matter.
25. 3. Consideranda est sane narratio Stephani de hac re (Cf. Act 7, 2-3), cui magis harum expositionum non repugnet. Et illud quidem cogit ut non sicut narrari videtur in Genesi (Cf. Gen 12, 1), post mortem Tharrae locutus sit Deus Abrahae, ut exiret de cognatione sua et de domo patris sui; sed cum esset in Mesopotamia priusquam habitaret in Charran, iam utique egressus de terra Chaldaeorum, ut in illo itinere intellegatur ei locutus Deus. Sed quod Stephanus postea sic narrat: tunc Abraham egressus de terra Chaldaeorum habitavit in Charran; et inde, postquam mortuus est pater eius, collocavit eum in terra hac (Act 7, 4); non parvas affert angustias huic expositioni, quae fit per recapitulationem. Videtur enim habuisse imperium Domini, quod ei fuerat locutus in itinere Mesopotamiae, egresso de terra Chaldaeorum, et eunti in Charran, et hoc imperium post mortem patris sui oboedienter implesse, cum dicitur: et habitavit in Charran; et inde, postquam mortuus est pater eius, collocavit illum in terra hac. Ac per hoc manet quaestio, si septuaginta quinque annorum - sicut evidenter Scriptura Geneseos loquitur - fuit, quando egressus est de Charran, quomodo esse possit hoc verum, nisi forte quod ait Stephanus: tunc Abraham egressus est de terra Chaldaeorum et habitavit in Charran, non sic accipiatur: tunc egressus est posteaquam ei locutus est Dominus; iam enim erat in Mesopotamia, sicut supra dictum est, quando illud audivit a Domino; sed ipsa regula recapitulationis contexere voluit Stephanus, et simul dicere, unde egressus, ubi habitaverit, cum ait: tunc Abraham egressus est de terra Chaldaeorum, et habitavit in Charran. In medio autem, id est, inter egressum de terra Chaldaeorum, et habitationem in Charran, locutus est ei Deus. Postea vero quod adiungit Stephanus: et inde, postquam mortuus est pater eius, collocavit illum in terra hac; intuendum est, quia non dixit: "et postquam mortuus est pater eius, egressus est de Charran," sed: inde collocavit eum Deus in terra hac; ut post habitationem in Charran collocaretur in terra Chanaan, non post mortem patris egressus, sed post mortem patris collocatus in terra Chanaan, ut ordo verborum sit: "habitavit in Charran; et inde collocavit illum in terra hac, postquam mortuus est pater eius," ut tunc intellegamus collocatum vel constitutum Abraham in terra Chanaan, quando illic eum nepotem suscepit, cuius universum semen illic fuerat regnaturum, ex promisso Dei haereditate donata (Cf. Gen 16, 11; 25, 1-2). Nam ex ipso Abraham natus est Ismael de Agar, nati et alii ex Cethura, ad quos illius terrae non pertineret haereditas. Et ex Isaac natus est Esau, qui similiter ab illa haereditate alienatus est. Ex Iacob autem filio Isaac, quotquot filii nati sunt, id est universum semen eius, ad illam haereditatem pertinuit (Cf. Gen 25, 25; 29, 32-35; 30, 5-10). Sic ergo collocatus et constitutus in illa terra Abraham, quoniam vixit usque ad nativitatem Iacob, si recte intellegitur; soluta quaestio est secundum recapitulationem; quamvis et aliae solutiones non sint contemnendae.
25. 3. To be sure, Stephen's narration about this matter is to be considered (See Acts 7:2-3), with which of these explanations it does not rather conflict. And that narration indeed compels us to hold that it was not, as it seems to be narrated in Genesis (See Gen 12:1), after Terah's death that God spoke to Abraham, that he should go out from his kindred and from his father's house; but that, while he was in Mesopotamia before he dwelt in Haran—already, that is, having gone out of the land of the Chaldeans—God is understood to have spoken to him on that journey. But the fact that Stephen afterward narrates thus: then Abraham, having gone out of the land of the Chaldeans, dwelt in Haran; and from there, after his father died, he settled him in this land (Acts 7:4), brings no small difficulties to this explanation, which is made by recapitulation. For he seems to have had the command of the Lord, which had been spoken to him on the journey of Mesopotamia, when he had gone out of the land of the Chaldeans and was going to Haran, and to have obediently fulfilled this command after his father's death, when it is said: and he dwelt in Haran; and from there, after his father died, he settled him in this land. And thus the question remains: if he was seventy-five years old—as the Scripture of Genesis plainly says—when he went out of Haran, how can this be true, unless perhaps what Stephen says, then Abraham went out of the land of the Chaldeans and dwelt in Haran, is not taken thus: he went out then, after the Lord had spoken to him; for he was already in Mesopotamia, as was said above, when he heard that from the Lord; but Stephen wished to connect it by the very rule of recapitulation, and to say at once whence he went out and where he dwelt, when he says: then Abraham went out of the land of the Chaldeans, and dwelt in Haran. In the middle, however—that is, between the going out of the land of the Chaldeans and the dwelling in Haran—God spoke to him. And as for what Stephen then adds, and from there, after his father died, he settled him in this land, it must be observed that he did not say, "and after his father died, he went out of Haran," but from there God settled him in this land; so that after the dwelling in Haran he was settled in the land of Canaan—not having gone out after his father's death, but settled after his father's death in the land of Canaan—so that the order of the words is: "he dwelt in Haran; and from there he settled him in this land, after his father died"; so that we understand Abraham to have been settled or established in the land of Canaan at that time when he there received the grandson whose entire seed was to reign there, the inheritance having been granted by God's promise (See Gen 16:11; 25:1-2). For of Abraham himself was born Ishmael from Hagar, and others were born from Keturah, to whom the inheritance of that land did not pertain. And of Isaac was born Esau, who likewise was alienated from that inheritance. But of Jacob the son of Isaac, all the sons who were born—that is, his entire seed—pertained to that inheritance (See Gen 25:25; 29:32-35; 30:5-10). So, then, Abraham was settled and established in that land, since he lived until the birth of Jacob, if it is rightly understood; and the question is solved according to recapitulation—although the other solutions too are not to be despised.
QsHept.1.25.3
De Sara, ubi se dixit sororem Abrahae.
On Sarah, where she said she was Abraham's sister.
26. (12, 12. 14) Erit ergo cum te viderint Aegyptii, dicent quia uxor illius haec. Factum est autem statim ut intravit Abraham in Aegyptum, videntes Aegyptii mulierem quia speciosa erat valde. Quomodo accipiatur, quod Abraham veniens in Aegyptum celare voluit uxorem suam esse Saram, secundum omnia quae de hac re scripta sunt, utrum hoc convenerit tam sancto viro, an subdefectio fidei eius intellegatur, sicut nonnulli arbitrati sunt; iam quidem et Contra Faustum de hac re disputavi (C. Faustum 22, 33-34); et diligentius a presbytero Hieronimo expositum est (GIROLAMO, Quest. hebr. in Gen. 20, 22), quare non sit consequens ut cum aliquot dies apud regem Aegypti Sara fecerit, etiam eius concubitu credatur esse polluta; quoniam mos erat regius, vicibus ad se admittere mulieres suas, et nisi lomentis et unguentis diu prius accurato corpore, nulla intrabat ad regem.
26. (12:12. 14) It will be, then, when the Egyptians see you, that they will say, This is his wife. Now it happened, as soon as Abraham entered into Egypt, that the Egyptians saw the woman, that she was very beautiful. How is it to be taken that Abraham, coming into Egypt, wished to conceal that Sarah was his wife? According to all that is written about this matter, was this fitting for so holy a man, or is a slight failing of his faith to be understood, as some have supposed? I have already argued about this matter in Answer to Faustus (Contra Faust. 22, 33-34); and it has been more carefully explained by the presbyter Jerome (Jerome, Hebrew Questions on Genesis 20, 22) why it does not follow that, because Sarah spent some days with the king of Egypt, she is therefore to be believed to have been defiled by intercourse with him; since it was the royal custom to admit his women to himself by turns, and none entered to the king unless her body had first been long carefully prepared with washes and ointments.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quae dum fierent, afflictus est Pharao manu Dei, ut viro redhiberet intactam (Cf. Gen 12, 17-20), quam ipsi Deo maritus commiserat, tacens quod uxor esset, sed non mentiens quod soror esset; ut caveret quod poterat, quantum homo poterat, et Deo commendaret quod cavere non poterat; ne si et illa quae cavere poterat, Deo tantum dimitteret, non in Deum credere, sed Deum tentare potius inveniretur.
And while these things were being done, Pharaoh was afflicted by the hand of God, so that he might restore untouched to her husband (See Gen 12:17-20) the one whom the husband had entrusted to God himself—being silent that she was his wife, but not lying that she was his sister—so that he might guard against what he could, so far as a man could, and commend to God what he could not guard against; lest, if he should leave to God even that which he could guard against, he be found not to believe in God but rather to tempt God.
QsHept.1.25.3
De terra Sodomorum, quomodo ante poenam suam comparetur paradiso Dei.
On the land of Sodom, how before its punishment it is compared to the paradise of God.
27. (13, 10) Quod terra Sodomorum et Gomorrhae, antequam deleretur, comparatur Paradiso Dei, eo quod erat irrigua, et terrae Aegypti quam Nilus irrigat; satis, ut opinor, ostenditur quomodo intellegi debeat ille Paradisus quem plantavit Deus, ubi constituit Adam (Cf. Gen 2, 8). Quis enim alius intellegatur Paradisus Dei, non video. Et utique si arbores fructiferae in Paradiso virtutes animi accipiendae essent, sicut nonnulli exsistimant, nullo corporali in terra Paradiso veris lignorum generibus instituto, non diceretur de ista terra: sicut Paradisus Dei.
27. (13:10) That the land of Sodom and Gomorrah, before it was destroyed, is compared to the paradise of God, because it was well-watered, and to the land of Egypt which the Nile waters, shows sufficiently, I think, how that Paradise which God planted, where he placed Adam (See Gen 2:8), ought to be understood. For what other paradise of God should be understood, I do not see. And surely, if the fruitful trees in Paradise were to be taken as the virtues of the mind, as some suppose—no bodily Paradise on earth having been planted with real kinds of trees—it would not be said of this land, like the paradise of God.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod ait: Omnem terram quam tu vides, tibi dabo et semini tuo usque in saeculum.
What it means: All the land that you see, I will give to you and to your seed forever.
28. (13, 14-15) Respiciens oculis tuis, vide a loco in quo nunc tu es ad Aquilonem et Africum, et Orientem et mare, quia omnem terram quam tu vides, tibi dabo eam et semini tuo usque in saeculum. Quaeritur hic quomodo intellegatur tantum terrae promissum esse Abrahae et semini eius, quantum poterat oculis circumspicere per quattuor cardines mundi. Quantum est enim quod ad terram conspiciendam acies corporalis visus possit attingere? Sed nulla est quaestio, si advertamus non hoc solum esse promissum; non enim dictum est: "tantum terrae dabo tibi quantum vides"; sed: tibi dabo terram quam vides. Cum enim et ulterior undique dabatur, profecto haec praecipue quae videbatur dabatur. Deinde attendendum est quod sequitur, quoniam ne putaret etiam ipse Abraham hoc solum promitti terrae quod aspicere vel circumspicere posset: surge, inquit, et perambula terram in longitudine eius et latitudine, quia tibi dabo eam (Gen 13, 17); ut perambulando perveniret ad eam, quam oculis uno loco stans videre non posset. Significatur autem ea terra quam primus populus accepit Israel, semen Abrahae secundum carnem; non illud latius semen secundum fidem, quod ne taceretur, dictum est ei futurum sicut arenam maris, secundum hyperbolen quidem, sed tamen tantum quod numerare nullus posset (Cf. Gen 13, 16).
28. (13:14-15) Looking with your eyes, see from the place where you now are, to the north and the southwest, and to the east and the sea, for all the land that you see, I will give it to you and to your seed forever. Here it is asked how it is to be understood that as much land was promised to Abraham and his seed as he could see around him through the four quarters of the world. For how much is it that the sight of bodily vision can reach in beholding the land? But there is no question, if we notice that this alone was not promised; for it was not said, "I will give you as much land as you see," but I will give you the land that you see. For since land farther off on every side was being given as well, surely this in particular, which was seen, was being given. Then it must be noted what follows, for, lest Abraham himself should think that only that much land was promised which he could behold or see around, arise, he says, and walk through the land in its length and breadth, for I will give it to you (Gen 13:17); so that by walking he might reach that which, standing in one place, he could not see with his eyes. Now the land signified is that which the people of Israel, the seed of Abraham according to the flesh, first received—not that wider seed according to faith, which, lest it be passed over in silence, was said to him to be in the future like the sand of the sea, by hyperbole indeed, yet so great that no one could number it (See Gen 13:16).
QsHept.1.25.3
Quare appellatus sit Abraham transfluvialis. PL 556
Why Abraham was called the one from across the river.
29. (14, 13) Et nuntiavit Abrahae transfluviali. Transfluvialem Abraham appellatum etiam Graeca exemplaria satis indicant, sed cur ita appellatus sit, haec videtur causa, quod ex Mesopotamia veniens, transito flumine Euphrate, sedes constituit in terra Chanaan, et transfluvialis appellatus est ex ea regione unde venerat. Unde Iesus Nave dicit Israelitis: quid? Vultis servire diis patrum vestrorum qui sunt trans flumen? (Ios 24, 15)
29. (14:13) And it was reported to Abraham, the one from across the river. The Greek copies too indicate sufficiently that Abraham was called the one from across the river; but why he was so called, this seems to be the reason: that, coming from Mesopotamia, having crossed the river Euphrates, he established his dwelling in the land of Canaan, and was called the one from across the river from that region whence he had come. Hence Joshua, son of Nun, says to the Israelites: What? Do you wish to serve the gods of your fathers who are across the river? (Josh 24:15)
QsHept.1.25.3
Propter eos qui contendunt perturbationes istas non cadere in animum sapientis.
On account of those who contend that these disturbances do not befall the mind of the wise man.
30. (15, 12) De eo quod scriptum est: circa solis autem occasum pavor irruit super Abraham, et ecce timor magnus incidit ei; tractanda est ista quaestio, propter eos qui contendunt perturbationes istas non cadere in animum sapientis; utrum tale aliquid sit quale A. Gellius commemorat in libris Noctium Atticarum (AULO GELLIO, Noct. Att. 19, 1), quemdam philosophum in magna maris tempestate turbatum, cum esset in navi et animadversum a quodam luxurioso adolescente; qui cum ei post transactum periculum insultaret, quod philosophus cito perturbatus esset, cum ipse neque timuerit neque palluerit; respondit, ideo illum non perturbatum, quia nequissimae animae suae nihil timere deberet, quod nec digna esset pro qua aliquid timeretur. Ceteris autem studiosis, qui in navi fuerant, exspectantibus protulit librum quemdam Epicteti stoici, ubi legebatur non ita placuisse Stoicis, nullam talem perturbationem cadere in animum sapientis, quasi nihil tale in eorum appareret affectibus, sed perturbationem ab eis definiri, cum ratio talibus motibus cederet; cum autem non cederet, non dicendam perturbationem. Sed considerandum est quemadmodum hoc dicat A. Gellius, et diligenter inserendum.
30. (15:12) As to what is written: now about the setting of the sun a dread rushed upon Abraham, and behold, a great fear fell upon him; this question must be treated, on account of those who contend that these disturbances do not befall the mind of the wise man: whether it is something such as Aulus Gellius mentions in his books of the Attic Nights (Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights 19, 1)—namely, a certain philosopher who was shaken in a great storm at sea, when he was on a ship and was observed by a certain dissolute young man; who, when after the danger had passed he mocked him because the philosopher had quickly been disturbed, whereas he himself had neither feared nor turned pale, answered that the young man had not been disturbed because he need fear nothing for his most worthless soul, which was not even worth anything's being feared on its account. And to the other studious men who had been on the ship, as they waited, he produced a certain book of Epictetus the Stoic, where it was read that the Stoics did not hold this—that no such disturbance befalls the mind of the wise man—as though nothing of the sort appeared in their affections, but that disturbance is defined by them as occurring when reason yields to such motions; but when it does not yield, it is not to be called disturbance. But it must be considered how Aulus Gellius says this, and it should be carefully inserted.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo dictum sit dari terram Abrahae in possessionem aeternam, cum et ipsi et semini eius temporaliter data sit.
How it was said that the land was given to Abraham as an eternal possession, when it was given to him and his seed only for a time.
31. (17, 8) Dabo tibi et semini tuo post te terram in qua habitas, omnem terram cultam in possessionem aeternam. Quaestio est quomodo dixerit aeternam, cum Israelitis temporaliter data sit; utrum secundum hoc saeculum dicta sit aeterna, ut ab eo quod est Graece, quod est "saeculum" significat, dictum sit: αἰώνιον, tamquam si Latine dici posset "saeculare"; an ex hoc aliquid secundum spiritalem promissionem hic intellegere cogamur, ut aeternum dictum sit, ideo quia hinc aeternum aliquid significatur;
31. (17:8) I will give to you and to your seed after you the land in which you dwell, all the cultivated land, as an eternal possession. The question is how he said "eternal," when it was given to the Israelites only for a time: whether it was called eternal according to this age (saeculum), so that, from the Greek word that means "age" (saeculum), it was said αἰώνιον, as if it could be said in Latin "of this age"; or whether from this we are compelled to understand here something according to the spiritual promise, so that it was called eternal because something eternal is signified hereby;
QsHept.1.25.3
an potius locutionis est Scripturarum, ut aeternum appellent, cuius rei finis non constituitur; aut non ita fit ut deinceps non sit faciendum, quantum pertinet ad curam vel potestatem facientis; sicut ait Horatius: serviet aeternum, qui parvo nesciet uti (ORAZIO, Ep. 1, 10, 41). Non enim potest in aeternum servire, cuius ipsa vita, qua servit, aeterna esse non potest. Quod testimonium non adhiberem, nisi locutionis esset. Verborum quippe illi sunt nobis auctores, non rerum vel sententiarum. Si autem defenduntur Scripturae secundum locutiones proprias, quae idiomata vocantur, quanto magis secundum eas quas cum aliis linguis communes habent?
or rather it is an idiom of the Scriptures, that they call eternal that of which no end is set, or which is not done in such a way that thereafter it should not be done, so far as pertains to the care or power of the doer—as Horace says: he will serve forever, who knows not how to use a little (Horace, Epistles 1, 10, 41). For one cannot serve forever whose very life, by which he serves, cannot be eternal. I would not bring forward this testimony except that it concerns an idiom. For they are authors to us of words, not of facts or opinions. But if the Scriptures are defended according to their proper modes of speech, which are called idioms, how much more according to those which they hold in common with other languages?
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo dictum sit: Et reges gentium ex illo erunt.
How it was said: And kings of nations will be from him.
32. (17, 16) Quaeritur quomodo dictum sit ad Abraham de filio eius: et reges gentium ex illo erunt; utrum quia non provenit secundum regna terrena, secundum Ecclesiam accipi debeat; an propter Esau etiam ad litteram contigit.
32. (17:16) It is asked how it was said to Abraham concerning his son, and kings of nations will be from him: whether, because it did not come about according to earthly kingdoms, it ought to be taken according to the Church; or whether, on account of Esau, it came to pass even literally.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo intellegatur quod Abraham tres videns unum tamen Dominum appellat.
How it is to be understood that Abraham, seeing three, nevertheless calls one of them Lord.
33. (18, 2-3) Et videns procucurrit in obviam illis ab ostio tabernaculi sui, et adoravit super terram, et dixit: 'Domine, si inveni gratiam ante te, ne praetereas servum tuum.' Quaeritur cum tres viri essent qui ei apparuerant, quomodo singulariter Dominum appellet, dicens: Domine, si inveni gratiam ante te; an intellegebat unum ex eis Dominum, et alios angelos; an potius in angelis Dominum sentiens, Domino potius quam angelis loqui elegit; quia uno ex tribus cum ipso Abraham postea remanente, duo mittuntur in Sodomam, et illis sic loquitur Loth tamquam Domino?
33. (18:2-3) And seeing them, he ran to meet them from the door of his tent, and bowed down to the ground, and said: 'Lord, if I have found grace before you, do not pass by your servant.' It is asked how, when there were three men who had appeared to him, he addresses the Lord in the singular, saying, Lord, if I have found grace before you: whether he understood one of them to be the Lord and the others angels; or rather, perceiving the Lord in the angels, he chose to speak to the Lord rather than to the angels—since, one of the three afterward remaining with Abraham himself, two are sent to Sodom, and Lot speaks to them as to the Lord?
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo si angelos intellexit esse, ad mortalium refectionem invitaverit.
How, if he understood them to be angels, he invited them to the refreshment of mortals.
34. (18, 4-5) Sumatur aqua, et lavem pedes vestros, et refrigerate sub arbore, et sumam panem, et manducate. Quaeritur si angelos intellegebat, quomodo potuerit ad hanc humanitatem invitare; quae refectioni refectio mortalis carnis necessaria est, non immortalitati angelorum.
34. (18:4-5) Let water be taken, and let me wash your feet, and refresh yourselves under the tree, and I will take bread, and eat. It is asked, if he understood them to be angels, how he could invite them to this human service; for refreshment is necessary for the refreshing of mortal flesh, not for the immortality of angels.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quaeritur de miraculo quod filios genuerit Abraham.
A question is raised about the miracle that Abraham begot sons.
35. (18, 11) Abraham autem et Sara seniores, progressi in diebus; defecerant autem Sarae fieri muliebria. Seniorum aetas minor est quam senum, quamvis et senes appellentur seniores. Unde si vera sunt quae a nonnullis medicis asseruntur, quoniam senior vir cum muliere seniore filios facere non potest, etiamsi adhuc feminae muliebria veniant; secundum hoc admiratum Abraham de promissione filii (Cf. Gen 17, 17), et miraculum posuisse Apostolum (Cf. Rom 4, 19), accipere possumus, ubi dixit emortuum corpus Abrahae.
35. (18:11) Now Abraham and Sarah were elderly, advanced in days; and it had ceased to be with Sarah after the manner of women. The age of the elderly is less than that of the aged, although the aged too are called elderly. Hence, if the things asserted by some physicians are true—namely, that an elderly man cannot beget sons with an elderly woman, even if the woman still has the manner of women—then according to this we can understand that Abraham marveled at the promise of a son (See Gen 17:17), and that the Apostle set down a miracle (See Rom 4:19) where he spoke of the deadened body of Abraham.
QsHept.1.25.3
Emortuum quippe corpus non ita intellegendum est, ac si omnino nullam vim generandi habere posset, si mulier iuvenilis aetatis esset; sed secundum hoc emortuum, ut etiam de provectioris aetatis muliere non posset. Nam ideo de Cethura potuit, quia et iuvenilis illam invenit aetatis. Sic enim medici tradunt, quoniam cuius corpus viri secundum hoc iam defecit, ut cum femina provectioris aetatis, quamvis menstrua adhuc patiatur, generare non possit, de iuvencula potest. Et rursus mulier quae iam provectae aetatis est, quamvis adhuc menstrua fluant, ut de seniore parere non possit, de iuvene potest. Illud itaque ideo miraculum fuit, quia secundum id quod diximus, emortuo corpore viri, femina quoque tam provectae aetatis fuit, ut ei destitissent fieri muliebria.
For the deadened body is not to be understood as if it could have absolutely no power of begetting, if the woman were of youthful age; but deadened in this sense, that he could not beget even with a woman of more advanced age. For he was able with Keturah, because youthful age found her. For the physicians teach thus: that a man whose body has already failed in this respect, so that he cannot beget with a woman of more advanced age—though she still suffers her monthly periods—can beget with a young woman. And again, a woman who is already of advanced age, though her monthly periods still flow, so that she cannot bear from an elderly man, can bear from a young man. That, then, was a miracle, because—according to what we have said—when the man's body was deadened, the woman too was of such advanced age that the manner of women had ceased to be with her.
QsHept.1.25.3
Nam si quod ait Apostolus: corpus emortuum, verbo quis premat, quia dixit: emortuum; iam ergo nec animam habuisse, sed cadaver fuisse intellegi debet; quod absurdissimae falsitatis est. Sic itaque solvitur ista quaestio. Alioquin merito movet quomodo cum esset Abraham prope mediae aetatis, secundum quam homines tunc vivebant, et postea filios de Cethura fecerit, dicatur ab Apostolo, corpore emortuo, et pro miraculo, quia genuit, praedicetur?
For if anyone should press the word in what the Apostle says, deadened body, because he said deadened, then it must be understood that it no longer even had a soul, but was a corpse—which is the most absurd falsity. Thus, then, this question is solved. Otherwise it rightly raises the question how, when Abraham was nearly of middle age, according to the span by which men then lived, and afterward begot sons by Keturah, he is said by the Apostle to have a deadened body, and is proclaimed as a miracle because he begot.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quare Saram ridentem redarguit Dominus.
Why the Lord rebuked Sarah for laughing.
36. (18, 13) Et dixit Dominus ad Abraham: 'quare risit Sara in semetipsa dicens: 'ergo vere pariam? Ego autem senui.'' Quaeritur quare istam redarguat Dominus, cum et Abraham riserit, nisi quia illius risus admirationis et laetitiae fuit, Sarae autem dubitationis; et ab illo hoc diiudicari potuit, qui corda hominum novit (Cf. Prov 24, 12).
36. (18:13) And the Lord said to Abraham: 'Why did Sarah laugh within herself, saying, Shall I then truly bear a child? But I have grown old.' It is asked why the Lord rebukes her, since Abraham too laughed—unless it is because his laughter was of wonder and gladness, but Sarah's of doubt; and this could be distinguished by him who knows the hearts of men (See Prov 24:12).
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo ausa sit Sara negare quod riserit.
How Sarah dared to deny that she had laughed.
37. (18, 15) Negavit Sara, dicens: 'non risi'; timuit enim. Quomodo intellegebant Deum esse qui loquebatur, cum etiam negare ausa sit Sara quod riserit, tamquam hoc ille posset ignorare; nisi forte Sara homines eos putabat, Abraham vero Deum intellegebat? Se etiam ipse illa humanitatis officia praebendo, de quibus supra dixi, quae necessaria nisi infirmae carni esse non possent, mirum nisi homines prius esse arbitratus est; sed fortassis in quibus Deum loqui intellexit, quibusdam divinae maiestatis exsistentibus et apparentibus signis, sicut in hominibus Dei saepe apparuisse Scriptura testatur. Sed rursus quaeritur, si ita est, unde angelos fuisse postea cognoverint, nisi forte cum eis videntibus in caelum iissent.
37. (18:15) Sarah denied it, saying, 'I did not laugh'; for she was afraid. How did they understand that it was God who was speaking, when Sarah even dared to deny that she had laughed, as though he could be ignorant of this—unless perhaps Sarah supposed them to be men, but Abraham understood them to be God? And he too, in offering those services of human hospitality of which I spoke above, which could be necessary only for weak flesh, it would be strange if he did not first suppose them to be men; but perhaps in some of them he understood God to speak, certain signs of the divine majesty existing and appearing, as Scripture testifies often appeared in the men of God. But again it is asked, if this is so, how they afterward knew that they were angels—unless perhaps it was when they had gone up into heaven while they watched.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod oboedientiam quoque filiorum Abrahae Deus promiserit.
That God promised the obedience also of Abraham's sons.
38. (18, 19) Scio enim, quia constituet filiis suis, et domui suae post se, et custodient vias Domini, et facere iustitiam et iudicium, ut adducat Dominus in Abraham omnia, quae locutus est ad illum. Ecce ubi promittit Dominus Abrahae non solum praemia, sed etiam oboedientiam iustitiae filiorum eius, ut circa eos etiam praemia promissa compleantur.
38. (18:19) For I know that he will charge his sons, and his household after him, and they will keep the ways of the Lord, to do righteousness and judgment, so that the Lord may bring upon Abraham all the things which he has spoken to him. Behold where the Lord promises Abraham not only rewards, but also the obedience to righteousness of his sons, so that toward them too the promised rewards may be fulfilled.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo Deus, qui cuncta scit, voluit experiri descendendo.
How God, who knows all things, willed to find out by going down.
39. (18, 21) Descendens ergo videbo si secundum clamorem ipsorum venientem ad me consummantur, si autem non, ut sciam. Verba haec si non dubitantis quid duorum potius eventurum sit, sed irascentis et minantis accipiamus, nulla quaestio est. More quippe humano Deus in Scripturis ad homines loquitur, et eius iram noverunt sine perturbatione eius intellegere qui noverunt. Solemus autem etiam sic minaciter loqui: "videamus si non tibi facio," aut: "videamus si non illi fecero," et: "si non potuero tibi facere," vel: "sciam," id est, "hoc ipsum experibor, utrum non possim"; quod cum minando non ignorando dicitur, irati apparet affectus, sed perturbatio non cadit in Deum. Mos autem humanae locutionis et usitatus est, ut humanae infirmitati congruit, cui Deus coaptat locutionem suam.
39. (18:21) Going down, then, I will see whether they are being brought to completion according to the cry of them that comes to me; and if not, that I may know. If we take these words not as those of one doubting which of the two will rather come to pass, but as those of one angry and threatening, there is no question. For in human fashion God speaks in the Scriptures to human beings, and those who know how, know how to understand his anger without disturbance in him. Now we too are accustomed to speak threateningly thus: "let us see whether I do not do it to you," or "let us see whether I will not have done it to him," and "if I cannot do it to you," or "I shall know"—that is, "I shall test this very thing, whether I cannot"; and when this is said by way of threatening, not of ignorance, the disposition of one who is angry appears, but disturbance does not befall God. Now this is the customary and usual manner of human speech, as suits human weakness, to which God adapts his speech.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quid sit quod Deus dixit non se perditurum Sodomam si invenisset in ea decem iustos.
What it means that God said he would not destroy Sodom if he found in it ten righteous men.
40. (18, 32) Quaeri solet, utrum quod de Sodomis dixit Deus, non se perdere locum, si invenirentur illic vel decem iusti, speciali quadam sententia, de illa civitate, an de omnibus intellegendum sit generaliter, parcere Deum loco, in quocumque vel decem iusti fuerint? In qua quaestione non est quidem necesse, ut hoc de omni loco accipere compellamur; verumtamen de Sodomis potuit et sic dici, quia sciebat Deus ibi non esse vel decem; et ideo sic respondebatur Abrahae, ut significaretur, nec tot ibi posse inveniri, ad exaggerationem iniquitatis illorum. Non enim necesse erat Deo tam sceleratis hominibus parcere, ne cum illis perderet iustos, cum posset, iustis inde liberatis, reddere impiis digna supplicia; sed, ut dixi, ad ostendendam malignitatem multitudinis illius, dixit: si decem ibi invenero, parcam universae civitati, tamquam si diceret: Certe possum nec pios cum impiis perdere, nec tamen propterea impiis parcere, quia liberatis et separatis inde piis, possum impiis digna rependere; et tamen si ibi inveniantur, parco, hoc est quia nec tot ibi possent inveniri. Tale aliquid est apud Ieremiam, ubi ait: circuite vias Hierusalem, et videte, et quaerite in plateis eius, et cognoscite si invenietis hominem facientem iustitiam et quaerentem fidem, et propitius ero peccatis eorum (Ier 5, 1); id est, "invenite vel unum, et parco ceteris"; ad exaggerandum et demonstrandum, quod nec unus ibi posset inveniri.
40. (18:32) It is commonly asked whether what God said about Sodom—that he would not destroy the place if even ten righteous men were found there—is to be understood by a certain particular judgment, of that city, or generally of all, namely that God spares a place wherever even ten righteous men are? In this question it is not indeed necessary that we be compelled to take this of every place; nevertheless of Sodom it could be said even thus, because God knew there were not even ten there; and therefore it was so answered to Abraham, that it might be signified that not even so many could be found there, to magnify their iniquity. For it was not necessary for God to spare such wicked men lest he destroy the righteous along with them, since he could, the righteous having been delivered from there, render to the impious their due punishments; but, as I said, to show the wickedness of that multitude, he said, if I find ten there, I will spare the whole city—as if he said: Surely I can neither destroy the godly with the impious, nor yet on that account spare the impious, since, the godly being delivered and separated from there, I can repay the impious their due; and yet, if they are found there, I spare—this is because not even so many could be found there. Something of this kind occurs in Jeremiah, where he says: go about the streets of Jerusalem, and see, and seek in its squares, and find out whether you will find a man doing righteousness and seeking faith, and I will be merciful to their sins (Jer 5:1); that is, "find even one, and I spare the rest"; to magnify and show that not even one could be found there.
QsHept.1.25.3
De angelis quos suscepit Loth hospitio.
On the angels whom Lot received as guests.
41. (19, 1) Quod occurrit Loth angelis, et adoravit in faciem, videtur intellexisse quod angeli essent; sed rursus cum eos ad refectionem corporis invitat, quae mortalibus necessaria est, videtur putasse quod homines essent; ergo quaestio similiter solvitur, ut soluta est in tribus qui venerunt ad Abraham, ut aliquibus signis appareret eos divinitus missos, qui tamen homines crederentur. Nam hoc et in Epistola quae est ad Hebraeos, cum de hospitalitatis bono Scriptura loqueretur, ait: per hanc enim quidam nescientes hospitio receperunt angelos (Hebr 13, 2).
41. (19:1) That Lot met the angels and bowed his face to the ground seems to indicate that he understood them to be angels; but again, when he invites them to the refreshment of the body, which is necessary for mortals, he seems to have thought them to be men. So the question is solved in the same way as it was solved in the case of the three who came to Abraham, namely that they appeared, by certain signs, to have been sent from God, yet were believed to be men. For this too is in the Epistle to the Hebrews, when Scripture was speaking of the good of hospitality: for through this some, unawares, have received angels as guests (Heb 13:2).
QsHept.1.25.3
De eo quod filias suas Sodomitis obtulit Loth ut incorruptos servaret hospites suos.
On the fact that Lot offered his daughters to the Sodomites in order to keep his guests uncorrupted.
42. (19, 8) Quod ait Sodomitis Loth: sunt mihi duae filiae quae nondum noverunt viros, producam illas ad vos, utimini illis quomodo placuerit vobis, tantum in viros istos ne faciatis iniquum; quoniam prostituere volebat filias suas hac compensatione, ut viri hospites eius nihil a Sodomitis tale paterentur, utrum admittenda sit compensatio flagitiorum vel quorumque peccatorum, ut nos faciamus mali aliquid, ne alius gravius malum faciat; an potius perturbationi Loth, non consilio tribuendum sit quia hoc dixerit, merito quaeritur. Et nimirum periculosissime admittitur haec compensatio; si autem perturbationi humanae tribuitur, et menti tanto male permotae, nullo modo imitanda est.
42. (19:8) As to what Lot said to the Sodomites, I have two daughters who have not yet known men; I will bring them out to you, use them as it pleases you, only do nothing wicked to these men—since he wished to prostitute his daughters by this exchange, that his men guests might suffer nothing of the sort from the Sodomites—it is rightly asked whether an exchange of disgraceful acts, or of any sins whatever, is to be admitted, that we should do some evil lest another do a graver evil; or whether it is rather to be attributed to Lot's disturbance, not to his deliberation, that he said this. And no doubt this exchange is admitted most dangerously; but if it is attributed to human disturbance, and to a mind so badly shaken, it is in no way to be imitated.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quali caecitate percussi sint Sodomitae ab angelis.
With what kind of blindness the Sodomites were struck by the angels.
43. (19, 11) Viros vero qui erant ad ostium domus percusserunt caecitate. Graeci habent: quod magis significat, si dici posset "avidentia," quae faciat non videri non omnia, sed quod non opus est. Nam merito movet quomodo potuerunt deficere quaerendo ostium, et tali erant caecitate percussi, ut omnino nihil viderent; hoc enim modo sua calamitate turbati ulterius ostium non requirerent. Hac et illi percussi sunt, qui quaerebant Elisaeum (Cf. 4 Reg 6, 18). Hanc et illi habuerunt, qui Dominum post resurrectionem cum illo ambulantes in via non cognoverunt (Cf. Lc 24, 16), quamvis ibi non sit hoc verbum positum, sed res ipsa intellegatur.
43. (19:11) But the men who were at the door of the house they struck with blindness. The Greek has a word that signifies more—if it could be said, "non-sight"—which causes one to see not all things, but not what is needed. For it rightly raises the question how they could fail in seeking the door, and were struck with such blindness that they saw absolutely nothing; for in that way, troubled by their own calamity, they would no longer seek the door. With this too those were struck who were seeking Elisha (See 2 Kgs 6:18). This too those had who, walking with the Lord on the road after his resurrection, did not recognize him (See Luke 24:16)—although there this word is not used, but the thing itself is understood.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo Loth Domino quem agnoscebat, in angelis non credebat.
How Lot, in the angels, did not trust the Lord whom he recognized.
44. (19, 18-19) Dixit autem Loth ad illos: 'oro, Domine, quia invenit puer tuus misericordiam ante te, et magnificasti iustitiam tuam, quam facis in me, ut vivat anima mea; ego autem non possum salvus fieri in monte, ne forte comprehendant me mala et moriar.' Hac perturbatione timoris non credebat ipsi Domino, quem in angelis cognoscebat, qua etiam illud de filiabus suis prostituendis dixerat: ut intellegamus non pro auctoritate habendum quod dixit de turpitudine filiarum; non enim et hoc pro auctoritate habendum est, Deo non esse credendum.
44. (19:18-19) But Lot said to them: 'I beg you, Lord, since your servant has found mercy before you, and you have magnified your righteousness which you do to me, that my soul may live; but I cannot be saved in the mountain, lest perhaps evils overtake me and I die.' By this disturbance of fear he did not trust the Lord himself, whom he recognized in the angels—the same fear by which he had also said that about prostituting his daughters: so that we understand that what he said about the shameful use of his daughters is not to be held as authoritative; for neither is this to be held as authoritative, that God is not to be trusted.
QsHept.1.25.3
Loth liberatus ob meritum Abrahae.
Lot delivered on account of the merit of Abraham.
45. (19, 29) Et recordatus est Deus Abraham, et exemit Loth de medio eversionis. Commendat Scriptura meritis magis Abrahae liberatum esse Loth, ut intellegamus iustum Loth dictum secundum quemdam modum, maxime quod unum verum Deum colebat, et propter comparationem scelerum Sodomorum, inter quos vivens ad vitam similem non potuit inclinari.
45. (19:29) And God remembered Abraham, and brought Lot out of the midst of the overthrow. Scripture commends that Lot was delivered rather on account of the merits of Abraham, so that we understand Lot to be called righteous in a certain way—especially because he worshiped the one true God, and by comparison with the crimes of the Sodomites, among whom, living, he could not be bent to a like life.
QsHept.1.25.3
De eo quod ascendit Loth de Segor et sedebat in monte.
On the fact that Lot went up from Zoar and dwelt in the mountain.
46. (19, 30) Ascendit autem Loth de Segor, et sedebat in monte. Mirum nisi ipse mons est, in quem sponte ascendit, quo admonente Domino ascendere noluit; aut enim nullus est alius, aut non apparet.
46. (19:30) Now Lot went up from Zoar, and dwelt in the mountain. It is surely the very mountain into which he went up of his own accord, into which, when the Lord admonished him, he had been unwilling to go up; for either there is no other, or it does not appear.
QsHept.1.25.3
De eo quod timuit habitare in Segor.
On the fact that he feared to dwell in Zoar.
47. (19, 30) Timuit enim habitare in Segor. Infirmitati eius Dominus et timori concesserat civitatem, quam Loth ipse delegerat, et in ea promiserat ei securitatem, quod propter illum parceret civitati; tamen etiam ibi esse timuit, ita fides eius non magni roboris fuit.
47. (19:30) For he feared to dwell in Zoar. To his weakness and fear the Lord had granted the city which Lot himself had chosen, and in it had promised him security, that on his account he would spare the city; yet even there he feared to be—so little strength had his faith.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo timuit Abraham dicere de Sara quod esset uxor sua.
How Abraham feared to say of Sarah that she was his wife.
48. (20, 2) Dixit autem Abraham de Sara uxore sua: 'soror mea est.' Timuit enim dicere: 'uxor mea est,' ne forte occiderent eum viri civitatis propter illam. Quaeri solet, quomodo adhuc in illa aetate pro Sarae pulchritudine Abraham periclitari metuebat. Sed magis formae illius vis miranda est, quae adhuc amari poterat, quam quaestio difficilis putanda.
48. (20:2) Now Abraham said of Sarah his wife: 'She is my sister.' For he feared to say, 'She is my wife,' lest perhaps the men of the city should kill him on her account. It is commonly asked how, still at that age, Abraham feared to be endangered on account of Sarah's beauty. But the power of her form is rather to be wondered at, that it could still be loved, than the question to be thought difficult.
QsHept.1.25.3
De eo quod scriptum est Deum dixisse ad Abimelech propter Saram.
On what is written, that God spoke to Abimelech concerning Sarah.
49. (20, 6) Quod ait Deus ad Abimelech, propter Saram: et peperci tibi ut non peccares in me, quando eum admonuit uxorem Abrahae esse, quam putabat sororem; advertendum est et notandum, in Deum peccari, quando talia committuntur, quae putant homines leviter habenda, tamquam in carne peccata. Quod autem dixit ei: ecce tu morieris (Gen 20, 3), etiam hoc notandum est, quomodo dicat Deus tamquam praedicens sine dubio futurum, quod admonendum dicit, ut a peccato abstinendo caveatur.
49. (20:6) As to what God said to Abimelech concerning Sarah, and I spared you, that you might not sin against me, when he admonished him that she was Abraham's wife, whom he supposed to be his sister, it must be observed and noted that one sins against God when such things are committed as men think are to be held lightly, as though they were sins in the flesh. And as to what he said to him, behold, you will die (Gen 20:3), this too must be noted: how God says it as though foretelling that it would without doubt come to pass, which he says by way of admonition, so that by abstaining from sin it may be guarded against.
QsHept.1.25.3
Cur eo die quo ablactavit filium Abraham epulum fecerit.
Why on the day on which Abraham weaned his son he made a feast.
50. (21, 8) Merito quaeritur, cur Abraham nec die quo natus est ei filius, nec die quo circumcisus est, sed die quo ablactatus est, epulum fecerit. Quod nisi ad aliquam spiritalem significationem referatur, nulla solutio quaestionis est, tunc scilicet esse debere magnum gaudium spiritalis aetatis, quando fuerit factus homo novus spiritalis, id est non talis qualibus dicit Apostolus: lac vobis potum dedi, non escam, nondum enim poteratis, sed nec adhuc potestis, adhuc enim estis carnales (1 Cor 3, 2).
50. (21:8) It is rightly asked why Abraham made a feast neither on the day on which his son was born, nor on the day on which he was circumcised, but on the day on which he was weaned. Unless this is referred to some spiritual meaning, there is no solution of the question—namely, that the great joy of the spiritual age ought to be then, when a man has become a new spiritual man, that is, not such as those to whom the Apostle says: I gave you milk to drink, not solid food, for you were not yet able to receive it; but neither are you able even now, for you are still carnal (1 Cor 3:2).
QsHept.1.25.3
Quare contristatus Abraham sit de prophetia Sarae qua dixerat ei: Eice ancillam et filium eius.
Why Abraham was grieved at Sarah's prophecy in which she had said to him: Cast out the slave woman and her son.
51. (21, 10) Quaeritur Sara dicente: eice ancillam et filium eius, non enim erit haeres filius ancillae cum filio meo Isaac, quare contristatus sit Abraham, cum ista fuerit prophetia (Cf. Gal 4, 21), quam utique magis debuit nosse ipse quam Sara? Sed intellegendum est, vel ex revelatione hoc dixisse Saram, quia prius illi fuerat revelatum; illum vero quem de hac postea Dominum instruit, paterno affectu pro filio fuisse commotum; vel ambos prius nescisse, quidnam illud esset, et per Saram nescientem hoc prophetice dictum esse, cum illa mota esset muliebri animo propter ancillae superbiam.
51. (21:10) It is asked, when Sarah said, cast out the slave woman and her son, for the son of the slave woman will not be heir with my son Isaac, why Abraham was grieved, since this was a prophecy (See Gal 4:21)—which surely he himself ought to have known rather than Sarah? But it is to be understood either that Sarah said this from revelation, because it had first been revealed to her; while he, whom the Lord afterward instructs about this, was moved by paternal affection for his son; or that both first did not know what it was, and that this was said prophetically through Sarah, who did not know it, when she was moved with a womanly mind on account of the slave woman's pride.
QsHept.1.25.3
Etiam Ismael dictum fuit semen Abrahae.
Ishmael too was called the seed of Abraham.
52. (21, 13) Notandum quod et Ismael dictus sit a Deo semen Abrahae, propter illud quod sic accipiendum docet Apostolus quod dictum est: in Isaac vocabitur tibi semen (Gen 21, 12); id est, non filii carnis, sed filii promissionis deputantur in semine (Rom 9, 7-8); ut hoc proprie pertineat ad Isaac, qui non fuit filius carnis, sed filius promissionis, ubi promissio fit de omnibus gentibus.
52. (21:13) It is to be noted that Ishmael too was called by God the seed of Abraham, on account of that which the Apostle teaches is to be so taken, which was said, in Isaac your seed will be called (Gen 21:12); that is, not the children of the flesh, but the children of the promise are reckoned as seed (Rom 9:7-8); so that this pertains properly to Isaac, who was not a child of the flesh, but a child of the promise, where the promise is made concerning all the nations.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo accipiendum sit quod in humeros Agar etiam filius eius tam grandis putatur impositus.
How it is to be taken that her son too, though so big, is thought to have been placed on Hagar's shoulders.
53. (21, 14) Surrexit autem Abraham mane, et sumpsit panes et utrem aquae, et dedit Agar, et imposuit in humeros, et puerum, et dimisit illam. Fieri quaestio solet quomodo imposuerit in humeros et puerum tam grandem. Nam qui fuerat antea quam natus esset Isaac, tredecim annorum circumcisus, cum esset Abraham nonaginta novem (Cf. Gen 17, 17), et natus sit Isaac centenario patre, ludebat autem Ismael cum Isaac quando Sara commota est, utique cum grandiusculo, qui iam fuerat ablactatus; profecto annorum fuit Ismael, quando cum matre sua de domo patris expulsus est, amplius sedecim (Cf. Gen 21, 9-10). Sed ut hoc quod cum parvulo lusit, per recapitulationem dictum accipiamus, antequam ablactaretur Isaac; profecto etiam sic amplius quam tredecim annorum puer in humeros matris, cum utre et panibus, nimis absurdum est ut impositus esse credatur. Facile autem solvitur quaestio, si non subaudiamus: imposuit, sed: dedit. Dedit enim Abraham, sicut scriptum est, matri eius panes et utrem, quae illa imposuit in humeros suos. Cum autem adiunctum et dictum est: et puerum, subaudimus: dedit, qui panes et utrem dederat; non: in humeros imposuit.
53. (21:14) Now Abraham rose in the morning, and took bread and a skin of water, and gave it to Hagar, and placed it on her shoulders, and the boy, and sent her away. A question is commonly raised how he placed on her shoulders the boy too, who was so big. For he who, before Isaac was born, had been circumcised at thirteen years, when Abraham was ninety-nine (See Gen 17:17), and since Isaac was born when his father was a hundred, and Ishmael was playing with Isaac when Sarah was provoked—surely with one somewhat grown, who had already been weaned—Ishmael was assuredly more than sixteen years old when he was driven out with his mother from his father's house (See Gen 21:9-10). But even if we take what is said about his playing with the little one to be said by recapitulation, before Isaac was weaned, surely even so it is utterly absurd to believe that a boy more than thirteen years old was placed on his mother's shoulders, with the skin and the loaves. But the question is easily solved if we do not supply he placed, but he gave. For Abraham, as is written, gave to his mother the loaves and the skin, which she placed on her shoulders. But when it is added and said, and the boy, we supply he gave, who had given the loaves and the skin; not he placed on her shoulders.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo puerum tam grandem potuerit Agar sub arborem proicere ne videret eum morientem.
How Hagar could cast a boy so big under a tree so as not to see him dying.
54. (21, 15-18) Defecit autem aqua de utre, et proiecit puerum sub unam abietem, et discessit, et sedere coepit contra illum longe quantum arcus mittit; dixit enim: 'non videbo mortem filii mei'; et sedit contra eum. Exclamans autem puer ploravit; et exaudivit Deus vocem pueri de loco ubi erat, et vocavit angelus Dei Agar de caelo, et dixit ei: 'quid est, Agar? Noli timere, exaudivit enim Deus vocem filii tui de loco in quo est. Surge, et accipe puerum, et tene illum in manu tua; in magnam enim gentem faciam illum.' Solet quaeri quomodo, cum puer esset annorum amplius quindecim, proiecerit eum mater sub arborem, et ierit longe quantum arcus mittit, ne videret eum morientem; quasi enim quem portabat proiecerit, ita videtur sonare quod dicitur, maxime quia sequitur: flevit puer.
54. (21:15-18) Now the water failed from the skin, and she cast the boy under a fir tree, and went away, and began to sit opposite him at a distance, as far as a bow shoots; for she said, 'I will not see the death of my son'; and she sat opposite him. But the boy cried out and wept; and God heard the voice of the boy from the place where he was, and the angel of God called to Hagar from heaven, and said to her, 'What is it, Hagar? Do not fear, for God has heard the voice of your son from the place where he is. Rise, and take the boy, and hold him in your hand; for I will make him a great nation.' It is commonly asked how, when the boy was more than fifteen years old, his mother cast him under a tree and went far off, as far as a bow shoots, so as not to see him dying; for what is said seems to sound as though she cast away the one she was carrying, especially because there follows, the boy wept.
QsHept.1.25.3
Sed intellegendum est proiectum esse non a portante, sed ut fit, ab animo, tamquam moriturum. Neque enim quod scriptum est: proiectus sum a facie oculorum tuorum (Ps 30, 23), portabatur qui hoc dixit. Et est in quotidiano loquendi usu, cum proici dicitur aliquis ab aliquo cum quo erat, ne ab illo videatur aut cum illo maneat.
But it is to be understood that he was cast away not by one carrying him, but, as happens, in mind, as one about to die. For neither was the one who said, I was cast away from before your eyes (Ps 31:22 (30:23)), being carried. And it is in the daily usage of speech, when someone is said to be cast off by someone with whom he was, so as not to be seen by him or to remain with him.
QsHept.1.25.3
Intellegendum est autem quod Scriptura tacuit, ita discessisse matrem a filio, ut puer ignoraret quo mater abierit, et eam in silvestribus stirpibus latuisse, ne filium siti deficientem videret. Ille autem etiam illa aetate, quid mirum si matre diutius non visa et tamquam perdita, eo loco, ubi solus remanserat, flevit? Quod ergo postea dicitur: accipe puerum, non ut eum de terra velut iacentem tolleret, dictum est, sed ut ei coniungeretur, et eum manu teneret deinceps comitem, sicut erat; quod plerumque faciunt simul ambulantes cuiuslibet aetatis.
Now it is to be understood, what Scripture passed over in silence, that the mother went away from her son in such a way that the boy did not know where his mother had gone, and that she hid among the woodland thickets, so as not to see her son failing from thirst. But he—even at that age—what wonder if, his mother not being seen for a longer time and as though lost, he wept in the place where he had been left alone? And so what is afterward said, take the boy, was not said that she should lift him from the ground as though lying there, but that she should join herself to him, and thenceforth hold by the hand the companion she had, as he was; which people of any age very often do when walking together.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo Agar expulsa iuxta puteum iurationis errabat, cum videatur nondum fuisse ille puteus.
How Hagar, having been driven out, was wandering by the well of swearing, when that well seems not yet to have existed.
55. (21, 22) Factum est autem in tempore illo, et dixit Abimelech, etc. Quaeri potest, quando cum isto Abimelech pactum fecit Abraham (Cf. Gen 21, 22-32), et appellatus est puteus quem fodit: puteus iurationis (Cf. Gen 21, 31), quomodo congruat veritati. Agar enim de Abrahae domo expulsa cum filio, iuxta puteum, sicut dictum est, iurationis errabat, qui valde postea dicitur factus ab Abraham; ibi enim Abimelech et Abraham iuraverunt, quod nondum utique factum erat, cum de domo Abrahae Agar cum filio fuisset expulsa. Quomodo ergo errabat iuxta puteum iurationis (Cf. Gen 21, 14. 19)? An factum iam fuisse intellegendum est, et per recapitulationem postea commemoratum quod egit Abraham cum Abimelech?
55. (21:22) Now it happened at that time, and Abimelech said, and so on. It can be asked, when Abraham made a covenant with this Abimelech (See Gen 21:22-32), and the well that he dug was called the well of swearing (See Gen 21:31), how it agrees with the truth. For Hagar, driven out of Abraham's house with her son, was wandering, as was said, by the well of swearing, which is said to have been made by Abraham much later; for there Abimelech and Abraham swore, which surely had not yet been done when Hagar with her son had been driven out of Abraham's house. How, then, was she wandering by the well of swearing (See Gen 21:14. 19)? Or is it to be understood that it had already been made, and that by recapitulation there is afterward mentioned what Abraham did with Abimelech?
QsHept.1.25.3
Nisi forte qui longe postea librum scripsit, ex nomine putei iurationis appellavit regionem, in qua cum filio mater errabat, tamquam diceret: "errabat in illa regione, ubi puteus iurationis factus est"; quamvis puteus postea sit factus, sed longe ante aetatem scriptoris; sic autem appellabatur puteus cum liber scriberetur, nomen tenens antiquum, quod Abraham imposuerat. Si autem ipse est puteus, quem apertis oculis vidit Agar, nihil restat nisi ut per recapitulationem quaestio dissolvatur. Nec movere debet quomodo puteum, quem foderat Abraham, nesciebat Agar si ante est ille fossus quam illa expulsa. Valde enim fieri potuit ut pecorum suorum causa, longe a domo in qua cum suis habitabat, puteum foderet, quem illa nesciret.
Unless perhaps he who wrote the book long afterward called the region in which the mother was wandering with her son by the name of the well of swearing, as though he said: "she was wandering in that region where the well of swearing was made"—although the well was made afterward, but long before the writer's time; and so the well was called by this name when the book was written, holding the ancient name which Abraham had imposed. But if it is the very well which Hagar saw with opened eyes, nothing remains except that the question be resolved by recapitulation. Nor need it trouble anyone how Hagar did not know the well which Abraham had dug, if it was dug before she was driven out. For it could very well be that, for the sake of his flocks, he dug a well far from the house in which he dwelt with his people, which she did not know.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo ad puteum iuramenti agrum plantaverit Abraham.
How Abraham planted a field at the well of swearing.
56. (21, 33) Quaeri potest quomodo ad puteum iuramenti agrum plantaverat Abraham, si in terra illa, quemadmodum Stephanus dicit (Cf. Act 7, 5), non acceperat haereditatem, nec spatium pedis. Sed ea est intellegenda haereditas quam Deus munere suo fuerat daturus, non empta pretio. Intellegitur autem spatium circa puteum ad illud emptionis pactum pertinere, in quo fuerant agnae septem datae, quando Abimelech et Abraham sibi etiam iuraverunt (Cf. Gen 21, 27-30).
56. (21:33) It can be asked how Abraham had planted a field at the well of swearing, if in that land, as Stephen says (See Acts 7:5), he had received no inheritance, not even a foot of space. But that inheritance is to be understood which God was going to give by his gift, not bought with a price. And the space around the well is understood to pertain to that compact of purchase in which seven ewe-lambs had been given, when Abimelech and Abraham also swore to each other (See Gen 21:27-30).
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo tentavit Deus Abraham.
How God tempted Abraham.
57. (22, 1) Et tentavit Deus Abraham. Quaeri solet quomodo hoc verum sit, cum dicat in Epistola sua Iacobus quod Deus neminem tentat (Iac 1, 13); nisi quia locutione Scripturarum solet dici: tentat, pro eo quod est probat. Tentatio vero illa de qua Iacobus dicit, non intellegitur nisi qua quisque peccato implicatur. Unde Apostolus dicit: ne forte tentaverit vos is qui tentat (Thess 3, 5). Nam et alibi scriptum est: tentat vos Dominus Deus vester, ut sciat si diligitis eum (Deut 13, 3); etiam hoc genere locutionis, ut sciat, dictum est, ac si diceretur: "ut scire vos faciat"; quoniam vires dilectionis suae hominem latent, nisi divino experimento etiam eidem innotescant.
57. (22:1) And God tempted Abraham. It is commonly asked how this is true, since James says in his Epistle that God tempts no one (Jas 1:13); unless it is because, in the idiom of the Scriptures, he tempts is wont to be said for what is he tests. But that temptation of which James speaks is understood only as that by which anyone is entangled in sin. Hence the Apostle says: lest perhaps he who tempts has tempted you (1 Thess 3:5). For elsewhere too it is written: the Lord your God tempts you, that he may know whether you love him (Deut 13:3); this too is said in that manner of speech, that he may know, as if it were said, "that he may make you know"; since the powers of one's love are hidden from a man, unless by divine testing they become known even to that same man.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo dicat Dominus: Modo enim cognovi...
How the Lord says: For now I have come to know...
58. (22, 12. 14) Vox angeli de caelo ad Abraham: ne inicias manum in puerum, neque facias ei quidquam. Modo enim cognovi, quoniam timeas Deum tu; etiam ista quaestio simili locutione solvitur; hoc est enim: nunc cognovi, quoniam timeas Deum tu, quod significat: "nunc te feci cognoscere." In consequentibus autem hoc genus locutionis evidenter apparet, ubi dicitur: et vocavit Abraham nomen loci illius, 'Dominus vidit'; ut dicant hodie: 'in monte Dominus apparuit.' Vidit, pro eo quod est "apparuit," hoc est vidit, pro eo quod est "videri fecit"; significans per efficientem id quod efficitur, sicut frigus "pigrum" quod pigros facit.
58. (22:12. 14) The voice of the angel from heaven to Abraham: do not lay your hand on the boy, nor do anything to him. For now I have come to know that you fear God; this question too is solved by a similar manner of speech; for now I have come to know that you fear God means: "now I have made you know." And in what follows this kind of speech evidently appears, where it is said: and Abraham called the name of that place, 'The Lord has seen'; so that they say today, 'On the mountain the Lord appeared.' He saw, for what is "he appeared"—that is, he saw, for what is "he caused to be seen"; signifying through the cause that which is caused, as cold is called "lazy-making" because it makes lazy.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quid est: Et non pepercisti filio tuo.
What it means: And you have not spared your son.
59. (22, 12) Et non pepercisti filio tuo dilecto propter me. Numquid Abraham propter angelum non pepercit filio suo, et non propter Deum? Aut ergo angeli nomine Dominus Christus significatus est, qui sine dubio Deus est, et manifeste a Propheta dictus: magni consilii angelus (Isa 9, 6); aut quod Deus erat in angelo, et ex persona Dei angelus loquebatur, sicut in Prophetis etiam solet. Nam in consequentibus hoc magis videtur apparere ubi legitur: et vocavit angelus Domini Abraham iterum de caelo, dicens: 'per memetipsum iuravi, dicit Dominus (Gen 22, 15-16).' Non facile enim invenitur Dominus Christus Patrem Dominum dicere tamquam suum Dominum, illo praesertim tempore antequam sumeret carnem. Nam secundum id quod formam servi accepit, non incongruenter hoc dici videtur. Nam secundum huius rei futurae prophetiam illud est in Psalmo: Dominus dixit ad me: 'filius meus es tu (Ps 2, 7).' Nam neque in ipso Evangelio facile invenimus a Christo Deum Patrem Dominum appellatum, quod Dominus eius esset; quamvis Deum inveniamus in illo loco, ubi ait: vado ad Patrem meum et Patrem vestrum, Deum meum et Deum vestrum (Io 20, 17). Quod autem scriptum est: dixit Dominus Domino meo, ad ipsum qui loquebatur refertur, id est: dixit Dominus Domino meo (Ps 109, 1), Pater scilicet Filio; et: pluit Dominus a Domino (Gen 19, 24; Lc 17, 29), qui scribebat dixit; ut Dominus eius a Domino eius, id est, Dominus noster a Domino nostro pluisse intellegatur, Filius a Patre.
59. (22:12) And you have not spared your beloved son for my sake. Did Abraham then not spare his son for the angel's sake, and not for God's? Either, then, by the name angel the Lord Christ was signified, who without doubt is God, and is plainly called by the Prophet the angel of great counsel (Isa 9:6); or it is because God was in the angel, and the angel spoke in the person of God, as is also wont to happen in the Prophets. For in what follows this seems rather to appear, where it is read: and the angel of the Lord called Abraham a second time from heaven, saying: 'By myself I have sworn, says the Lord' (Gen 22:15-16). For it is not easily found that the Lord Christ calls the Father "Lord" as though his own Lord, especially at that time before he took flesh. For according to that by which he received the form of a servant, this seems not incongruously said. For according to the prophecy of this future thing is that in the Psalm: The Lord said to me: 'You are my Son' (Ps 2:7). For not even in the Gospel itself do we easily find God the Father called "Lord" by Christ, as being his Lord; although we find "God" in that place where he says: I go to my Father and your Father, my God and your God (John 20:17). But as to what is written, the Lord said to my Lord, it is referred to the very one who was speaking, that is: the Lord said to my Lord (Ps 110:1 (109:1)), namely the Father to the Son; and the Lord rained from the Lord (Gen 19:24; Luke 17:29)—the one who was writing said it; so that it is understood that his Lord rained from his Lord, that is, our Lord from our Lord, the Son from the Father.
QsHept.1.25.3
De Chamuele patre Syrorum.
On Kemuel the father of the Syrians.
60. (22, 21) Quod in his quos nuntiaverunt Abrahae natos esse filios fratri eius, nominatur et Chamuel pater Syrorum, non utique illi qui nuntiaverunt, nuntiare patrem Syrorum potuerunt; ex origine quippe illius Syrorum genus longe postea propagatum est. Sed dictum est a persona scribentis, qui post omnia illa tempora haec scribendo narravit; quemadmodum supra diximus de puteo iurationis (Cf. q. 1, 55).
60. (22:21) As to the fact that, among those whom they reported to Abraham to have been born as sons to his brother, Kemuel the father of the Syrians is also named—surely those who made the report could not report him as the father of the Syrians; for from his origin the race of the Syrians was propagated long afterward. But it was said in the person of the writer, who, after all those times, narrated these things in writing; as we said above concerning the well of swearing (See q. 1, 55).
QsHept.1.25.3
Quid est: Exsurgens autem Abraham adoravit populum terrae.
What it means: But Abraham, rising, bowed to the people of the land.
61. (23, 7) Exsurgens autem Abraham adoravit populum terrae. Quaeritur quomodo scriptum sit: Dominum Deum tuum adorabis, et illi soli servies (Deut 6, 13; 10, 20); cum Abraham sic honoraverit populum quemdam gentium, ut etiam adoraret. Sed animadvertendum est in eodem praecepto, non dictum: Dominum Deum tuum solum adorabis, sicut dictum est: et illi soli servies, quod est graece: [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. Talis enim servitus nonnisi Deo debetur. Unde damnantur idololatrae, id est, eiusmodi servitutem exhibentes idolis, quae debetur Deo. Nec moveat quod alio loco in quadam Scriptura prohibet angelus hominem adorare se, et admonet ut Dominus potius adoretur (Cf. Apoc 19, 10). Talis enim apparuerat angelus ut pro Deo posset adorari; et ideo fuerat corrigendus adorator.
61. (23:7) But Abraham, rising, bowed to the people of the land. It is asked how it was written, you will worship the Lord your God, and him only will you serve (Deut 6:13; 10:20), when Abraham so honored a certain people of the nations that he even bowed to them. But it must be noted that in this same precept it was not said, "the Lord your God only will you worship," as it was said, and him only will you serve, which in Greek is "latreuein." For such service is owed to none but God. Hence idolaters are condemned, that is, those who render to idols this kind of service which is owed to God. Nor let it trouble anyone that in another place, in a certain Scripture, an angel forbids a man to worship him, and admonishes that the Lord rather be worshiped (See Rev 19:10). For that angel had appeared in such a way that he could be worshiped in place of God; and therefore the worshiper had to be corrected.
QsHept.1.25.3
Abraham iubet puero suo, ut sub eius femore manum ponat.
Abraham orders his servant to place his hand under his thigh.
62. (24, 3) Quod Abraham iubet puero suo ut manum suam ponat sub eius femore, et sic eum adiurat per Dominum Deum caeli, et Dominum terrae, solet imperitos movere; non attendentes magnam istam de Christo exstitisse prophetiam, quod ipse Dominus Deus caeli et Dominus terrae in ea carne venturus esset, quae de illo femore propagata est.
62. (24:3) That Abraham orders his servant to place his hand under his thigh, and so adjures him by the Lord God of heaven and the Lord of the earth, is wont to trouble the unlearned, who do not attend to the great prophecy concerning Christ that here came to light: that the Lord God of heaven and Lord of the earth himself was to come in that flesh which was propagated from that thigh.
QsHept.1.25.3
Signum petivit servus Abrahae ut ei Deus ostenderet futuram uxorem Isaac.
Abraham's servant asked for a sign that God might show him the future wife of Isaac.
63. (24, 12-14) Quaerendum quo differant augurationes illicitae ab illa petitione signi, qua petivit servus Abrahae ut ei Deus ostenderet ipsam esse futuram uxorem domini sui Isaac, a qua cum petivisset ut biberet, diceretur illi: bibe et tu, et adaquabo camelos tuos quoadusque bibere desinent. Aliud est enim, mirum aliquid petere quod ipso miraculo signum sit; aliud ea observare, quae ita fiunt ut mira non sint, sed a coniectoribus superstitiosa vanitate interpretentur. Sed hoc ipsum etiam quod mirum aliquid postulatur, quo significetur quod quisque vult nosse, utrum audendum sit, non parva quaestio est. Eo namque pertinet, quod dicuntur qui hoc non recte faciunt, tentare Dominum. Nam ipse Dominus cum a diabolo tentaretur, testimonium de Scripturis adhibuit: non tentabis Dominum Deum tuum (Deut 6, 16; Mt 4, 7).
63. (24:12-14) It must be asked in what way unlawful divinations differ from that asking of a sign by which Abraham's servant asked that God show him the very woman who was to be the wife of his master's son Isaac—from whom, when he had asked that she give him drink, it would be said to him: drink, and I will water your camels too until they cease to drink. For it is one thing to ask for something marvelous which by the very miracle is a sign; another to observe those things which happen in such a way that they are not marvels, but are interpreted by soothsayers with superstitious vanity. But this very thing—that something marvelous is asked for, by which what someone wishes to know may be signified, whether it is to be ventured—is no small question. For it is to this that it pertains, that those who do this wrongly are said to tempt the Lord. For when the Lord himself was tempted by the devil, he brought forward a testimony from the Scriptures: you shall not tempt the Lord your God (Deut 6:16; Matt 4:7).
QsHept.1.25.3
Suggerebatur enim tamquam homini ut signo aliquo exploraret ipse quantus esset, id est, quam multum apud Deum posset; quod vitiose fit, cum fit. Ab hoc autem discernitur quod Gedeon fecit pugnae imminente periculo (Cf. Iud 6, 17-18); consultatio quippe illa magis quam tentatio Dei fuit. Unde et Achaz apud Isaiam timet signum petere (Cf. Isa 7, 11-12), ne Deum tentare videatur, cum hoc eum Dominus admoneat per prophetam; credo, existimans quod ab ipso propheta exploraretur utrum praecepti memor esset, quo tentare Deum prohibemur.
For it was suggested to him, as to a man, that he himself should explore by some sign how great he was—that is, how much he could do with God; which is done viciously, when it is done. But from this is distinguished what Gideon did when the danger of battle was imminent (See Judg 6:17-18); for that was a consultation rather than a tempting of God. Hence Ahaz too, in Isaiah, fears to ask a sign (See Isa 7:11-12), lest he seem to tempt God, when the Lord admonishes him to do this through the prophet; thinking, I believe, that he was being explored by the prophet himself, whether he was mindful of the precept by which we are forbidden to tempt God.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod verba Abrahae et servi narrantis non omnino eadem repetuntur.
That the words of Abraham and of the servant narrating them are not repeated altogether the same.
64. (24, 37-38) Servus Abrahae narrans quae sibi mandata fuerant a domino suo, dicit eum sibi dixisse: non sumes uxorem filio meo in filiabus Chananaeorum, inter quos ego habito in terra eorum, sed in domum patris mei ibis, et in tribum meam, et sumes uxorem filio meo inde, et cetera si legantur quemadmodum illi mandata sint, sententia eadem reperitur; verba vero non omnia, vel ipsa, vel ita dicta sunt.
64. (24:37-38) Abraham's servant, narrating what had been commanded him by his master, says that he had said to him: you will not take a wife for my son from the daughters of the Canaanites, among whom I dwell in their land, but you will go into my father's house, and to my tribe, and will take a wife for my son from there; and the rest—if they are read as they were commanded him, the same meaning is found; but not all the words, or the very ones, are even so spoken.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod admonendum putavi propter stultos et indoctos homines, qui Evangelistis hinc calumniantur, quod in aliquibus verbis non omni modo conveniunt, quamvis rebus atque sententiis omnino non discrepent. Certo enim istum librum unus homo scripsit, qui ea quae supra dixit cum mandaret Abraham, vel relecta sic ponere potuit, si ad rem pertinere iudicaret, cum veritas narrationis exigitur, nisi ut rerum sententiarumque sit, quibus voluntas, propter quam intimandam verba fiunt, satis appareat.
I thought this should be noted on account of foolish and unlearned men who slander the Evangelists on this score, because in some words they do not agree in every respect, although in matters and meanings they do not differ at all. For certainly one man wrote this book, who could set down what he said above, when Abraham gave the command—or set it down as reread—in this way, if he judged it pertinent to the matter; since the truth of narration requires only that it be of matters and meanings by which the intention, for the sake of conveying which the words are made, sufficiently appears.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo iuratio servi Abrahae maledictum dicatur.
How the oath of Abraham's servant is called a curse.
65. (24, 41) Quod habent latini codices, narrante servo Abrahae quae sibi mandaverat dominus eius: tunc innocens eris a iuramento meo, vel: iuratione mea, graeci habent: a maledicto meo, [MISSING GREEK TEXT] enim dicitur "iuratio," "maledictum" [MISSING GREEK TEXT], unde et [MISSING GREEK TEXT] "maledictus" vel [MISSING GREEK TEXT] dicitur. Proinde oritur quaestio, quomodo illa iuratio maledictum possit intellegi; nisi quia maledictus est qui contra iurationem fecerit.
65. (24:41) Where the Latin manuscripts have, as the servant of Abraham narrates what his master had commanded him, then you will be innocent of my oath, or of my swearing, the Greek has of my curse; for the Greek word means "swearing," and the related word "curse," whence one is also called "accursed." Accordingly the question arises how that oath can be understood as a curse; unless it is because the one who acted against the oath is accursed.
QsHept.1.25.3
Misericordia et iustitia.
Mercy and justice.
66. (24, 49) Si ergo facitis misericordiam et iustitiam ad dominum meum, renuntiate mihi. Duo illa quae assidue ponuntur in aliis Sanctis Scripturis, et maxime in Psalmis, misericordia et iustitia (Cf. Ps 24, 10), tantumdem enim valet misericordia et veritas, hinc iam apparere coeperunt.
66. (24:49) If, then, you do mercy and justice toward my master, tell me. Those two things which are constantly set down in the other Holy Scriptures, and especially in the Psalms, mercy and justice (See Ps 25:10 (24:10))—for "mercy and truth" amounts to the same thing—begin here already to appear.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod ait: Ecce Rebecca, etc.
What it means: Behold Rebekah, and so on.
67. (24, 51) Ecce Rebecca in conspectu tuo; accipiens recurre, et sit uxor filii domini tui, quemadmodum locutus est Dominus. Quaeritur quando locutus sit Dominus, nisi quia vel prophetam esse Abraham noverant, et prophetice a Domino dictum quod per illum dictum fuerat (Cf. Gen 24, 43. 44), agnoscebant; aut signum illud quod sibi datum servus eius narravit (Cf. Gen 24, 3. 4), locutionem Domini appellaverunt; hoc enim magis de Rebecca expressum est. Nam quod Abraham dixerat, non de Rebecca dixerat, sed de aliqua femina ex tribu vel cognatione sua; et hoc ad utrumque, ut immunis esset a iuramento servus, si non impetrasset; quod utique non dicitur, cum aliquid prophetatur. Certam enim decet esse prophetiam.
67. (24:51) Behold Rebekah before you; take her and hasten back, and let her be the wife of your master's son, as the Lord has spoken. It is asked when the Lord spoke—unless it is because either they knew Abraham to be a prophet, and recognized that what had been said through him had been said prophetically by the Lord (See Gen 24:43. 44); or they called the Lord's speaking that sign which his servant narrated had been given to him (See Gen 24:3. 4); for this was more expressly stated concerning Rebekah. For what Abraham had said, he had not said of Rebekah, but of some woman from his tribe or kindred; and this for either outcome, so that the servant would be free of the oath if he had not obtained his request—which is surely not said when something is prophesied. For prophecy ought to be certain.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod Rebeccae dixerunt fratres eius proficiscenti.
What Rebekah's brothers said to her as she set out.
68. (24, 60) Quod Rebeccae dixerunt fratres eius proficiscenti: soror nostra es, esto in millia millium, et haereditatem obtineat semen tuum, civitates adversariorum; non prophetae fuerunt, aut vanitate tam magna optaverunt, sed eos quae promiserat Deus Abrahae latere non potuit.
68. (24:60) As to what Rebekah's brothers said to her as she set out, you are our sister; may you become thousands of thousands, and may your seed possess the inheritance, the cities of their adversaries—they were not prophets, nor did they wish so great a thing out of vanity, but the things which God had promised to Abraham could not be hidden from them.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo dictum sit: Exiit Isaac exerceri in campo meridie.
How it was said: Isaac went out to take exercise in the field at midday.
69. (24, 63) Quod scriptum est: et exiit Isaac exerceri in campo meridie; qui verbum de hac re graecum nesciunt, exercitationem corporis putant. Scriptum est autem graece [MISSING GREEK TEXT]; [MISSING GREEK TEXT] vero ad animi exercitationem pertinet, et saepe vitio deputatur; more tamen Scripturarum plerumque in bono ponitur. Pro isto verbo quidam interpretes nostri exercitationem, quidam "garrulitatem," quasi "verbositatem," quae in bono, quantum ad Latinum eloquium pertinet, vix aut numquam invenitur; sed, ut dixi, in Scripturis plerumque in bono dicitur; et videtur mihi significare animi affectum studiosissime aliquid cogitantis cum delectatione cogitationis; nisi aliud sentiunt qui haec verba graeca melius intellegunt.
69. (24:63) As to what is written, and Isaac went out to take exercise in the field at midday: those who do not know the Greek word on this matter think it bodily exercise. But it is written in Greek with a word that pertains to exercise of the mind, and is often reckoned as a fault; yet in the usage of the Scriptures it is generally set down in a good sense. For this word some of our translators put "exercise," some "garrulity," as it were "wordiness," which, as far as Latin speech is concerned, is scarcely or never found in a good sense; but, as I said, in the Scriptures it is generally said in a good sense; and it seems to me to signify the disposition of a mind very studiously thinking something with delight in the thinking—unless those who better understand these Greek words think otherwise.
QsHept.1.25.3
De eo quod Abraham post mortem Sarae Cethuram accepit uxorem.
On the fact that Abraham, after Sarah's death, took Keturah as wife.
70. (25, 1) Adiciens autem Abraham sumpsit uxorem nomine Cethuram. Quaestio haec esset, si peccatum esset, maxime in antiquis dantibus operam propagandae proli. Quodlibet enim hic quam incontinentia suspicanda est tanti viri, in illa praesertim iam aetate. Cur autem de hac filios fecerit, qui cum miraculo de Sara fecerat, supra dictum est (Cf. q. 1, 35); quamquam nonnulli donum quod accepit Abraham velut reviviscentis corporis ad filios procreandos, diu permansisse asserant, ita ut posset et alios procreare. Sed multo est absolutius de adulescentula potuisse seniorem, quod senior de seniore non posset, nisi Deus illic miraculum praestitisset, maxime propter Sarae non solum aetatem, verum etiam sterilitatem. Sane etiam grandioris aetatis, et sicut Scriptura loquitur, plenum dierum posse dici seniorem, hoc est πρεσβύτην, hinc intellegi potest, quia hoc Abraham appellatus est quando mortuus est (Cf. Gen 25, 8).
70. (25:1) And Abraham, adding still further, took a wife named Keturah. This would be a question, if it were a sin—especially in the ancients who gave attention to propagating offspring. For here something else is rather to be suspected than incontinence in so great a man, especially at that age already. But why he begot sons by her, when he had begotten one by Sarah with a miracle, was said above (See q. 1, 35); although some assert that the gift which Abraham received, as of a body reviving for the procreation of sons, lasted a long while, so that he could procreate others as well. But it is much more clear-cut that an older man could beget with a young woman, what an older man could not do with an older woman—unless God had there shown a miracle, especially on account of not only Sarah's age but also her sterility. Indeed, that one even of greater age, and, as Scripture says, full of days, can be called "elderly," that is, presbytēs, can be understood from this: that Abraham was so called when he died (See Gen 25:8).
QsHept.1.25.3
Proinde omnis senex etiam πρεσβύτης, non omnis πρεσβύτης etiam senex; quia plerumque est hoc nomen aetatis quae infra senectutem senectuti vicina est, et ex hoc etiam ipsa a senectute nomen accepit in latina lingua, ut πρεσβύτης senior appelletur. Apud Graecos autem, maxime sicut Scriptura loquitur, πρεσβύτεροι et νεώτεροι dicuntur, etiamsi aetates iuvenum comparentur; quod dicimus nos maiorem atque iuniorem.
Accordingly every old man is also presbytēs, but not every presbytēs is also an old man; for this name generally belongs to an age which, below old age, is near to old age—and from this in the Latin language old age itself takes its name, so that presbytēs is called "elderly." Among the Greeks, however, especially as Scripture speaks, men are called "elder" and "younger," even if the ages of young men are compared—what we call the older and the younger.
QsHept.1.25.3
Verumtamen hoc factum Abrahae, quod post mortem Sarae de Cethura filios procreavit, non sic accipiendum est, quasi humana consuetudine et cogitatione tantummodo substituendae numerosioris prolis hoc factum sit. Sic enim possent accipere homines etiam quod de Agar factum est, nisi Apostolus admoneret illa fuisse facta prophetice (Cf. Gal 4, 22-24), ut in utrisque personis mulierum earumque filiorum duo Testamenta ad futurorum praenuntiationem allegorica significatio figuraret. Unde in isto quoque Abrahae facto aliquid tale quaerendum est; etsi non facile occurrat, ego interim quod occurrit; munera quae acceperunt filii concubinarum, videntur mihi significare quaedam Dei dona, vel in sacramentis vel in quibusque signis, etiam carnali populo Iudaeorum et haereticis data, velut filiis concubinarum; cum haereditatis munus, quod est caritas et vita aeterna (Cf. Rom 9, 7-8), nonnisi ad Isaac pertineat, hoc est, ad filios promissionis.
Nevertheless this deed of Abraham, that after Sarah's death he procreated sons by Keturah, is not to be taken as though it were done by human custom and intention merely for the sake of providing more numerous offspring. For in this way men could take also what was done with Hagar, did not the Apostle admonish that those things were done prophetically (See Gal 4:22-24), so that in both persons of the women and their sons an allegorical signification might figure the two Testaments for the foretelling of things to come. Hence in this deed of Abraham too something of the sort is to be sought; and even if it does not easily occur, I meanwhile offer what occurs to me. The gifts which the sons of the concubines received seem to me to signify certain gifts of God—whether in sacraments or in any signs whatever—given even to the carnal people of the Jews and to heretics, as to sons of concubines; whereas the gift of the inheritance, which is love and eternal life (See Rom 9:7-8), pertains to none but Isaac, that is, to the children of the promise.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod ait: Haec sunt nomina filiorum Ismael secundum nomina generationum eorum.
What it means: These are the names of the sons of Ishmael according to the names of their generations.
71. (25, 13) Quid sibi vult quod scriptum est: haec sunt nomina filiorum Ismael secundum nomina generationum eorum? Non enim satis elucet cur additum sit: secundum nomina generationum eorum; cum ii soli nominentur quos ille genuit, non etiam qui ab ipsis geniti sunt. Nisi forte quia nationes ex illis propagatae eorum nominibus appellantur, hoc significatum sit, cum dictum est: secundum nomina generationum eorum; quamvis hoc modo illae nationes sint potius secundum nomina istorum, non ista nomina secundum illas nationes; quia illae posterius exstiterunt. Unde notanda locutio est, quia et postea de illis dicitur: duodecim principes secundum gentes eorum (Gen 25, 16).
71. (25:13) What does it mean that it is written, these are the names of the sons of Ishmael according to the names of their generations? For it is not sufficiently clear why it was added, according to the names of their generations, when only those whom he begot are named, not also those who were begotten by them. Unless perhaps, because the nations propagated from them are called by their names, this was signified when it was said, according to the names of their generations—although in this way those nations are rather according to the names of these men, not these names according to those nations, since those nations came into being later. Hence the manner of speech is to be noted, because afterward too it is said of them: twelve princes according to their nations (Gen 25:16).
QsHept.1.25.3
Rebecca venit interrogare Dominum, cum pregnans esset.
Rebekah came to ask the Lord, when she was pregnant.
72. (25, 22) Quod de Rebecca scriptum est, quia venit interrogare Dominum cum gestirent puerperia in utero eius, quaeritur quo ierit. Non enim erant tunc prophetae, aut sacerdotes secundum ordinem tabernaculi vel Templi Domini. Quo ergo ierit, merito movet, nisi forte ad locum ubi aram constituerat Abraham (Cf. Gen 22, 9). Sed illic quomodo responsa ederentur, omnino tacet Scriptura; utrum per aliquem sacerdotem, quod incredibile est, si erat, non fuisse nominatum, et nullam ibi omnino sacerdotum aliquorum factam esse mentionem. An forte ibi cum orando allegassent desideria sua, dormiebant in loco, ut per somnium monerentur? An adhuc vivebat Melchisedech, cuius tanta fuit excellentia, ut a nonnullis dubitetur, utrum homo, an angelus fuerit? An erant aliqui tales etiam illo tempore homines Dei, in quibus posset Deus interrogari? Quidquid horum est, et si quid aliud quod me forte, ne commemorarem, praeterierit, mentiri tamen Scriptura non potest, quae dixit Rebeccam iisse ad interrogandum Dominum, eique Dominum respondisse.
72. (25:22) As to what is written of Rebekah, that she came to ask the Lord when the babes were leaping in her womb, it is asked where she went. For there were not then prophets, or priests according to the order of the tabernacle or the Temple of the Lord. Where, then, she went rightly raises the question—unless perhaps to the place where Abraham had set up an altar (See Gen 22:9). But how the responses were given there, Scripture is altogether silent: whether through some priest—which is incredible, that if there was one he was not named, and that no mention at all was made there of any priests. Or perhaps there, when they had laid out their desires in prayer, they slept in the place, so as to be admonished through a dream? Or was Melchizedek still living, whose excellence was so great that it is doubted by some whether he was a man or an angel? Or were there at that time too any such men of God, in whom God could be asked? Whatever of these it is, and if there is anything else which has perhaps escaped me, so that I did not mention it, Scripture nonetheless cannot lie, which said that Rebekah went to ask the Lord, and that the Lord answered her.
QsHept.1.25.3
De verbis quae respondit Rebeccae Dominus ubi dictum est: Maior serviet minori.
On the words which the Lord answered to Rebekah, where it is said: The elder will serve the younger.
73. (25, 23) In eo quod Dominus respondit Rebeccae: duae gentes in utero tuo sunt, et duo populi de ventre tuo separabuntur, et populus populum superabit, et maior serviet minori, spiritali intellegentia carnales in populo Dei significantur per maiorem filium, et spiritales per minorem; quia sicut dicit Apostolus: non prius quod spiritale, sed quod animale; postea spiritale (1 Cor 15, 46). Solet et sic intellegi hoc quod dictum est, ut in Esau figuratus sit maior populus Dei, hoc est Israeliticus secundum carnem; per Iacob autem figuratus sit ipse Iacob secundum spiritalem progeniem. Sed etiam historica proprietate hoc responsum invenitur esse completum, ubi populus Israel, hoc est Iacob minor filius, superavit Idumaeos, hoc est gentem quam propagavit Esau, eosque fecerunt tributarios per David (Cf. 2 Reg. 8, 13-14; 3 Reg 11, 15); quod diu fuerunt, usque ad regem [scilicet Ioram] sub quo Idumaei rebellaverunt, et iugum Israelitarum Idumaei a cervice sua deposuerunt, secundum prophetiam ipsius Isaac quando minorem pro maiore benedixit (Cf. Gen 27, 26. 39-40); hoc enim dixit eidem maiori, cum et ipsum postea benediceret.
73. (25:23) In that which the Lord answered to Rebekah, two nations are in your womb, and two peoples will be separated from your belly, and one people will overcome the other, and the elder will serve the younger, by spiritual understanding the carnal in the people of God are signified by the elder son, and the spiritual by the younger; because, as the Apostle says, not first what is spiritual, but what is animal; afterward the spiritual (1 Cor 15:46). It is also commonly understood thus: that in Esau is figured the greater people of God, that is, the Israelite according to the flesh; but by Jacob is figured Jacob himself according to spiritual offspring. But this response is found to have been fulfilled also in its historical literal sense, where the people of Israel, that is, Jacob the younger son, overcame the Idumeans, that is, the nation which Esau propagated, and made them tributaries through David (See 2 Sam 8:13-14; 1 Kgs 11:15); which they were for a long time, until the king [namely Joram] under whom the Idumeans rebelled, and the Idumeans cast the yoke of the Israelites from their neck, according to the prophecy of Isaac himself when he blessed the younger before the elder (See Gen 27:26. 39-40); for he said this to the elder, when he afterward blessed him too.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo per dolum acceperit Iacob benedictionem, qui dicitur fuisse sine dolo.
How Jacob, who is said to have been without guile, received the blessing through guile.
74. (25, 27) Iacob autem erat homo simplex habitans domum. Quod graece dicitur: [MISSING GREEK TEXT], hoc Latini simplicem interpretati sunt. Proprie autem [MISSING GREEK TEXT], "non fictus," unde aliqui latini interpretes sine dolo interpretati sunt, dicentes: erat Iacob sine dolo habitans in domo; ut magna sit quaestio, quomodo per dolum acceperit benedictionem qui erat sine dolo. Sed ad significandum magnum aliquid hoc Scriptura praemisit. Hinc enim maxime cogimur ad intellegenda illo loco spiritalia, quia sine dolo erat qui dolum fecit. Unde quid sentiremus, in sermone quodam ad populum habito satis diximus (Cf. Serm. 4, 16).
74. (25:27) But Jacob was a simple man, dwelling at home. What is said in Greek, the Latins translated simple. But properly the Greek word means "unfeigned," whence some Latin translators rendered it without guile, saying: Jacob was without guile, dwelling at home; so that it is a great question how one who was without guile received the blessing through guile. But Scripture set this forth to signify something great. For from this we are especially compelled to understand spiritual things in that passage, because he was without guile who practiced guile. Hence, what we held on the matter, we said sufficiently in a certain sermon delivered to the people (See Sermon 4, 16).
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod tempore famis abiit Isaac ab Abimelech regem in Gerara.
That in the time of famine Isaac went to Abimelech the king in Gerar.
75. (26, 1) In eo quod scriptum est: facta est autem fames super terram, praeter famem quae ante facta est in tempore Abraham; abiit autem Isaac ad Abimelech regem Philistinorum in Gerara; quaeritur hoc quando sit factum, utrum posteaquam Esau vendidit primogenita sua cibo lenticulae; post illam quippe narrationem hoc narrari incipit: an, ut fieri solet, per recapitulationem narrator ad ea reversus sit, cum progressus de filiis eius ad eum locum pervenisset, qui de lenticula commemoratus est. Movet autem, quia ipse invenitur Abimelech, qui etiam Saram concupiverat; ipsius enim paranymphus et princeps militiae (Cf. Gen 21, 22. 32; 26, 26), qui ibi commemorati sunt, etiam hic commemorantur, utrum vel vivere potuerint. Quando enim factus est amicus Abrahae, nondum natus erat Isaac, sed iam promissus. Ponamus ante annum quam nasceretur Isaac, illud fuisse factum; deinde Isaac suscepit filios, cum esset annorum sexaginta; illi autem iuvenes erant quando vendidit Esau primogenita sua; ponamus etiam ipsos circa viginti annos fuisse; fiunt anni aetatis Isaac usque ad illud factum filiorum eius, circiter octoginta; adulescentem accipiamus fuisse Abimelech, quando matrem ipsius concupivit, et Abrahae amicus est factus; potuit ergo iam esse quasi centenarius, si post illud factum filiorum suorum perrexit in illam terram famis necessitate Isaac. Non ergo ex hoc cogit ulla necessitas, per recapitulationem putare narratam profectionem Isaac in Gerara. Sed quia ibi diuturno tempore fuisse Isaac scribitur, et puteos fodisse, et de his contendisse, et ditatum fuisse pecunia (Cf. Gen 26, 14 ss); mirum nisi recapitulando ista commemorantur, quae ideo fuerant praetermissa, ut primum de filiis eius usque ad illum locum de lenticula narratio perveniret.
75. (26:1) In that which is written, now a famine came upon the land, besides the famine which came before in the time of Abraham; and Isaac went to Abimelech king of the Philistines in Gerar, it is asked when this happened: whether after Esau sold his birthright for a meal of lentils—for this begins to be narrated after that narration—or whether, as commonly happens, the narrator returned by recapitulation to these things, when, having gone forward concerning his sons, he had reached that place which was mentioned about the lentils. Now it is troubling that the same Abimelech is found who had also desired Sarah; for his groomsman and the commander of his army (See Gen 21:22. 32; 26:26), who are mentioned there, are mentioned here too—whether they could even be alive. For when he became Abraham's friend, Isaac was not yet born, but already promised. Let us suppose that took place a year before Isaac was born; then Isaac begot sons when he was sixty years old; and they were young men when Esau sold his birthright; let us suppose them too to have been about twenty years old; the years of Isaac's age up to that deed of his sons come to about eighty; let us take Abimelech to have been a young man when he desired Isaac's mother and was made Abraham's friend; he could then already be about a hundred, if it was after that deed of his sons that Isaac proceeded into that land by the necessity of famine. From this, therefore, no necessity compels us to think that Isaac's departure into Gerar was narrated by recapitulation. But because it is written that Isaac was there a long time, and dug wells, and contended over them, and was enriched with money (See Gen 26:14ff), it would be strange if these things are not mentioned by recapitulation—things which had been passed over precisely so that the narration about his sons might first reach that passage about the lentils.
QsHept.1.25.3
Isaac magnus factus a Domino etiam in bona temporalia.
Isaac made great by the Lord even in temporal goods.
76. (26, 12-13) In eo quod scriptum est de Isaac: benedixit autem eum Dominus, et exaltatus est homo, et procedens maior fiebat, quoadusque magnus factus est valde, secundum terrenam felicitatem dictum sequentia docent. Exsequitur enim narrator easdem eius divitias, quibus magnus factus est; et hinc motus Abimelech, timuit illum ibi esse, ne potentia eius sibi esset infesta (Cf. Gen 26, 14-16). Quamquam ergo aliquid spiritale ista significent, tamen secundum id quod contigerunt, ideo praemissum est: benedixit eum Dominus, ut sana fide intellegamus etiam ista temporalia dona, nec dari posse, nec sperari debere, etiam cum ab infirmioribus appetuntur, nisi ab uno Deo; ut qui in minimis fidelis est, etiam in magnis fidelis sit; et qui in mammona iniquo fidelis inventus est, etiam verum accipere mereatur, sicut Dominus in Evangelio loquitur (Cf. Lc 16, 10-11). Talia etiam de Abraham dicta sunt, quod ei munera Dei provenerint. Unde non parum aedificat sanam fidem pie intellegentibus ista narratio, etiamsi de his rebus allegorica significatio nulla posset exsculpi.
76. (26:12-13) In that which is written of Isaac, and the Lord blessed him, and the man was exalted, and going forward he became greater, until he became very great, what follows teaches that it was said according to earthly happiness. For the narrator goes on to recount those same riches by which he was made great; and Abimelech, moved by this, feared him to be there, lest his power be hostile to himself (See Gen 26:14-16). Although, then, these things signify something spiritual, yet according to what actually happened it was therefore set down beforehand, the Lord blessed him, so that with sound faith we may understand that even these temporal gifts can neither be given, nor ought to be hoped for—even when they are sought by the weaker—except from the one God; so that he who is faithful in the least may be faithful also in great things, and he who is found faithful in unrighteous mammon may deserve to receive the true as well, as the Lord says in the Gospel (See Luke 16:10-11). Such things were said also of Abraham, that the gifts of God came to him. Hence this narration builds up sound faith not a little in those who understand it piously, even if no allegorical signification could be carved out of these matters.
QsHept.1.25.3
Iuratio quae maledictis obstringit.
The oath which binds with curses.
77. (26, 28) Fiat exsecratio inter nos et inter te; id est iuratio quae maledictis obstringit, quae accidant ei qui peieraverit; secundum quam considerandum est quod et servus Abrahae commemoravit, narrans eis a quibus accepit uxorem domino suo Isaac.
77. (26:28) Let there be an imprecation between us and you; that is, an oath which binds with curses, which would fall upon the one who has sworn falsely; according to which is to be considered what Abraham's servant too mentioned, narrating to those from whom he received a wife for his master Isaac.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quare Isaac puteum, in quo non inventa est aqua, vocavit iuramentum.
Why Isaac called the well, in which water was not found, the oath.
78. (26, 32.33) Quid est quod scriptum est, quod cum venissent pueri Isaac et dixissent: fodimus puteum, et non invenimus aquam, appellavit eumdem puteum Isaac iuramentum? An quamvis factum sit, in aliquam significationem sine dubio ducendum est spiritalem; quoniam nihil habet convenientiae secundum litteram, ut ideo iuramentum appellaverit puteum, quod ibi aqua non sit inventa? Quamquam alii interpretes pueros Isaac inventam potius aquam nuntiasse dixerunt; sed etiam sic quare iuramentum appellatum est, ubi nulla fuerat facta iuratio?
78. (26:32-33) What does it mean that it is written that, when Isaac's servants had come and said, we have dug a well, and have not found water, Isaac called that same well the oath? Or, although it happened, is it without doubt to be led to some spiritual signification, since it has no fittingness according to the letter, that he should therefore have called the well the oath because water was not found there? Although other translators have said that Isaac's servants announced rather that water had been found; but even so, why was it called the oath, where no oath had been made?
QsHept.1.25.3
Isaac a filio Esau petit escam de venatione.
Isaac asks his son Esau for food from the hunt.
79. (27, 1-17) Quoniam tantus patriarcha Isaac, antequam moriatur, quaerit a filio suo venationem et escam, qualem amat, pro magno beneficio, et promittit benedictionem, nullo modo vacare arbitramur a significatione prophetica; maxime quoniam festinat uxor eius ut illam benedictionem minor accipiat, quem ipsa diligebat, et cetera in eadem narratione multum movent ad maiora intellegenda vel requirenda.
79. (27:1-17) Since so great a patriarch as Isaac, before he dies, asks of his son a catch of game and food, such as he loves, as a great favor, and promises a blessing, we think it in no way free from prophetic signification; especially since his wife hastens that the younger, whom she herself loved, may receive that blessing, and the other things in the same narration move us much to understanding or seeking greater things.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod ait: Expavit autem Isaac pavore magno.
What it means: But Isaac was greatly afraid with a great fear.
80. (27, 33) Quod habent latini codices: expavit autem Isaac pavore magno valde, Graeci habent: [MISSING GREEK TEXT], ubi tanta commotio intellegitur, ut quaedam mentis alienatio sequeretur. Ipsa enim proprie dicitur ecstasis. Et quia solet in magnarum rerum revelationibus fieri, in hac intellegendum est factam esse spiritalem admonitionem ut confirmaret benedictionem suam filio minore, cui potius irascendum fuit quod fefellerit patrem. Sic et de Adam cum prophetatur hoc sacramentum magnum, quod dicit Apostolus in Christo et in Ecclesia: erunt duo in carne una (Eph 5, 31-32), dicitur quod extasis praecesserit (Cf. Gen 2, 21).
80. (27:33) Where the Latin manuscripts have, but Isaac was afraid with a very great fear, the Greek has a word in which so great an agitation is understood that a certain alienation of mind followed. For this is properly called ecstasy. And because it is wont to occur in revelations of great matters, in this case it is to be understood that a spiritual admonition was made, so that he might confirm his blessing to the younger son—at whom he ought rather to have been angry for having deceived his father. So too of Adam, when this great mystery is prophesied which the Apostle speaks of in Christ and in the Church, they will be two in one flesh (Eph 5:31-32), it is said that an ecstasy preceded (See Gen 2:21).
QsHept.1.25.3
Quando renuntiata sint verba Esau Rebeccae.
When the words of Esau were reported to Rebekah.
81. (27, 42) Quomodo annuntiata vel renuntiata sunt verba Esau Rebeccae, quibus comminatus est occidere fratrem suum, cum Scriptura dicat hoc eum in sua cogitatione dixisse (Cf. Gen 27, 41); nisi quia hinc nobis datur intellegere, quod divinitus eis revelabantur omnia? Unde ad magnum mysterium pertinet, quod filium suum minorem pro maiore voluit benedici.
81. (27:42) How were the words of Esau announced or reported to Rebekah, by which he threatened to kill his brother, since Scripture says that he said this in his own thought (See Gen 27:41)—unless it is because from this we are given to understand that all things were divinely revealed to them? Hence it pertains to a great mystery, that she wished her younger son to be blessed before the elder.
QsHept.1.25.3
Ubi latini codices differunt a graecis.
Where the Latin manuscripts differ from the Greek.
82. (28, 2) Quod habent Latini codices, Isaac dicente filio suo: vade in Mesopotamiam, in domum Bathuel patris matris tuae, et sume inde tibi uxorem, graeci codices non habent: vade, sed: fuge, hoc est: [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. Unde intellegitur etiam Isaac cognovisse quid filius eius Esau de fratre suo in cogitatione sua dixerit.
82. (28:2) Where the Latin manuscripts have, as Isaac says to his son, go into Mesopotamia, to the house of Bethuel your mother's father, and take a wife for yourself from there, the Greek manuscripts have not go but flee. Hence it is understood that Isaac too knew what his son Esau had said about his brother in his thought.
QsHept.1.25.3
Verba Iacob ad prophetiam pertinentes.
Jacob's words pertaining to prophecy.
83. (28, 16-17) Et surrexit Iacob de somno suo, et dixit: Quia est Dominus in loco hoc, ego autem nesciebam; et timuit, et dixit: 'quam terribilis locus hic! Hoc non est nisi domus Dei; et haec porta est caeli.' Haec verba ad prophetiam pertinent, quia ibi futurum erat tabernaculum, quod constituit Dominus in hominibus in primo populo suo. Portam caeli autem sic intellegere debemus, tamquam inde fiat aditus credentibus ad capessendum regnum caelorum.
83. (28:16-17) And Jacob rose from his sleep, and said: The Lord is in this place, and I did not know it; and he was afraid, and said: 'How terrible is this place! This is none other than the house of God; and this is the gate of heaven.' These words pertain to prophecy, because there was to be the tabernacle which the Lord set up among men in his first people. But the gate of heaven we ought to understand as though from there an entrance is made for believers to lay hold of the kingdom of heaven.
QsHept.1.25.3
In titulum statuit lapidem Iacob.
Jacob set up the stone as a pillar.
84. (28, 18) Quod statuit lapidem Iacob, quem sibi ad caput posuerat, et constituit eum titulum, et perfudit illum oleo, non aliquid idololatriae simile fecit; non enim vel tunc vel postea frequentavit lapidem adorando, vel ei sacrificando; sed signum fuit in prophetia evidentissima constitutum, quae pertinet ad unctionem, unde Christi nomen a "chrismate" est.
84. (28:18) That Jacob set up the stone which he had placed at his head, and made it a pillar, and poured oil over it, was nothing like idolatry; for neither then nor afterward did he frequent the stone, worshiping it or sacrificing to it; but it was a sign set up in a most evident prophecy, which pertains to anointing, whence the name of Christ is from "chrism."
QsHept.1.25.3
Iacob vocavit nomen loci illius Dominus Dei.
Jacob called the name of that place the House of God.
85. (28, 19) Et vocavit Iacob nomen loci illius 'Domus Dei,' et Ulammaus erat nomen civitati ante. Iuxta civitatem dormisse si intellegatur, nulla quaestio est; si autem in civitate, mirum videtur quomodo potuerit illum titulum constituere. Quod autem vovit votum si prosperaretur eundo et redeundo, decimasque promisit domui Dei futurae in loco illo (Cf. Gen 28, 20-22), prophetia est domus Dei, ubi et ipse rediens Deo sacrificavit; non illum lapidem "Deum" appellans, sed Domum Dei, id est quia in illo loco futura erat domus Dei.
85. (28:19) And Jacob called the name of that place 'House of God,' and Ulammaus was the name of the city before. If he is understood to have slept beside the city, there is no question; but if in the city, it seems strange how he could set up that pillar. And as to the vow he made, if he should prosper in going and returning, and the tithes he promised to the house of God that would be in that place (See Gen 28:20-22), it is a prophecy of the house of God, where he himself also, returning, sacrificed to God—not calling that stone "God," but the House of God, that is, because in that place the house of God was to be.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo Iacob agnovit Rachel.
How Jacob recognized Rachel.
86. (29, 10) Quod venit Rachel cum ovibus patris sui, et dicit Scriptura quod cum vidisset Iacob Rachel filiam Laban fratris matris suae, accessit et revolvit lapidem ab ore putei; magis notandum est, aliquid Scripturam praetermittere quod intellegere debemus, quam ulla quaestio commovenda. Intellegitur enim quod illi, cum quibus primo loquebatur Iacob, interrogati quae esset quae veniebat cum ovibus, ipsi dixerunt filiam esse Laban, quam utique Iacob non noverat, sed illius interrogationem responsionemque illorum, Scriptura praetermittens, intellegi voluit.
86. (29:10) As to the fact that Rachel came with her father's sheep, and Scripture says that when Jacob saw Rachel the daughter of Laban his mother's brother, he came near and rolled the stone from the mouth of the well, it is rather to be noted that Scripture passes over something which we ought to understand, than that any question is to be raised. For it is understood that those with whom Jacob was first speaking, having been asked who it was that was coming with the sheep, themselves told him she was Laban's daughter—whom of course Jacob did not know; but Scripture, passing over his question and their answer, wished it to be understood.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo Rachel ab incognito Iacob osculum acceperit.
How Rachel received a kiss from Jacob, who was unknown to her.
87. (29, 11-12) Quod scriptum est: osculatus est Iacob Rachel, et exclamans voce sua flevit; et indicavit ei quia frater est eius, et quia filius Rebeccae est. Consuetudinis quidem fuit, maxime in illa simplicitate antiquorum, ut propinqui propinquas oscularentur, et hoc hodie fit in multis locis; sed quaeri potest quomodo ab incognito illa osculum acceperit, si postea indicavit Iacob propinquitatem suam. Ergo intellegendum est, aut illum qui iam audierat quae illa esset, fidenter in eius osculum irruisse; aut postea Scripturam narrasse per recapitulationem quod primo factum erat, id est, quod indicaverit Iacob quis esset. Sicut de Paradiso postea dicitur, quomodo Deus eum instituerit, cum iam dictum esset quod plantaverit Deus Paradisum (Cf. Gen 2, 8), et posuerit illic hominem quem finxerat, et multa alia per recapitulationem dicta intelleguntur.
87. (29:11-12) As to what is written, Jacob kissed Rachel, and crying out with his voice he wept; and he told her that he was her kinsman, and that he was the son of Rebekah. It was indeed the custom, especially in that simplicity of the ancients, that kinsmen kiss their kinswomen, and this is done today in many places; but it can be asked how she received a kiss from one unknown, if Jacob afterward told her of his kinship. So it must be understood either that he, who had already heard who she was, confidently rushed to kiss her; or that Scripture afterward narrated by recapitulation what had happened first, that is, that Jacob told her who he was. Just as concerning Paradise it is afterward said how God planted it, when it had already been said that God planted Paradise (See Gen 2:8) and placed there the man he had formed; and many other things are understood to be said by recapitulation.
QsHept.1.25.3
Pauci dies fuerunt in conspectu Iacob septem anni.
The seven years were as a few days in Jacob's sight.
88. (29, 20) Quod scriptum est: et servivit Iacob pro Rachel annis septem; et erant in conspectu eius velut pauci dies, eo quod diligebat illam, quaerendum quomodo dictum sit, cum magis etiam breve tempus longum esse soleat amantibus. Dictum est ergo propter laborem servitutis, quem facilem et levem amor faciebat.
88. (29:20) As to what is written, and Jacob served seven years for Rachel; and they were in his sight as a few days, because he loved her, it must be asked how this was said, since even a short time is wont to seem long to lovers. It was said, then, on account of the labor of service, which love made easy and light.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo servit Iacob alios septem annos pro Rachel.
How Jacob served another seven years for Rachel.
89. (29, 27-30) Si parum advertatur rei huius narratio, putabitur quod posteaquam Liam Iacob duxit uxorem, deinde servivit alios septem annos pro Rachel, et tunc eam duxit. Verum autem non ita est, sed Laban ei dixit: consumma itaque septimanam istius, et dabo tibi et hanc pro opere quod operaberis apud me adhuc septem annos alios. Quod itaque ait: consumma septimanam istius, ad nuptiarum celebrationem pertinet, quae septem diebus celebrari solent. Hoc itaque ait: "imple dies nuptiarum septem pertinentes ad istam quam duxisti, et dabo tibi et hanc pro eo quod operaberis apud me adhuc septem annos alios." Deinde sequitur: fecit autem Iacob sic, et implevit septimanam eius, id est, septem dies nuptiarum Liae, et dedit illi Laban Rachel filiam suam ipsi uxorem. Dedit autem Laban Rachel filiae suae Ballam ancillam suam ei ancillam, et intravit ad Rachel. Dilexit autem Rachel magis quam Liam, et servivit illi septem annos alios. Utique apparet quia posteaquam duxit Rachel, tunc servivit pro ea septem annos alios. Nimis enim durum et valde iniquum fuit, ut deceptum adhuc differret alios annos septem, et tunc eam traderet quam primo debuit. Septem autem diebus solere nuptias celebrari, etiam liber Iudicum ostendit in Samson (Cf. Iud 14, 10), quando fecit potum septem diebus. Et addidit Scriptura, quod sic solerent facere iuvenes; fecit autem hoc propter nuptias suas.
89. (29:27-30) If the narration of this matter is given too little attention, it will be thought that, after Jacob married Leah, he then served another seven years for Rachel, and only then married her. But the truth is not so; rather, Laban said to him: complete, then, this one's week, and I will give you this one too for the work which you will work with me yet another seven years. So when he says, complete this one's week, it pertains to the celebration of the wedding, which is wont to be celebrated for seven days. So he says this: "fulfill the seven days of wedding belonging to this one whom you have married, and I will give you this one too for what you will work with me yet another seven years." Then it follows: and Jacob did so, and fulfilled her week, that is, the seven days of Leah's wedding, and Laban gave him Rachel his daughter to be his wife. And Laban gave to Rachel his daughter Bilhah his slave woman as her slave, and he went in to Rachel. And he loved Rachel more than Leah, and served him another seven years. Surely it appears that after he married Rachel, he then served for her another seven years. For it would have been too harsh and very unjust that, having been deceived, he should still put off another seven years, and only then hand over the one he ought to have had first. And that weddings are wont to be celebrated for seven days the book of Judges too shows in Samson (See Judg 14:10), when he made a feast for seven days. And Scripture added that the young men were wont to do so; and he did this on account of his wedding.
QsHept.1.25.3
Utrum easdem concubinas appellet Scriptura quas uxores.
Whether Scripture calls the same women concubines whom it calls wives.
90. (30, 3. 9) Non facile dignoscitur, quas concubinas appellet Scriptura, quas uxores; quandoquidem et Agar dicta est uxor, quae postea dicitur concubina, et Cethura, et ancillae quas dederunt Rachel et Lia viro suo (Cf. Gen 16, 3; 25, 1. 6). Nisi forte omnis concubina uxor, non autem omnis uxor concubina more loquendi Scripturarum appellatur; id est, ut Sara et Rebecca et Lia et Rachel concubinae dici non possint; Agar vero et Cethura et Balla et Zelfa, et uxores et concubinae.
90. (30:3. 9) It is not easily discerned whom Scripture calls concubines and whom wives; since Hagar too was called a wife, who is afterward called a concubine, and Keturah, and the slave women whom Rachel and Leah gave to their husband (See Gen 16:3; 25:1. 6). Unless perhaps, in the usage of the Scriptures, every concubine is called a wife, but not every wife a concubine; that is, so that Sarah and Rebekah and Leah and Rachel cannot be called concubines, but Hagar and Keturah and Bilhah and Zilpah are called both wives and concubines.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo se Lia ibidem, sicut in graecis codicibus sonat, dixerit.
How Leah spoke there, as it sounds in the Greek manuscripts.
91. (30, 11) Quod Latini habent, nato filio Liae de Zelfa, quod dixerit: beata vel felix facta sum, graeci habent: εὐντύχη, quod magis "bonam fortunam" significat. Unde videtur occasio non bene intellegentibus dari, tamquam illi homines fortunam coluerint, aut hoc verbum Divinarum Scripturarum auctoritas in usu receperit. Sed aut fortuna intellegenda est pro his rebus quae fortuito videntur accidere, non quia numen aliquod sit, cum haec ipsa tamen quae fortuita videntur, causis occultis divinitus dentur; unde etiam verba, quae nemo potest auferre a consuetudine loquendi, parata sunt, id est "forte", et "fortasse", et "forsitan", et "fortuito"; unde videtur et in Graeca lingua resonare, quod dicunt τάχα, velut ab eo quod est τύχη; aut certe Lia propterea sic locuta est, quod adhuc gentilitatis consuetudinem retinebat. Non enim hoc Iacob dixit, ut ex hoc data huic verbo putetur auctoritas.
91. (30:11) Where the Latin have, at the birth of Leah's son by Zilpah, that she said, I have become blessed or fortunate, the Greek has a word that signifies rather "good fortune." Hence an occasion seems to be given to those who do not understand well, as though those people worshiped fortune, or as though the authority of the Divine Scriptures received this word into use. But either "fortune" is to be understood for those things which seem to happen by chance—not because there is any deity, since these very things which seem fortuitous are nonetheless given divinely by hidden causes; whence even words, which no one can remove from the custom of speech, are at hand, that is, "by chance," and "perhaps," and "maybe," and "fortuitously"; whence too it seems to echo in the Greek language, in what they say "perhaps," as from the word for "fortune"—or else Leah spoke thus precisely because she still retained the custom of her gentile background. For Jacob did not say this, so that from it authority should be thought given to this word.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quid significet benedictio Iacob ad Laban.
What Jacob's blessing toward Laban signifies.
92. (30, 30) Quod Iacob dicit: et benedixit te Dominus in pede meo, satis advertendus est et notandus Scripturarum sensus, ne cum ita quisque locutus fuerit, quasi augurari videatur. Multum enim interest quod adiecit: benedixit te Dominus in pede meo; in ingressu enim meo voluit intellegi, gratias hinc agens Deo.
92. (30:30) As to what Jacob says, and the Lord blessed you at my foot, the sense of the Scriptures is sufficiently to be observed and noted, lest, when anyone has spoken thus, he seem as it were to take omens. For there is a great difference in what he added, the Lord blessed you at my foot; for he wished it to be understood "at my entrance," giving thanks to God for this.
QsHept.1.25.3
De virgis quas excorticando variavit Iacob.
On the rods which Jacob made variegated by peeling them.
93. (30, 37. 42) In facto Iacob cum virgas excorticavit, detrahens viride, ut album varie appareret, et sic in conceptu fetus pecorum variarentur, cum matres in alveis aquarum biberent, et visis virgis illam varietatem conciperent; multa dicuntur similiter fieri in animalium fetibus; sed et mulieri accidisse traditur, et scriptum reperitur in libris antiquissimi et peritissimi medici Hippocratis, quod suspicione adulterii fuerat punienda, cum puerum pulcherrimum peperisset utrique parenti generique dissimilem, nisi memoratus medicus solvisset quaestionem, illis admonitis quaerere ne forte aliqua talis pictura esset in cubiculo; qua inventa mulier a suspicione liberata est.
93. (30:37. 42) In the deed of Jacob when he peeled the rods, stripping off the green so that the white should appear variegated, and so that thus at conception the offspring of the flocks should be variegated—when the mothers drank in the troughs of water and, seeing the rods, conceived that variegation—many things are said to happen similarly in the offspring of animals; and it is handed down to have happened to a woman, and it is found written in the books of Hippocrates, that most ancient and most skilled physician, that she was to be punished on suspicion of adultery, when she had borne a most beautiful child unlike either parent and unlike his kindred—had not the said physician resolved the question, those people having been advised to inquire whether perhaps there was some such picture in the bedroom; and when it was found, the woman was freed from suspicion.
QsHept.1.25.3
Sed ad hanc rem quam fecit Iacob, virgarum ex diversis arboribus trium copulatio quid contulerit utilitatis, quod attinet ad varias pecudes multiplicandas, non apparet omnino; nec aliquid ad hoc commodum interest, utrum ex unius generis ligno varientur virgae, an plura sint lignorum genera, cum sola quaeratur lignorum varietas; ac per hoc cogit inquiri prophetiam, et aliquam figuratam significationem res ista, quam sine dubio ut propheta fecit Iacob; et ideo nec fraudis arguendus est. Non enim tale aliquid, nisi revelatione spiritali, eum fecisse credendum est.
But as to this thing which Jacob did, what usefulness the joining together of three rods from different trees contributed—as far as concerns the multiplying of variegated flocks—does not appear at all; nor does it make any difference toward this advantage whether the rods are variegated from the wood of one kind, or whether there are several kinds of wood, since only the variegation of the wood is sought; and on this account the matter compels us to look for a prophecy and some figured signification—which Jacob without doubt did as a prophet; and therefore he is not to be accused of fraud either. For it is not to be believed that he did anything of the sort except by a spiritual revelation.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod autem ad iustitiam pertinebat, sicut alii interpretes apertius hoc narrant, non ponebat virgas in secundo conceptu ovium; quod tanto obscurius, quanto brevius a Septuaginta dictum est: quia cum peperissent, non ponebat (Gen 30, 42); quod intellegitur cum primum peperissent: ut iam non solere ponere intellegatur, cum secundo pariturae essent, ne ipse auferret omnes fetus, quod iniquum fuit.
But as to what pertained to justice—as other translators narrate this more openly—he did not place the rods at the second conception of the sheep; which is said the more obscurely the more briefly it was said by the Septuagint: because when they had given birth, he did not place them (Gen 30:42); which is understood as "when they had first given birth": so that he is understood no longer to be accustomed to place them when they were about to give birth a second time, lest he himself take away all the offspring, which would be unjust.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod Laban dicit: Quare furatus es deos meos?
That Laban says: Why have you stolen my gods?
94. (31, 30) Quod Laban dicit: quare furatus es deos meos? Hinc est illud fortasse, quod et augurari se dixerat, et eius filia "Bonam Fortunam" nominaverat (Cf. Gen 31, 29). Et notandum est, quod a principio libri nunc primum invenimus deos gentium; superioribus quippe Scripturae locis Deum nominabant.
94. (31:30) That Laban says, why have you stolen my gods? From this, perhaps, comes the fact that he had said he took omens, and that his daughter had named "Good Fortune" (See Gen 31:29). And it is to be noted that here, for the first time from the beginning of the book, we find the gods of the nations; for in the earlier passages of Scripture they named God.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quid sit quod ait Iacob ad Laban: Et decepisti mercedem meam decem agnabus.
What it means that Jacob says to Laban: And you have cheated my wage by ten ewe-lambs.
95. (31, 41) Quid est quod dicit Iacob socero suo: et decepisti mercedem meam decem agnabus? Hoc enim quando et quomodo factum sit, Scriptura non narrat; sed utique factum est quod iste commemorat; nam dixit hoc et uxoribus suis, quando eas vocavit in campum. Conquerens enim de patre illarum, ait inter cetera: et mutavit mercedem meam decem agnorum (Gen 31, 7). Intellegitur ergo per singula tempora partus ovium, cum videret Laban tales fetus esse natos, quales placuerat ut ad Iacob pertinerent (Cf. Gen 30, 37-42), pactum fraude mutasse, et dixisse ut futuro fetu alios pecudum colores haberet in mercede Iacob.
95. (31:41) What does it mean that Jacob says to his father-in-law, and you have cheated my wage by ten ewe-lambs? For when and how this was done Scripture does not narrate; but surely what he mentions was done; for he said this also to his wives, when he called them into the field. For complaining about their father, he says among other things: and he changed my wage of ten lambs (Gen 31:7). It is understood, then, that at each season of the sheep's bearing, when Laban saw that such offspring were born as it had been agreed should belong to Jacob (See Gen 30:37-42), he changed the compact by fraud, and said that for the future offspring he should have other colors of the flock in Jacob's wage.
QsHept.1.25.3
Tunc autem ille virgas varias non supponebat, et non nascebantur varii, sed unius coloris, quae Iacob ex novo pacto auferebat. Quod cum vidisset Laban, rursus pactum fraude mutabat, ut ad Iacob varia pertinerent; tunc illarum suppositione virgarum varia nascebantur.
But then Jacob did not set out the variegated rods, and there were born not variegated ones, but of one color, which Jacob took away by the new compact. And when Laban saw this, he again changed the compact by fraud, so that the variegated should belong to Jacob; then, by the setting out of those rods, variegated ones were born.
QsHept.1.25.3
Ergo quod ait Iacob uxoribus suis: mutavit mercedem meam decem agnorum, et postea ipsi Laban: decepisti mercedem meam decem agnabus, non ita dixit quasi provenerit socero eius ipsa fraus; ut enim non ei proveniret, Deum sibi dixit adversus illum adfuisse; decem vero agnos vel decem agnas, pro decem temporibus posuit, quibus oves quas pascebat per sexennium pepererunt.
So when Jacob says to his wives, he changed my wage of ten lambs, and afterward to Laban himself, you have cheated my wage by ten ewe-lambs, he did not say it as though that fraud succeeded for his father-in-law; for that it should not succeed for him, he said that God was present to him against the other; and by ten lambs or ten ewe-lambs he meant ten seasons in which the sheep he pastured gave birth over the six years.
QsHept.1.25.3
Bis quippe pariebant in anno, contigerat autem ut primo anno, quo inter se pacti sunt, et ad eas pascendas placito huius mercedis accessit, semel parerent in fine anni, quia cum accessit, iam semel pepererant; rursumque sexto anno, id est ultimo, cum semel peperissent, exorta necessitate profectionis, prius recederet, quam iterum parerent; ac per hoc cum primus annus atque ultimus duos ovium partus sub illo haberent, hoc est, singulos, medii vero quattuor anni binos, fiunt omnes decem.
For they gave birth twice a year; but it had happened that in the first year, in which they made the compact between themselves and he came to pasture them by the agreement of this wage, they gave birth once at the end of the year, because when he came they had already given birth once; and again in the sixth year, that is, the last, when they had given birth once, the necessity of departure having arisen, he withdrew before they gave birth again; and thus, since the first year and the last had two birthings of the sheep under his charge—that is, one each—but the four middle years had two each, all together come to ten.
QsHept.1.25.3
Nec mirum quod haec decem tempora nomine agnorum appellavit, qui eisdem temporibus nascebantur; velut si quisquam dicat: "per tot vindemias," aut: "per tot messes," quibus numerus intellegatur annorum; unde ait quidam: post aliquot aristas (VIRGILIO, Ecl. 1, 70); per aristas videlicet "messes," et per "messes" "annos" significans. Pecudum autem illius regionis fecunditas, sicut Italarum, tanta fertur, ut bis in anno pariant.
Nor is it strange that he called these ten seasons by the name of lambs, which were born in those same seasons; as if someone should say, "through so many vintages," or "through so many harvests," by which the number of years is understood; whence a certain poet says, after a few ears of grain (Virgil, Eclogues 1, 70)—by ears of grain signifying "harvests," and by "harvests" "years." And the fecundity of the flocks of that region, like that of the Italian, is said to be so great that they give birth twice a year.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod ait: Sumpsit autem Iacob lapidem et constituit eum titulum.
What it means: And Jacob took a stone and set it up as a pillar.
96. (31, 45) Sumpsit autem Iacob lapidem, et constituit eum titulum. Diligenter animadvertendum est, quomodo istos titulos in rei cuiusque testimonio constituebant; non ut eos pro diis colerent, sed ut eis aliquid significarent.
96. (31:45) And Jacob took a stone, and set it up as a pillar. It must be carefully observed how they set up these pillars in testimony of any matter; not that they might worship them as gods, but that they might signify something by them.
QsHept.1.25.3
De acervo lapidum, quem inter se constituerunt Laban et Iacob.
On the heap of stones which Laban and Jacob set up between themselves.
97. (31, 47-48) Quod acervum lapidum, quem inter se constituerant Laban et Iacob, cum aliquanta diversitate appellaverunt, ut eum vocaret Laban Acervum testimonii, Iacob Acervum testem; traditur ab eis qui et Syram et Hebraeam linguam noverunt, propter proprietates suae cuiusque linguae factum. Fieri enim solet, ut alia lingua non dicatur uno verbo, quod alia dicitur, et vicinitate significationis quidque appelletur. Nam postea dicitur: propter hoc appellatum est nomen: Acervus testatur (Gen 31, 48). Hoc enim medie positum est, quod utrique conveniret, et ei qui dixerat: Acervus testimonii, et ei qui dixerat: Acervus testis.
97. (31:47-48) That the heap of stones which Laban and Jacob had set up between themselves they called with some difference—so that Laban called it Heap of testimony, Jacob Heap-witness—is handed down by those who know both the Syriac and the Hebrew language to have been done on account of the properties of each one's own language. For it is wont to happen that what is said in one word in one language is not said in one word in another, and each thing is called by a nearness of signification. For afterward it is said: on this account the name was called: The heap testifies (Gen 31:48). For this was set down in a middle way, that it might suit both him who had said Heap of testimony and him who had said Heap-witness.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quid significet varietas sermonis Laban ad Iacob.
What the variation of Laban's speech to Jacob signifies.
98. (31, 48-49) Quid est quod loquendo Laban ad Iacob dicit: testatur acervus hic, et testatur titulus hic. Propter hoc appellatur nomen: Acervus testatur. Et visio quam dixit: 'respiciat Deus inter me et te'? Nisi forte ordo est: et visio quam dixit Deus: 'respiciat inter me et te,' Deus quippe illi dixerat in visione, ne laederet Iacob.
98. (31:48-49) What does it mean that, speaking to Jacob, Laban says: this heap witnesses, and this pillar witnesses. On this account the name is called: The heap witnesses. And the vision which he said: 'May God watch between me and you'? Unless perhaps the order is: and the vision which God said: 'May he watch between me and you'; for God had said to him in a vision that he should not harm Jacob.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quod dicit in consequentibus Laban.
What Laban says in what follows.
99. (31, 50) Quid est quod dicit in consequentibus Laban: vide, nemo nobiscum est? Nisi forte nemo extraneorum, aut propter testificationem Dei, quem ita habere deberent, tamquam nemo cum eis esset, quem testimonio eius adiungerent.
99. (31:50) What does it mean that Laban says in what follows: see, no one is with us? Unless perhaps "no one of outsiders," or on account of the testimony of God, whom they ought so to have that it was as if no one were with them whom they might join to his testimony.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quis sit timor Isaac.
What the fear of Isaac is.
100. (31, 53. 42) Et iuravit Iacob per timorem patris sui Isaac. Per timorem utique quo timebat Deum, quem timorem etiam superius commendavit, cum diceret: Deus patris mei Abrahae, et timor patris mei Isaac.
100. (31:53. 42) And Jacob swore by the fear of his father Isaac. By the fear—surely that by which he feared God, which fear he also commended above, when he said: the God of my father Abraham, and the fear of my father Isaac.
QsHept.1.25.3
Castra Dei.
The camp of God.
101. (32, 2) Castra Dei quae vidit Iacob in itinere, nulla dubitatio est quod angelorum fuerat multitudo; ea quippe in Scripturis "militia caeli" nominatur.
101. (32:2) The camp of God which Jacob saw on the journey—there is no doubt that it was a multitude of angels; for these are named in the Scriptures "the host of heaven."
QsHept.1.25.3
Comitatum suum Iacob in bina castra divisit, timens fratrem suum.
Jacob divided his company into two camps, fearing his brother.
102. (32, 6-12) Nuntiato sibi fratre suo Iacob veniente obviam ei cum quadringentis viris, turbatus est quidem et mente confusus, quoniam timuit valde; et ut visum est homini perturbato, divisam multitudinem suam in duo castra disposuit (Cf. Gen 32, 7). Ubi quaeri potest, quomodo habuerit fidem promissis Dei, quandoquidem dixit: si venerit ad castra prima frater meus, et exciderit ea, erunt secunda in salutem (Gen 32, 8). Sed etiam hoc fieri potuit, ut everteret castra eius Esau, et tamen Deus post illam afflictionem adesset, et liberaret eum, et quae promisit impleret. Et admonendi fuimus hoc exemplo, ut quamvis credamus in Deum, faciamus tamen quae facienda sunt ab hominibus in praesidium salutis, ne praetermittentes ea, Deum tentare videamur.
102. (32:6-12) When it was reported to Jacob that his brother was coming to meet him with four hundred men, he was indeed troubled and confused in mind, for he greatly feared; and, as seemed good to a man disturbed, he arranged his company, divided into two camps (See Gen 32:7). Here it can be asked how he had faith in God's promises, since he said: if my brother comes to the first camp and destroys it, the second will be for safety (Gen 32:8). But even this could happen, that Esau should overthrow his camp, and yet God be present after that affliction, and deliver him, and fulfill what he had promised. And we had to be admonished by this example that, although we believe in God, we should nonetheless do the things that ought to be done by men for the safeguarding of our welfare, lest, by neglecting them, we seem to tempt God.
QsHept.1.25.3
Denique post haec, quae verba dicat idem Iacob, considerandum est: Deus, inquit, patris mei Abraham, et Deus patris mei Isaac, Domine, qui dixisti mihi: 'recurre in terram generationis tuae, et bene tibi faciam,' idoneus es mihi ab omni iustitia et ab omni veritate, quae fecisti puero tuo. In virga enim mea ista transii Iordanem hunc, nunc autem factus sum in duo castra; erue me de manu fratris mei, de manu Esau; quia ego timeo illum, ne cum venerit feriat me et matres super filios. Tu autem dixisti: 'benefaciam tibi, et ponam semen tuum tamquam arenam maris, quae non dinumerabitur prae multitudine (Gen 32, 9-12).' Satis in his verbis et humana infirmitas, et fides pietatis apparet.
Finally, after these things, what words the same Jacob says is to be considered: God, he says, of my father Abraham, and God of my father Isaac, Lord, who said to me, 'Return to the land of your birth, and I will do you good,' you are sufficient for me, of all the justice and all the truth which you have done to your servant. For with this my staff I crossed this Jordan, but now I have become two camps; rescue me from the hand of my brother, from the hand of Esau; for I fear him, lest when he comes he strike me and the mothers with the children. But you said: 'I will do you good, and will make your seed like the sand of the sea, which cannot be numbered for multitude.' (Gen 32:9-12) In these words both human weakness and the faith of piety sufficiently appear.
QsHept.1.25.3
Ordo verborum Iacob et verba scriptoris.
The order of Jacob's words and the words of the writer.
103. (32, 21) Quod Latini codices habent de Iacob: dixit enim: 'placabo vultum eius, in muneribus praecedentibus eum'; scriptor libri qui narrans ait de Iacob: dixit enim: 'placabo vultum eius,' hoc usque verba Iacob dixisse intellegitur, cetera vero sua intulisse quod ait: in muneribus praecedentibus eum; tamquam diceret: "in muneribus quae praecedebant Iacob, placabo vultum fratris mei." Ordo est ergo verborum Iacob: placabo vultum eius, et post hoc videbo faciem eius; forsitan enim suscipiet faciem meam. Interposita autem sunt verba scriptoris: in muneribus praecedentibus eum.
103. (32:21) As to what the Latin manuscripts have about Jacob, for he said: 'I will appease his face, with the gifts going before him': the writer of the book, who in narrating says of Jacob, for he said: 'I will appease his face', is understood to have said up to this point the words of Jacob, but to have inserted the rest as his own, when he says with the gifts going before him; as if he said, "with the gifts which were going before Jacob, I will appease the face of my brother." The order of Jacob's words, then, is: I will appease his face, and after this I will see his face; for perhaps he will receive my face. But the writer's words are interposed: with the gifts going before him.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quare ab illo angelo desideraverit benedici Iacob, cui luctando praevaluerat.
Why Jacob desired to be blessed by that angel over whom he had prevailed in wrestling.
104. (32, 26) Quod ab illo angelo desiderat Iacob benedici, cui luctando praevaluit, magna est de Christo prophetia. Nam eo ipso admonet mysticum aliquid sapere, quia omnis homo a maiore vult benedici. Quomodo ergo ab eo benedici iste voluit, quem luctando superavit? Praevaluit enim Iacob Christo, vel potius praevalere visus est, per eos Israelitas a quibus crucifixus est Christus; et ab eo tamen benedicitur in eis Israelitis qui crediderunt in Christum, ex quibus erat qui dicebat: nam et ego Israelita sum ex semine Abraham, de tribu Beniamin (Rom 11, 1). Unus ergo atque idem Iacob et claudus et benedictus: claudus in latitudine femoris, tamquam in multitudine generis, de quibus dictum est: et claudicaverunt a semitis suis (Ps 17, 46); benedictus autem in eis de quibus dictum est: reliquiae per electionem gratiae salvae factae sunt (Rom 11, 5).
104. (32:26) That Jacob desires to be blessed by that angel over whom he prevailed in wrestling is a great prophecy concerning Christ. For by this very thing he admonishes us to perceive something mystical, since every man wishes to be blessed by a greater. How, then, did he wish to be blessed by him whom he overcame in wrestling? For Jacob prevailed over Christ, or rather seemed to prevail, through those Israelites by whom Christ was crucified; and yet he is blessed by him in those Israelites who believed in Christ, of whom was he who said: for I too am an Israelite, of the seed of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin (Rom 11:1). One and the same Jacob, then, is both lame and blessed: lame in the breadth of his thigh, as it were in the multitude of his race, of whom it is said, and they went lame from their paths (Ps 18:45 (17:46)); but blessed in those of whom it is said, a remnant, through the election of grace, has been saved (Rom 11:5).
QsHept.1.25.3
De verbis Iacob fratri suo: Propter hoc vidi faciem tuam, quemadmodum cum videt aliquis faciem Dei.
On Jacob's words to his brother: For this reason I have seen your face, as when one sees the face of God.
105. (33, 10) Quid sibi vult quod Iacob ait fratri suo: Propter hoc vidi faciem tuam, quemadmodum cum videt aliquis faciem Dei? Utrum paventis et perturbati animi verba usque in hanc adulationem proruperunt? An secundum aliquem intellectum sine peccato dicta accipi possunt? Fortassis enim quia dicti sunt et gentium dii, quae sunt daemonia (Cf. Ps 93, 5), non praeiudicetur ex his verbis homini Dei. Non enim dixit: "quemadmodum si viderem faciem Dei," sed: cum videt aliquis; ipse autem aliquis, quem significare possit, incertum est; atque ita fortasse temperata sunt verba, ut et ipse Esau sibi delatum tantum honorem grate acciperet, et qui haec etiam aliter intellegere possunt, eum a quo dicta sunt nullo crimine impietatis arguerent. Quod etsi benigno animo dicta haec verba fraterna sunt, quoniam et post bonam susceptionem metus ipse transierat; potuit sic dici, quemadmodum et Moyses Pharaonis deus dictus est (Cf. Ex 7, 1), secundum quod dicit Apostolus: etsi sunt qui dicuntur dii, sive in caelo, sive in terra, quemadmodum sunt dii multi, et domini multi (1 Cor 8, 5); maxime quia sine articulo, in graeco dictum est; quo articulo evidentissime solet veri Dei unius fieri significatio. Non enim dixit: πρόσωπον τοῦ θεοῦ, sed dixit: πρόσωπον θεοῦ; facile autem hoc intellegunt qua distantia dicatur, qui Graecorum eloquium audire atque intellegere solent.
105. (33:10) What does it mean that Jacob says to his brother: for this reason I have seen your face, as when one sees the face of God? Did the words of a frightened and disturbed mind burst out even into this flattery? Or can they be taken as said without sin, according to some understanding? For perhaps, because the gods of the nations too were called, which are demons (See Ps 95:5 (93:5)), no prejudice is to be drawn from these words against the man of God. For he did not say, "as if I were to see the face of God," but as when one sees; and who that one may signify is uncertain; and so perhaps the words were so tempered that both Esau himself might gratefully receive the great honor offered him, and those who can understand these things otherwise might convict the one by whom they were said of no crime of impiety. But even if these fraternal words were said with a kindly mind, since after the good reception the fear itself had passed, it could be said thus, just as Moses too was called Pharaoh's god (See Exod 7:1), according to what the Apostle says: although there are those who are called gods, whether in heaven or on earth, as there are many gods and many lords (1 Cor 8:5); especially because it was said in the Greek without the article, by which article the signification of the one true God is wont to be made most evidently. For he did not say "the face of the God," but "a face of God"; and those who are accustomed to hear and understand the speech of the Greeks easily understand with what distinction it is said.
QsHept.1.25.3
Utrum mendaciter promiserit Iacob fratri suo.
Whether Jacob promised his brother falsely.
106. (33, 14) Quaeritur utrum mendaciter promiserit Iacob fratri suo, quod sequens pedes suorum, in itinere propter quos immoraretur, venturus esset ad eum in Seir; hoc enim, sicut Scriptura deinde narrat (Cf. Gen 33, 17), non fecit, sed eo perrexit itinere quod dirigebat ad suos. An forte veraci animo promiserat, sed aliud postea cogitando delegit?
106. (33:14) It is asked whether Jacob promised his brother falsely that, following the pace of his own people on the journey—on whose account he would go slowly—he would come to him in Seir; for this, as Scripture then narrates (See Gen 33:17), he did not do, but proceeded by the road that led to his own people. Or had he perhaps promised with a truthful mind, but afterward, on reflection, chose otherwise?
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo virgo appelletur Dina in Scripturis.
How Dinah is called a virgin in the Scriptures.
107. (34, 2-3) Quomodo Scriptura dicit quod vidit Sichem filius Emmor Chorraeus, princeps terrae, Dinam filiam Iacob, et accipit eam, et dormivit cum ea, et humiliavit eam; et intendit animo Dinae filiae Iacob, et adamavit virginem, et locutus est secundum sensum virginis ipsi? Quomodo virgo appellatur, si iam cum illa dormierat, eamque humiliaverat? Nisi forte virgo nomen aetatis est secundum Hebraeum eloquium; an potius per recapitulationem postea commemoratur quod primo factum est? Prius enim potuit intendere animae ipsius et amare virginem, et loqui secundum sensum virginis, et deinde cum illa dormire, eamque humiliare.
107. (34:2-3) How does Scripture say that Shechem son of Hamor the Hivite, prince of the land, saw Dinah the daughter of Jacob, and took her, and slept with her, and humbled her; and he set his mind on Dinah the daughter of Jacob, and fell in love with the virgin, and spoke to her according to the mind of the virgin? How is she called a virgin, if he had already slept with her and humbled her? Unless perhaps virgin is a name of age according to Hebrew speech; or rather, is it by recapitulation that there is afterward mentioned what was done first? For he could first set his mind on her and love the virgin, and speak according to the mind of the virgin, and then sleep with her and humble her.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo potuerint filii Iacob expugnare civitatem, cum paulo ante infantes eos dixerit.
How the sons of Jacob could storm the city, since a little before he called them infants.
108. (33, 5; 34, 25) Cum paulo ante loquens Iacob cum fratre suo Esau infantes filios suos esse significet, qui Graece dicuntur , quaeri potest quomodo potuerunt facere tantam stragem direptionemque civitatis, interfectis quamvis in dolore circumcisionis constitutis pro sorore sua Dina. Sed intellegendum est, diu illic habitasse Iacob, donec et filia eius virgo fieret, et filii iuvenes.
108. (33:5; 34:25) Since a little before, Jacob, speaking with his brother Esau, indicates that his sons are infants, it can be asked how they could make so great a slaughter and plundering of the city, killing the men—though they were laid up in the pain of circumcision—on behalf of their sister Dinah. But it is to be understood that Jacob dwelt there a long time, until both his daughter became a virgin and his sons young men.
QsHept.1.25.3
Nam ita scriptum est: et venit Iacob in Salem in civitatem Sichimorum, quae est in terra Chanaan, cum advenit de Mesopotamia Syriae, et applicuit ad faciem civitatis; et emit partem agri, in quo statuit illic tabernaculum suum, ab Emmor patre Sichem centum agnis; et statuit ibi aram, et invocavit Deum Israel. Exiit autem Dina filia Liae, quam peperit ipse Iacob, ut condisceret filias regionis eius (Gen 33, 18 - 34, 1), et cetera.
For it is written thus: and Jacob came to Salem, to the city of the Shechemites, which is in the land of Canaan, when he arrived from Mesopotamia of Syria, and encamped before the face of the city; and he bought a part of the field in which he there set up his tent, from Hamor the father of Shechem for a hundred lambs; and he set up there an altar, and called upon the God of Israel. Now Dinah the daughter of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob himself, went out to learn the ways of the daughters of that region (Gen 33:18-34:1), and so on.
QsHept.1.25.3
Apparet ergo his verbis non transeunter, sicut viator solet, illic mansisse Iacob, sed agrum emisse, tabernaculum constituisse, aram instruxisse, ac per hoc diutius habitasse; filiam vero eius cum ad eam venisset aetatem, ut amicas habere iam posset, condiscere voluisse filias civium loci; atque ita factam esse pro illa cruentissimam caedem et depredationem, quae iam, ut puto, quaestionem non habet. Multitudo enim non parva erat cum Iacob, qui plurimum ditatus fuit; sed filii eius in hoc facto nominantur, quia eiusdem facti principes atque auctores fuerunt.
It appears, then, from these words that Jacob did not stay there in passing, as a traveler is wont to, but bought a field, set up a tent, built an altar, and on this account dwelt there for a long time; and that his daughter, when she had reached the age that she could now have friends, wished to learn the ways of the daughters of the people of the place; and so there came about, on her account, the most bloody slaughter and plundering, which now, I think, has no further question. For there was no small multitude with Jacob, who had been greatly enriched; but his sons are named in this deed, because they were its chief authors and leaders.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo dixerit Iacob exiguum se esse numero, cum sui expugnaverint civitatem.
How Jacob said he was few in number, when his own people stormed the city.
109. (34, 30) Quod ait Iacob, timens bella finitimorum apud civitatem Salem, quam expugnaverunt filii eius: ego autem exiguus sum numero, et convenientes super me occident me; propter bella plurium, quae consurgere poterant, se dixit numero exiguum, non quod minus multos haberet, quam possent sufficere expugnationi illius civitatis, cum suos in itinere in bina castra diviserit.
109. (34:30) As to what Jacob says, fearing the wars of the neighbors at the city of Salem, which his sons stormed: but I am few in number, and they will gather against me and kill me; on account of the wars of the many, which could arise, he said he was few in number—not that he had fewer men than could suffice for the storming of that city, since he had divided his people on the journey into two camps.
QsHept.1.25.3
De verbis: Fac ibi aram Deo qui apparuit tibi.
On the words: Make there an altar to the God who appeared to you.
110. (35, 1) Dixit autem Deus ad Iacob: 'surge, et ascende in locum Bethel, et habita ibi; et fac ibi aram Deo, qui apparuit tibi, cum fugeres a facie Esau fratris tui.' Quid est quod non dixit: "et fac ibi aram mihi, qui apparui tibi"; sed Deus dicit: fac ibi aram Deo qui apparuit tibi? Utrum Filius ibi apparuit, et Deus Pater hoc dicit? An in aliquo genere locutionis annumerandum?
110. (35:1) And God said to Jacob: 'Rise, and go up to the place Bethel, and dwell there; and make there an altar to the God who appeared to you, when you fled from the face of Esau your brother.' What does it mean that he did not say, "and make there an altar to me, who appeared to you," but God says, make there an altar to the God who appeared to you? Did the Son appear there, and is it God the Father who says this? Or is it to be reckoned among some manner of speech?
QsHept.1.25.3
Utrum inaures quae cum idolis datae sunt idolorum phylacteria fuerint.
Whether the earrings that were given along with the idols were phylacteries of the idols.
111. (35, 2) Quod Iacob ascensurus Bethel, ubi iussus est aram facere, dicit domui suae et omnibus qui cum illo erant: Tollite deos alienos, qui vobiscum sunt, de medio vestrum, et cetera; deinde dicitur: Et dederunt Iacob deos alienos, qui erant in manibus eorum, et inaures quae erant in auribus eorum; quaeritur "quare et inaures, quae si ornamenta erant, ad idololatriam non pertinebant, nisi quia intellegendum est phylacteria fuisse deorum alienorum." Nam Rebeccam a servo Abrahae inaures accepisse Scriptura testatur; quod non fieret, si eis inaures habere ornamenti gratia non liceret. Ergo illae inaures quae cum idolis datae sunt, ut dictum est, idolorum phylacteria fuerunt.
111. (35:2) That Jacob, about to go up to Bethel, where he was bidden to make an altar, says to his household and to all who were with him, take away the foreign gods that are among you, from your midst, and so on; then it is said: and they gave to Jacob the foreign gods that were in their hands, and the earrings that were in their ears; it is asked why the earrings too—which, if they were ornaments, did not pertain to idolatry—unless it is to be understood that they were phylacteries of the foreign gods. For Scripture testifies that Rebekah received earrings from Abraham's servant; which would not be done, if it were not permitted them to have earrings for the sake of ornament. Therefore those earrings which were given along with the idols, as was said, were phylacteries of the idols.
QsHept.1.25.3
A quo timor Dei factus est.
By whom the fear of God was produced.
112. (35, 5) Et factus est timor Dei in civitatibus quae circa illos erant, et non sunt consecuti post filios Israel. Incipiamus animadvertere quemadmodum Deus operetur in hominum mentibus. A quo enim timor Dei factus est in illis civitatibus, nisi ab illo qui sua promissa in Iacob filiisque tuebatur?
112. (35:5) And the fear of God was produced in the cities that were around them, and they did not pursue after the sons of Israel. Let us begin to observe how God works in the minds of men. For by whom was the fear of God produced in those cities, except by him who was guarding his promises in Jacob and his sons?
QsHept.1.25.3
De tribus nominibus unius civitatis.
On the three names of one city.
113. (35, 6) Venit autem Iacob in Luza, quae est in terra Chanaan, quae est Bethel. Animadvertendum est tria iam nomina huius civitatis commemorata; Ulammaus, quod dictum est eam prius vocatam, cum illuc prius pergens in Mesopotamiam venisset Iacob; et Bethel, quod nomen ipse imposuit, et interpretatur Domus Dei; et Luza, quod modo commemoratum est (Cf. Gen 28, 19; 35, 15). Nec mirum debet videri: multis enim locis hoc accidit, et in civitatibus, et in fluminibus, et in quibusque terrarum, ut ex aliis atque aliis causis vel adderentur, vel mutarentur vocabula, sicut etiam ipsis hominibus.
113. (35:6) And Jacob came to Luz, which is in the land of Canaan, which is Bethel. It must be observed that three names of this city have now been mentioned: Ulammaus, which it is said was its earlier name, when Jacob, going there first on his way to Mesopotamia, had come there; and Bethel, the name he himself imposed, which means House of God; and Luz, which has just been mentioned (See Gen 28:19; 35:15). Nor ought it to seem strange: for in many places this happens—in cities, in rivers, and in any lands whatever—that for one cause or another names are either added or changed, as also to men themselves.
QsHept.1.25.3
Cur Iacob, postquam Israel dictus est, iterum Iacob appellatur.
Why Jacob, after he was called Israel, is again called Jacob.
114. (35, 9-10) Iterum in Luza apparuit Deus Iacob, et dixit ei: nomen tuum iam non vocabitur Iacob, sed Israel erit nomen tuum (Gen 32, 28). Hoc ei dicit ecce iterum Deus in benedictione, quae repetitio confirmat magnum promissum in hoc nomine. Nam hoc mirum est, quibus etiam semel dictum est, amplius eos non vocari quod vocabantur, sed quod eis novum nomen imponebatur, omnino amplius aliquid non vocatos nisi quod eis impositum sit; istum autem per totam vitam suam et deinceps post vitam suam appellatum esse Iacob, cui non semel Deus dixerat: non iam vocaberis Iacob, sed Israel erit nomen tuum. Nimirum ergo nomen hoc ad illam recte intellegitur pertinere promissionem, ubi sic videbitur Deus, quomodo non est antea Patribus visus. Ibi enim non erit nomen vetus, quia nihil remanebit vel in ipso corpore vetustatis, et Dei visio summum erit praemium.
114. (35:9-10) Again in Luz God appeared to Jacob, and said to him: your name will no longer be called Jacob, but Israel will be your name (Gen 32:28). Behold, God says this to him again in a blessing, and this repetition confirms a great promise in this name. For this is remarkable: that those to whom it is said even once that they are no longer to be called what they were called, but the new name imposed on them, are altogether no longer called anything except what was imposed on them; but this man, throughout his whole life and thereafter, after his life, was called Jacob, to whom God had said not once, you will no longer be called Jacob, but Israel will be your name. So this name is rightly understood to pertain to that promise where God will be seen in such a way as he was not seen before by the Fathers. For there will be no old name, because nothing of the old will remain even in the body itself, and the vision of God will be the highest reward.
QsHept.1.25.3
Cur Gentes et congregationes gentium.
Why "nations and assemblies of nations."
115. (35, 11) In promissis Iacob dicitur: gentes et congregationes gentium erunt ex te; quaeritur utrum gentes secundum carnem, congregationes autem gentium secundum fidem, an utrumque propter fidem gentium dictum est, si gentes appellari non possunt una gens Israel secundum carnem.
115. (35:11) In the promises to Jacob it is said: nations and assemblies of nations will be from you; it is asked whether nations means according to the flesh, but assemblies of nations according to faith, or whether both were said on account of the faith of the nations—if the one nation of Israel according to the flesh cannot be called nations.
QsHept.1.25.3
Cur iterum factum est hoc loco, quod factum fuerat.
Why what had been done was done again in this place.
116. (35, 13-15) Ascendit autem Deus ab eo loco, ubi locutus est cum eo; et statuit Iacob titulum in loco in quo locutus est cum eo, titulum lapideum; et libavit super eum libamen, et infudit super eum oleum; et vocavit Iacob nomen loci, in quo lucutus est cum eo illic Deus, Bethel. Iterum factum est hoc loco, quod factum fuerat (Cf. Gen 28, 18-19)? An iterum commemoratum est? Sed quodlibet horum sit, super lapidem libavit Iacob, non lapidi libavit. Non ergo sicut idololatrae solent aras ante lapides constituere, et tamquam diis libare lapidibus.
116. (35:13-15) And God went up from the place where he had spoken with him; and Jacob set up a pillar in the place where he had spoken with him, a pillar of stone; and he poured a libation upon it, and poured oil upon it; and Jacob called the name of the place, where God there spoke with him, Bethel. Was what had been done done again in this place (See Gen 28:18-19)? Or was it again mentioned? But whichever of these it be, Jacob poured a libation upon the stone, he did not pour a libation to the stone. He did not, then, as idolaters are wont to do, set up altars before stones, and pour libations to the stones as to gods.
QsHept.1.25.3
Quomodo duodecim filii Israel dicantur nati in Mesopotamia cum Beniamin non sit ibi natus.
How the twelve sons of Israel are said to have been born in Mesopotamia, since Benjamin was not born there.
117. 1. (35, 26) Quod duodecim filii computantur Israel, qui nati sunt ei, et dicitur: hi sunt filii Israel, qui nati sunt ei in Mesopotamia, cum Beniamin longe postea natus sit, cum iam transissent Bethel et appropinquarent Bethlehem; frustra quidam conantes istam solvere quaestionem, dixerunt non legendum: nati sunt, sicut latini plerique codices habent, sed: facti sunt; graece enim scriptum est [MISSING GREEK TEXT]; ita volentes intellegi etiam Beniamin, quamvis ibi natus non fuerit, ibi factum tamen; quia iam fuerat in utero seminatus, ut praegnans inde Rachel exiisse credatur. Hoc autem modo etiamsi: nati sunt legeretur, possent dicere: iam in utero natus erat, quia conceptus erat; sicut de sancta Maria dictum est ad Ioseph: quod enim in ea natum est, de Spiritu Sancto est (Mt 1, 20).
117. 1. (35:26) That the twelve sons of Israel who were born to him are reckoned, and it is said, these are the sons of Israel, who were born to him in Mesopotamia, when Benjamin was born long afterward, when they had already passed Bethel and were approaching Bethlehem—some, vainly trying to solve this question, have said that we must not read were born, as most Latin manuscripts have, but were made; for in Greek it is written with a word meaning "came to be"; wishing thus to have it understood that Benjamin too, although he was not born there, was nonetheless made there, because he had already been sown in the womb, so that Rachel is believed to have gone out from there pregnant. But in this way, even if were born were read, they could say: he had already been born in the womb, because he had been conceived; just as it was said of holy Mary to Joseph: for that which is born in her is of the Holy Spirit (Matt 1:20).
QsHept.1.25.3
117. 2. Sed aliud est quod impedit hanc solutionem quaestionis huius; quia si iam ibi Beniamin conceptus erat, qui filii Iacob grandes inde exierunt, vix annorum duodecim esse potuerunt. Viginti namque annos illic explevit (Cf. Gen 31, 41), quorum primis septem sine coniugio fuit, donec serviendo id adipisceretur. Ut ergo primo anno, quo duxit uxorem, ei filius nasceretur, duodecim annorum esse potuit primitivus, cum inde profectus est. Proinde si iam conceptus fuerat Beniamin, intra decem menses illa omnis via peracta est, et quidquid in itinere scriptum est de Iacob. Unde sequitur ut filii eius tam parvuli pro sorore sua Dina tantam stragem fecerint, tot homines trucidaverint, ita expugnaverint civitatem (Cf. Gen 34, 25-29); in quibus Simeon et Levi, qui primi gladiis accincti intraverunt ad illos homines eosque peremerunt, undecim unus, alter autem decem annorum fuisse reperiatur etiamsi per singulos annos sine intermissione illa pepererat; quod utique incredibile est, ab illius aetatis pueris illa omnia fieri potuisse; quando et ipsa Dina vix adhuc sex annorum fuit.
117. 2. But there is another thing that hinders this solution of the question; because if Benjamin was already conceived there, those sons of Jacob who went out from there grown could scarcely have been twelve years old. For he completed twenty years there (See Gen 31:41), of which the first seven he was without marriage, until by service he obtained it. So that, even if a son was born to him in the first year in which he married, the firstborn could be twelve years old when he set out from there. Accordingly, if Benjamin was already conceived, that whole journey was completed within ten months, and whatever is written about Jacob on the journey. From which it follows that his sons, so very young, made so great a slaughter for their sister Dinah, butchered so many men, and so stormed the city (See Gen 34:25-29); among whom Simeon and Levi, who first, girded with swords, went in to those men and slew them, the one would be found to have been eleven, the other ten years old—even if she had given birth in each single year without interruption; which is surely incredible, that all those things could be done by boys of that age, when Dinah herself was scarcely yet six years old.
QsHept.1.117.2
117. 3. Proinde aliter solvenda quaestio est, ut ideo intellegatur dictum, commemoratis duodecim filiis: hi sunt filii Iacob, qui facti sunt ei in Mesopotamia Syriae, quia inter omnes qui tam multi erant, unus tantum erat non ibi natus, qui tamen inde habuit nascendi causam, quod ibi mater eius patri copulata est. Sed solutio ista quaestionis aliquo exemplo similis locutionis firmanda est.
117. 3. Accordingly the question must be solved otherwise: so that it is understood to have been said, when the twelve sons were mentioned, these are the sons of Jacob, who were made to him in Mesopotamia of Syria, because among all of them, who were so many, only one was not born there—who nonetheless had there the occasion of his being born, because there his mother was joined to his father. But this solution of the question must be confirmed by some example of a similar manner of speech.
QsHept.1.117.3
117. 4. Nulla tamen est facilior solutio quaestionis huius, quam ut per synecdochen accipiatur. Ubi enim pars maior est, aut potior, solet eius nomine etiam illud comprehendi quod ad ipsum nomen non pertinet. Sicut ad duodecim Apostolos iam non pertinebat Iudas, qui etiam mortuus fuit cum Dominus resurrexit a mortuis, et tamen ipsius duodenarii numeri nomen Apostolus in Epistola sua tenuit (Cf. 1 Cor 15, 5), ubi ait, eum apparuisse illis duodecim. Cum articulo enim hoc graeci codices habent, ut non possint intellegi quicumque duodecim; sed illi in eo numero insignes. Eo modo locutionis puto et illud a Domino dictum: nonne ego vos duodecim elegi, et unus ex vobis diabolus est? (Io 6, 70). Ut non ad electionem etiam ipse pertinere videatur. Non enim facile invenitur electorum nomen in malo, nisi quando mali eliguntur a malis. Quod si putaverimus et illum electum, ut per eius traditionem Domini passio compleretur, id est malitiam eius ad aliquid electam, bene utente Deo etiam malis; aliud attendamus ubi ait: non de omnibus vobis dico; ego scio quos elegi (Io 13, 18); ubi declarat ad electionem non pertinere nisi bonos. Ac per hoc illud quod dictum est: ego vos duodecim elegi, per synecdochen dictum est, ut nomine maioris meliorisque partis, etiam illud complecteretur, quod ad ipsum nomen non pertinet.
117. 4. There is, however, no easier solution of this question than that it be taken by synecdoche. For where there is a greater or more important part, by its name is wont to be comprehended also that which does not pertain to the name itself. Just as Judas no longer pertained to the twelve Apostles—who was even dead when the Lord rose from the dead—and yet the Apostle kept the name of that number twelve in his Epistle (See 1 Cor 15:5), where he says that he appeared to those twelve. For the Greek manuscripts have this with the article, so that it cannot be understood as any twelve whatever, but those notable ones in that number. In the same manner of speech, I think, is also that which was said by the Lord: did I not choose you twelve, and one of you is a devil? (John 6:70) So that he too should not seem to pertain to the choosing. For the name of the chosen is not easily found in a bad sense, except when the wicked are chosen by the wicked. But if we should think that he too was chosen, so that through his betrayal the Lord's passion might be accomplished—that is, his malice chosen for something, since God makes good use even of the wicked—let us attend to another place where he says: I do not speak of all of you; I know whom I have chosen (John 13:18); where he declares that none but the good pertain to the choosing. And on this account, that which was said, I chose you twelve, was said by synecdoche, so that by the name of the greater and better part it might embrace also that which does not pertain to the name itself.
QsHept.1.117.4
117. 5. Hic modus est in hoc eodem libro, ubi Emmor pro filio suo Sichen, ut acciperet Dinam filiam Iacob, exiit loqui cum eodem Iacob, et venerunt etiam filii eius qui absentes erant, et ad omnes dicit Emmor: Sichem filius meus elegit animo filiam vestram; date ergo illi eam uxorem (Gen 34, 8). Quia enim potior erat patris persona, per synecdochem filiam vestram dicens, etiam fratres tenuit hoc nomine, quorum non erat filia. Hinc est et illud: curre ad oves, et accipe inde mihi duos haedos (Gen 27, 9); simul enim pascebantur oves et haedi; et quia potiores sunt oves, earum nomine etiam caprinum pecus complexus est. Sic quia potior erat numerus undecim filiorum Iacob, qui nati fuerant in Mesopotamia, ipsorum commemoratione Scriptura complexa est etiam Beniamin, qui non erat ibi natus, et dictum est: hi sunt filii Iacob, qui facti sunt ei in Mesopotamia Syriae.
117. 5. This manner is in this same book, where Hamor, on behalf of his son Shechem, that he might take Dinah the daughter of Jacob, went out to speak with Jacob himself, and his sons too, who had been absent, came; and to all Hamor says: my son Shechem has chosen your daughter in his mind; give her, then, to him as wife (Gen 34:8). For because the person of the father was the more important, by synecdoche, saying your daughter, he included also the brothers by this name, though she was not their daughter. Hence too is this: run to the flock, and take me from there two kids (Gen 27:9); for the sheep and the goats were pastured together; and because the sheep are the more important, by their name he embraced also the goatkind. So, because the number of the eleven sons of Jacob who had been born in Mesopotamia was the more important, by mentioning them Scripture embraced also Benjamin, who was not born there, and it was said: these are the sons of Jacob, who were made to him in Mesopotamia of Syria.
QsHept.1.117.5
Si post mortem patris uxores Esau accepit.
Whether Esau took wives after his father's death.
118. (36, 1-5) Quod post narrationem mortis Isaac narratur quas uxores Esau acceperit, et quos creaverit, recapitulatio intellegenda est. Neque enim post mortem Isaac fieri coepit, cum iam essent Esau et Iacob centum viginti annorum (Cf. Gen 25, 26). Nam eos sexagenarius suscepit, et vixit omnes annos vitae suae centum octoginta (Cf. Gen 35, 28).
118. (36:1-5) That after the narration of Isaac's death there is narrated what wives Esau took, and whom he begot, is to be understood as recapitulation. For it did not begin to happen after Isaac's death, when Esau and Jacob were already a hundred and twenty years old (See Gen 25:26). For Isaac begot them when he was sixty, and lived all the years of his life one hundred and eighty (See Gen 35:28).
QsHept.1.117.5
Quaestio est si, post mortem Isaac patris sui, Esau abscessit de Chanaan.
There is a question whether Esau departed from Canaan after the death of Isaac his father.
119. (36, 6-7) Quaestio est, quomodo Scriptura dicat, post mortem Isaac patris sui Esau abscessisse de terra Chanaan, et habitasse in monte Seir (Cf. Gen 36, 6-8); cum veniente de Mesopotamia Iacob fratre eius, legatur quod iam illic habitabat (Cf. Gen 32, 4). Proinde quid fieri potuerit ut Scriptura falli vel fallere non credatur, in promptu est cogitare; quod scilicet Esau posteaquam in Mesopotamiam frater eius abscessit, noluit habitare cum parentibus suis, sive ex illa commotione qua dolebat se benedictione fraudatum, sive aliqua causa vel uxorum suarum, quas odiosas videbat esse parentibus, vel qualibet alia; et coeperat habitare in monte Seir. Deinde post reditum Iacob fratris sui, facta inter eos concordia, reversus est et ipse ad parentes, et cum mortuum patrem simul sepelissent, quia eos in plurimum ditatos terra illa, sicut scriptum est, minime capiebat, abscessit rursus in Seir (Cf. Gen 36, 7-8), et ibi propagavit gentem Idumaeorum.
119. (36:6-7) There is a question how Scripture says that after the death of Isaac his father Esau departed from the land of Canaan and dwelt in Mount Seir (See Gen 36:6-8), when, on the coming of his brother Jacob from Mesopotamia, it is read that he was already dwelling there (See Gen 32:4). Accordingly, what could have happened, so that Scripture is not believed to be deceived or to deceive, is ready at hand to consider: namely, that Esau, after his brother departed into Mesopotamia, was unwilling to dwell with his parents—whether from that agitation by which he grieved that he had been cheated of the blessing, or for some cause either of his wives, whom he saw to be hateful to his parents, or whatever else—and had begun to dwell in Mount Seir. Then, after the return of his brother Jacob, harmony having been made between them, he too returned to his parents, and when they had together buried their dead father, because the land, as is written, by no means held them both, greatly enriched as they were, he departed again into Seir (See Gen 36:7-8), and there propagated the nation of the Idumeans.
QsHept.1.117.5
Terra Edom ex nomine Esau.
The land of Edom from the name of Esau.
120. (36, 21) Quod scriptum est: hi principes Chorraei filii Seir in terra Edom; secundum tempus quo vivebat, scriptor commemorat. Cum autem Seir habitaret qui istos genuit, nondum veniente in illam terram Esau, nondum utique appellabatur terra Edom. Non enim nomen nisi ab ipso Esau inditum est terrae, quoniam idem ipse et Esau et Edom vocabatur, de quo propagati sunt Idumaei, hoc est gens Edom.
120. (36:21) As to what is written, these are the princes of the Hivites, sons of Seir in the land of Edom, the writer mentions it according to the time in which he was living. But when Seir, who begot these men, was dwelling there, Esau not yet having come into that land, it was surely not yet called the land of Edom. For the name was imposed on the land by none but Esau himself, since the same man was called both Esau and Edom, from whom the Idumeans were propagated, that is, the nation of Edom.
QsHept.1.117.5
Quod dicit: Hii reges qui regnaverunt in Edom.
What it means: These are the kings who reigned in Edom.
121. (36, 31-39) Quod scriptum est: et hi reges qui regnaverunt in Edom, antequam regnaret rex in Israel, non sic accipiendum est, tamquam omnes reges nominati sint usque ad ea tempora, quibus coeperunt reges Israel, quorum primus fuit Saul. Multi enim fuerunt in Edom usque ad tempora Saul, temporibus etiam Iudicum, quorum tempora fuerunt ante reges; sed ex his multis eos solos potuit commemorate Moyses, qui fuerunt antequam ipse moreretur. Nec mirum est quod numerantibus ab Abraham per Esau patrem gentis Edom, atque per Raguel filium Esau, et Zara filium Raguel, et Iobab filium Zara, cui Iobab successit in regno Balac, qui primus in terra Edom rex fuisse commemoratur, usque ad ultimum regem quem potuit nominare Moyses, plures generationes inveniuntur quam numerantur ab Abraham per Iacob usque ad Moysen. Nam illic inveniuntur fere duodecim, hic autem usque ad Moysen ferme septem. Fieri enim potuit ut ideo ibi plures nominarentur, quia citius moriendo plures alter alteri successerunt. Sic etiam contigit ut alium ordinem sequens Matthaeus, ab Abraham usque ad Ioseph quadraginta duas generationes numeraret (Cf. Mt 1, 1-17); Lucas autem in ordine alio numerans generationes non per Salomonem, sicut ille, sed per Nathan, ab Abraham usque ad Ioseph quinquaginta quinque commemoret. In Illo quippe ordine ubi plures numerantur (Cf. Lc 3, 23-38), citius mortui sunt, quam hic ubi pauciores. Ne forte autem moveat aliquem, quod inter reges Edom commemoratur Balac filius Beor, et de similitudine nominis existimet illum esse Balac, qui restitit Moysi ducenti populum Israel; sciat illum Balac Moabitam fuisse, non Idumaeum, eumque fuisse filium Sephor, non filium Beor; sed fuisse etiam ibi tunc filium Beor Balaam, non Balac, quem Balaam conduxerat idem Balac ad maledicendum populum Israel (Cf. Num 22, 2-6).
121. (36:31-39) As to what is written, and these are the kings who reigned in Edom, before a king reigned in Israel, it is not to be taken as though all the kings were named down to those times in which the kings of Israel began, of whom the first was Saul. For there were many in Edom down to the times of Saul, even in the times of the Judges, whose times were before the kings; but of these many Moses could mention only those who were before he himself died. Nor is it strange that, counting from Abraham through Esau the father of the nation of Edom, and through Reuel the son of Esau, and Zerah the son of Reuel, and Jobab the son of Zerah—to whom Jobab succeeded in the kingdom Balak, who is mentioned as having been the first king in the land of Edom—down to the last king whom Moses could name, more generations are found than are counted from Abraham through Jacob down to Moses. For there about twelve are found, but here, down to Moses, about seven. For it could be that more were named there because, dying sooner, more succeeded one another. So too it happened that Matthew, following another order, counted from Abraham to Joseph forty-two generations (See Matt 1:1-17); but Luke, counting the generations in another order, not through Solomon, as the former, but through Nathan, mentions fifty-five from Abraham to Joseph. For in that order where more are counted (See Luke 3:23-38), they died sooner than here where fewer. But lest it perhaps trouble anyone that among the kings of Edom Balak son of Beor is mentioned, and from the likeness of the name he suppose him to be the Balak who resisted Moses leading the people of Israel—let him know that that Balak was a Moabite, not an Idumean, and that he was the son of Zippor, not the son of Beor; but that there was also there at that time a son of Beor, Balaam, not Balak, whom this same Balak had hired to curse the people of Israel (See Num 22:2-6).
QsHept.1.117.5
Quomodo potuerit mors Isaac decem et septem annorum invenire Ioseph eius nepotem.
How the death of Isaac could find Joseph his grandson seventeen years old.
122. (35, 29; 37, 2) Quomodo potuerit mors Isaac, decem et septem annorum invenire Ioseph eius nepotem, sicut videtur tamquam ex ordine Scriptura narrare (Cf. Gen 35, 29), quocumque se quisque convertat, invenire difficile est. Nolo enim dicere, non posse inveniri, ne forte me fugiat quod alium non fugit.
122. (35:29; 37:2) How the death of Isaac could find Joseph his grandson seventeen years old, as Scripture seems to narrate as if in order (See Gen 35:29), is difficult to discover, whichever way one turns. For I do not wish to say that it cannot be discovered, lest perhaps what escapes me does not escape another.
QsHept.1.117.5
Si enim post mortem avi sui Isaac, decem et septem annorum fuit Ioseph (Cf. Gen 37, 2) quando eum fratres in Aegyptum vendiderunt, procul dubio et pater eius Iacob septimo decimo anno filii sui Ioseph centum viginti annorum fuit. Genuit enim eos Isaac, cum esset annorum sexaginta, sicut scriptum est (Cf. Gen 25, 26); vixit ergo Isaac postea centum viginti, quia centesimo octogesimo mortuus est (Cf. Gen 35, 28); idcirco dimisit filios centum viginti annos habentes, et Ioseph decem et septem. Ioseph autem quoniam triginta annorum fuit, quando apparuit in conspectu Pharaonis, secuti sunt autem septem anni ubertatis et duo famis, donec ad eum pater cum fratribus venit; triginta novem profecto annos agebat Ioseph quando Iacob intravit in Aegyptum (Cf. Gen 41, 46). Tunc autem idem Iacob, quod ore suo Pharaoni dicit, centesimum et trigesimum annum agebat aetatis (Cf. Gen 47, 9); centum autem et viginti Iacob, quando erat decem et septem Ioseph; quod verum esse nullo modo potest. Si enim septimo decimo anno vitae Ioseph, Iacob centum viginti ageret, procul dubio trigesimo et nono anno Ioseph, non centum triginta, sed centum quadraginta et duos annos agere inveniretur Iacob. Si autem die mortis Isaac, nondum erat annorum decem et septem Ioseph, sed aliquantulo tempore post mortem avi sui ad septimum decimum pervenit annum, quo anno, Scriptura testante, in Aegyptum est a fratribus venditus, plurium etiam quam centum quadraginta duum annorum esse debuit pater eius, quando est filium in Aegyptum consecutus. Scriptura quippe posteaquam narravit (Cf. Gen 35, 28-29) annum vitae ultimum Isaac centesimum et octogesimum, et eius mortem ac sepulturam, deinde commemoravit (Cf. Gen 36, 6-43) quemadmodum digressus esset Esau a fratre suo de terra Chanaan in montem Seir, et contexuit commemorationem regum et principum gentis ipsius, in qua se constituit, vel quam propagavit Esau; post haec, narrationem de Ioseph sic intulit: habitabat autem Iacob in terra Chanaan. Hae autem procreaturae Iacob. Ioseph autem decem et septem annorum erat pascens cum fratribus oves (Gen 37, 1-2).
For if, after the death of his grandfather Isaac, Joseph was seventeen years old (See Gen 37:2) when his brothers sold him into Egypt, then without doubt his father Jacob too, in the seventeenth year of his son Joseph, was a hundred and twenty years old. For Isaac begot them when he was sixty, as is written (See Gen 25:26); Isaac therefore lived afterward a hundred and twenty, since he died at a hundred and eighty (See Gen 35:28); therefore he left his sons a hundred and twenty years old, and Joseph seventeen. But since Joseph was thirty years old when he appeared in Pharaoh's sight, and there followed seven years of plenty and two of famine, until his father came to him with his brothers, Joseph was assuredly thirty-nine years old when Jacob entered Egypt (See Gen 41:46). But the same Jacob, as he says with his own mouth to Pharaoh, was then in the hundred and thirtieth year of his age (See Gen 47:9); but Jacob was a hundred and twenty when Joseph was seventeen; which can in no way be true. For if in the seventeenth year of Joseph's life Jacob were a hundred and twenty, then without doubt in the thirty-ninth year of Joseph, Jacob would be found to be not a hundred and thirty, but a hundred and forty-two years old. But if on the day of Isaac's death Joseph was not yet seventeen years old, but reached his seventeenth year some little time after his grandfather's death—in which year, as Scripture testifies, he was sold into Egypt by his brothers—then his father ought to have been even more than a hundred and forty-two years old when he followed his son into Egypt. For Scripture, after it had narrated (See Gen 35:28-29) Isaac's last year of life, the hundred and eightieth, and his death and burial, then mentioned (See Gen 36:6-43) how Esau had departed from his brother out of the land of Canaan into Mount Seir, and wove together the mention of the kings and princes of that nation in which he settled himself, or which Esau propagated; after these things, it brought in the narration about Joseph thus: now Jacob dwelt in the land of Canaan. And these are the offspring of Jacob. Now Joseph was seventeen years old, pasturing the sheep with his brothers (Gen 37:1-2).
QsHept.1.117.5
Deinde narratur causa somniorum quemadmodum odiosus fratribus sit factus, et venditus (Cf. Gen 37, 5-28). Aut ergo eodem anno septimo decimo, aut etiam aliquanto maior venit in Aegyptum; ac per hoc utrolibet modo permanet quaestio. Si enim decem et septem annorum fuit post mortem avi sui, quando pater eius centum viginti fuit; profecto anno eius trigesimo et nono, quando Iacob venit in Aegyptum, centum quadraginta duos annos idem Iacob agere debuit; fuit autem tunc Iacob centum triginta; ac per hoc si decem et septem annorum Ioseph in Aegyptum est venditus, ante duodecim annos quam moreretur avus eius, venditus invenitur. Decem enim et septem annorum esse non potuit, nisi ante duodecim annos mortis Isaac, centesimo et octavo anno vitae patris sui Iacob. His enim cum adiecerimus viginti duos annos quibus Ioseph usque ad adventum patris sui fuit in Aegypto, fient aetatis anni Ioseph triginta novem, et Iacob centum triginta, et nulla erit quaestio. Sed quoniam Scriptura post mortem Isaac ista narravit, putatur Ioseph post eiusdem avi sui mortem decem et septem annorum fuisse. Quapropter intellegamus de vita Isaac, tamquam multum decrepiti senis, tacuisse Scripturam, cum iam de Iacob et eius filiis loqueretur; vivo tamen Isaac, decem et septem annorum esse coepit Ioseph.
Then there is narrated the occasion of the dreams, how he was made hateful to his brothers, and sold (See Gen 37:5-28). Either, then, in the same seventeenth year, or even somewhat older, he came into Egypt; and on this account, either way, the question remains. For if he was seventeen years old after the death of his grandfather, when his father was a hundred and twenty, then surely in his thirty-ninth year, when Jacob came into Egypt, the same Jacob ought to have been a hundred and forty-two years old; but Jacob was then a hundred and thirty; and on this account, if Joseph was sold into Egypt at seventeen years old, he is found to have been sold twelve years before his grandfather died. For he could not be seventeen years old except twelve years before the death of Isaac, in the hundred and eighth year of his father Jacob's life. For when we add to these the twenty-two years during which Joseph was in Egypt until his father's coming, the years of Joseph's age come to thirty-nine, and Jacob's to a hundred and thirty, and there will be no question. But because Scripture narrated these things after Isaac's death, Joseph is thought to have been seventeen years old after the death of this same grandfather. Therefore let us understand that Scripture was silent about the life of Isaac, as of a very decrepit old man, when it was already speaking of Jacob and his sons; yet while Isaac was living, Joseph began to be seventeen years old.
QsHept.1.117.5
Quomodo intellegitur de matre Ioseph, quae iam erat mortua?
How is it understood of Joseph's mother, who was already dead?
123. (37, 10) Quod dicit Iacob ad Ioseph: quod est somnium hoc quod somniasti? Numquid venientes veniemus ego et mater tua et fratres tui adorare te super terram? Nisi in aliquo mysterio dictum accipiatur, quomodo intellegitur de matre Ioseph, quae iam erat mortua? Unde nec in Aegypto, cum sublimaretur, putandum est hoc esse completum; quia nec pater eum adoravit, quando ad eum venit in Aegyptum, nec mater olim defuncta potuit (Cf. Gen 35, 19). In Christi ergo persona facile intellegi potest etiam de mortuis, secundum illud quod dicit Apostolus, quia donavit ei nomen quod est super omne nomen, ut in nomine Iesu omne genu flectatur, caelestium, terrestrium, et infernorum (Phil 2, 9-10).
123. (37:10) As to what Jacob says to Joseph, what is this dream that you have dreamed? Shall we indeed come, I and your mother and your brothers, to bow down to you on the ground?—unless it is taken as said in some mystery, how is it understood of Joseph's mother, who was already dead? Hence neither in Egypt, when he was exalted, is it to be thought that this was fulfilled; for neither did his father bow to him when he came to him in Egypt, nor could his mother, long since dead (See Gen 35:19). In the person of Christ, then, it can easily be understood even of the dead, according to what the Apostle says, that he gave him a name which is above every name, that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of those in heaven, on earth, and under the earth (Phil 2:9-10).
QsHept.1.117.5
Quare Ismaelitas Scriptura etiam Madianitas vocet.
Why Scripture also calls the Ishmaelites Midianites.
124. (37, 28) Quaeritur quare Ismaelitas Scriptura, quibus a fratribus venditus est Ioseph, etiam Madianitas vocet, cum Ismael sit de Agar filius Abrahae, Madianitae vero de Cethura? An quia Scriptura dixerat de Abraham, quod munera dederit filiis concubinarum suarum, Agar scilicet et Cethurae, et dimiserit eos ab Isaac filio suo in terram Orientis (Cf. Gen 25, 6), unam gentem fecisse intellegendi sunt?
124. (37:28) It is asked why Scripture also calls Midianites the Ishmaelites to whom Joseph was sold by his brothers, since Ishmael is the son of Abraham by Hagar, but the Midianites are from Keturah. Or is it because Scripture had said of Abraham that he gave gifts to the sons of his concubines, namely Hagar and Keturah, and sent them away from Isaac his son into the land of the East (See Gen 25:6), that they are to be understood to have made one nation?
QsHept.1.117.5
Quae filiae Iacob praeter Dinam?
What daughters did Jacob have besides Dinah?
125. (37, 35) De Iacob scriptum est, cum lugeret Ioseph: congregati sunt autem omnes filii eius et filiae, et venerunt consolari eum. Quae filiae praeter Dinam? An filios et filias dicit connumeratis nepotibus et neptibus? Iam enim maiores filii eius filios habere potuerunt.
125. (37:35) It is written of Jacob, as he mourned Joseph: and all his sons and daughters gathered together, and came to console him. What daughters besides Dinah? Or does he say sons and daughters, reckoning in the grandsons and granddaughters? For his elder sons could already have sons.
QsHept.1.117.5
Qui sit infernus et qui illuc descendant.
What the netherworld is, and who descend there.
126. (37, 35) Et noluit consolari, dicens: 'quoniam descendam ad filium meum lugens in infernum.' Solet esse magna quaestio, quomodo intellegatur infernus; utrum illuc mali tantum, an etiam boni mortui descendere soleant. Si ergo tantum mali, quomodo iste ad filium suum se dicit lugentem velle descendere? Non enim in poenis inferni eum esse credit. An perturbati et dolentis verba sunt, mala sua etiam hinc exaggerantis?
126. (37:35) And he refused to be consoled, saying: 'For I will go down to my son, mourning, into the netherworld.' It is wont to be a great question how the netherworld is to be understood: whether only the wicked, or also the good, are wont to descend there when dead. If, then, only the wicked, how does this man say that he wishes to descend, mourning, to his son? For he does not believe him to be in the punishments of the netherworld. Or are these the words of one disturbed and grieving, magnifying his own evils even from this?
QsHept.1.117.5
Si recte praepositum coquorum an militiae.
Whether he was rightly set over the cooks or over the army.
127. (37, 36) Et vendiderunt Ioseph in Aegyptum Petephrae spadoni, praeposito coquorum. Nolunt quidam praepositum coquorum interpretari, qui Graece: [MISSING GREEK TEXT] dicitur; sed praepositum militiae, cui esset potestas occidendi. Nam sic appellatus est etiam ille quem Nabuchodonosor misit (Cf. 4 Reg 25, 8-9), penes quem potius invenitur primatus fuisse militiae.
127. (37:36) And they sold Joseph into Egypt to Potiphar the eunuch, set over the cooks. Some are unwilling to translate set over the cooks, which in Greek is so called, but set over the army, who had the power of putting to death. For so was called also the man whom Nebuchadnezzar sent (See 2 Kgs 25:8-9), in whom the primacy is found rather to have been of the army.
QsHept.1.117.5
Quomodo tempora convenire possunt generationibus filiorum Iuda antequam Ioseph descenderat in Aegyptum.
How the times can fit the generations of the sons of Judah before Joseph had gone down into Egypt.
128. (38, 1-3) Factum est autem in tempore illo descendit Iudas a fratribus suis ad hominem quemdam Odollamitam, cui nomen Iras; et vidit illic Iudas filiam hominis chananaei nomine Savam, et accepit eam, et introivit ad eam, et concepit, et peperit filium, et cetera. Quaeritur quando ista fieri potuerunt. Si enim posteaquam Ioseph devenit in Aegyptum, quomodo intra viginti ferme et duos annos (nam post tantum temporis colligitur eos venisse ad eumdem Ioseph fratrem suum in Aegyptum cum patre suo) fieri potuerit ut Iudae filii eius aetatis omnes possent ducere uxores? Nam Thamar nurum suam, mortuo primogenito suo, alteri filio dedit; quo etiam mortuo, exspectavit ut cresceret tertius; et cum crevisset, nec illi eam dedit, timens ne et ipse moreretur (Cf.Gen 38, 6-11); unde factum est ut eidem socero suo se illa supponeret (Cf. Gen 38, 12-18). Quomodo ergo haec omnia intra tam paucos annos fieri potuerint, merito movet, nisi, ut forte solet, Scriptura per recapitulationem aliquot annos ante venditum Ioseph hoc fieri coepisse intellegi velit; quoniam sic positum est, ut diceretur: factum est autem in illo tempore; ubi tamen quaeritur, si decem et septem annorum erat Ioseph quando venditus est, quot annorum esse Iudas potuerit quartus filius Iacob, quandoquidem ipse primogenitus Ruben ut plurimum fratrem suum Ioseph quinque aut sex annos potuerit aetate praecedere. Evidenter autem Scriptura dicit triginta annorum fuisse Ioseph, quando innotuit Pharaoni. Cum ergo ipse anno septimo decimo aetatis suae venditus fuisse credatur, tredecim annos peregerat in Aegypto ignotus Pharaoni (Cf. Gen 41, 46); ad hos autem tredecim annos accesserunt septem anni ubertatis, et facti sunt anni viginti; his adduntur duo, quia secundo anno famis intravit Iacob in Aegyptum cum filiis suis, et inveniuntur viginti duo anni, quibus abfuit Ioseph a patre et a fratribus suis; quo medio tempore, quomodo fieri potuerint de uxore et filiis et nuru Iudae omnia quae narrantur, indagare difficile est; nisi forte ut credamus (et hoc enim fieri potuit), mox ut adolescere Iudas coepit, eum incidisse in amorem eius quam duxit uxorem, nondum vendito Ioseph in Aegyptum.
128. (38:1-3) Now it happened at that time that Judah went down from his brothers to a certain Adullamite man, whose name was Hirah; and Judah saw there the daughter of a Canaanite man named Shua, and took her, and went in to her, and she conceived, and bore a son, and so on. It is asked when these things could happen. For if it was after Joseph came into Egypt, how could it be that within about twenty-two years (for after so much time it is reckoned that they came to this same brother Joseph in Egypt with their father) the sons of Judah could all be of an age to marry wives? For Tamar his daughter-in-law, when his firstborn died, he gave to another son; and when he too died, she waited for the third to grow up; and when he had grown, he did not give her to him either, fearing lest he too should die (See Gen 38:6-11); whence it came about that she offered herself to her father-in-law (See Gen 38:12-18). How, then, all these things could happen within so few years rightly raises the question—unless, as perhaps is customary, Scripture wishes it to be understood by recapitulation that this began to happen some years before Joseph was sold; for it was so set down that it was said, now it happened at that time. Yet here it is asked: if Joseph was seventeen years old when he was sold, how old could Judah, the fourth son of Jacob, have been—since the firstborn Reuben himself could at most precede his brother Joseph by five or six years in age? But Scripture plainly says that Joseph was thirty years old when he became known to Pharaoh. Since, then, he is believed to have been sold in the seventeenth year of his age, he had spent thirteen years in Egypt unknown to Pharaoh (See Gen 41:46); and to these thirteen years were added the seven years of plenty, and they became twenty years; to these are added two, because in the second year of the famine Jacob entered Egypt with his sons, and twenty-two years are found, during which Joseph was absent from his father and his brothers; and in that intervening time, how all the things that are narrated about Judah's wife and sons and daughter-in-law could have happened, is difficult to investigate—unless perhaps we should believe (for this too could happen) that, as soon as Judah began to grow up, he fell into love of the woman he married, Joseph not yet having been sold into Egypt.
QsHept.1.117.5
Vestimenta viduarum.
The garments of widows.
129. (38, 14) Et depositis vestimentis viduitatis suae a se. Hinc insinuatur et temporibus Patriarcharum certa et sua fuisse vestimenta viduarum, non utique talia qualia coniugatarum.
129. (38:14) And having laid aside from herself the garments of her widowhood. From this it is suggested that even in the times of the Patriarchs widows had their own definite garments, not at all such as those of married women.
QsHept.1.117.5
Ad ordinem redit Scriptura.
Scripture returns to the order.
130. (39, 1) Quod iterum dicitur: Ioseph autem depositus est in Aegyptum, et possedit eum Petephres spado Pharaonis, ad ordinem redit Scriptura unde recesserat, ut illa narraret quae supra digesta sunt.
130. (39:1) That it is again said, now Joseph was brought down into Egypt, and Potiphar the eunuch of Pharaoh possessed him, Scripture returns to the order from which it had departed, in order to narrate the things that were set out above.
QsHept.1.117.5
De tribus canistris alicae quod latini codices habent.
On the three baskets of fine flour, which the Latin manuscripts have.
131. (40, 16) Quod aliqui codices latini habent: tria canistra alicae, cum Graeci habeant: [MISSING GREEK TEXT], quod interpretantur qui usum eiusdem linguae habent, panes esse cibarios. Sed illud movet, quomodo panem cibarium potuerit Pharao habere in escis. Dicit enim in superiore canistro fuisse omnia ex quibus edebat Pharao, opus pistorum (Cf. Gen 40, 17). Sed intellegendum est etiam ipsum canistrum habuisse panes cibarios, quia dictum est, tria canistra [MISSING GREEK TEXT], et desuper fuisse illa ex omni genere operis pistoris in eodem canistro superiore.
131. (40:16) As to what some Latin manuscripts have, three baskets of fine flour, whereas the Greek has a word which those who have the use of that language translate as common loaves of bread. But this is troubling: how Pharaoh could have common bread among his foods. For it says that in the upper basket were all the things from which Pharaoh ate, the work of bakers (See Gen 40:17). But it is to be understood that the basket itself too had common loaves, because it was said, three baskets, and that on top, in that same upper basket, were those things of every kind of baker's work.
QsHept.1.117.5
Quod putabat se stare Pharao super flumen.
That Pharaoh thought he was standing over the river.
132. (41, 1) Quod putabat se stare Pharao super flumen, quemadmodum servus Abrahae dixit: ecce ego sto super fontem aquae (Gen 24, 43), nam et ibi Graecus dixit quemadmodum hic [MISSING GREEK TEXT]; haec locutio si intellegatur in Psalmo ubi scriptum est: qui fundavit terram super aquam (Ps 23, 2), non coguntur homines putare sicut navem natare terram super aquam. Secundum hanc enim locutionem recte intellegitur quod altior sit terra quam aqua; altius quippe ab aquis sustollitur, ubi habitent terrena animalia.
132. (41:1) That Pharaoh thought he was standing over the river, just as Abraham's servant said, behold, I stand over the spring of water (Gen 24:43)—for there too the Greek said "stand over" as here—this manner of speech, if it is understood in the Psalm where it is written, who founded the earth upon the water (Ps 24:2 (23:2)), men are not compelled to think that the earth floats upon the water like a ship. For according to this manner of speech it is rightly understood that the earth is higher than the water; for it is raised up higher than the waters, where earthly animals dwell.
QsHept.1.117.5
Quod ait: Et obliviscentur ubertatis futurae in terra Aegypti.
What it means: And they will forget the plenty that is to be in the land of Egypt.
133. (41, 30) Quod scriptum est: obliviscentur ubertatis futurae in tota terra Aegypti, non futurae illis qui famem patientur, tamquam postea veniat illis ubertas; sed futura erat tunc quando loquebatur, tamquam diceret: "ubertatis huius, quam futuram significaverunt boves bonae et spicae bonae, obliviscentur homines in ea fame, quam significaverunt boves et spicae malae."
133. (41:30) As to what is written, they will forget the plenty that is to be in all the land of Egypt—it was not "to be" for those who would suffer the famine, as though plenty came to them afterward; but it was to be then, when he was speaking, as if he said: "the plenty which the good cattle and the good ears signified would be, men will forget in that famine which the bad cattle and the bad ears signified."
QsHept.1.117.5
Quomodo tertio significetur Spiritus Sanctus in hoc libro.
How the Holy Spirit is signified a third time in this book.
134. (41, 38) Numquid inveniemus hominem talem, qui habeat Spiritum Dei in se? Ecce iam, nisi fallor, tertio insinuatur nobis in hoc libro Spiritus Sanctus, id est Spiritus Dei. Primo ubi dictum est: et Spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquam (Gen 1, 2); secundo ubi dicit Deus: non permanebit Spiritus meus in hominibus istis, propter quod carnes sunt (Gen 6, 3); et tertio nunc, quod Pharao dicit de Ioseph, esse in illo Spiritum Dei; nondum tamen legimus "Spiritum Sanctum."
134. (41:38) Shall we find such a man, who has the Spirit of God in him? Behold, now, unless I am mistaken, for the third time in this book the Holy Spirit, that is, the Spirit of God, is suggested to us. First, where it was said, and the Spirit of God was borne over the water (Gen 1:2); second, where God says, my Spirit will not remain in these men, because they are flesh (Gen 6:3); and third, now, in that Pharaoh says of Joseph that the Spirit of God is in him; yet we have not yet read "Holy Spirit."
QsHept.1.117.5
De nomine Ioseph quod ei Pharao imposuit.
On the name of Joseph which Pharaoh imposed on him.
135. (41, 45) Et imposuit Pharao nomen Ioseph Psonthomphanech; hoc nomen interpretari dicitur: Occulta revelavit; ex illo utique quod somnia regi aperuit: Aegyptia vero lingua "Salvatorem mundi" perhibent appellatum isto nomine.
135. (41:45) And Pharaoh gave Joseph the name Zaphenath-paneah; this name is said to mean He has revealed hidden things, surely from the fact that he opened the dreams to the king; but in the Egyptian language they report that by this name he was called "Savior of the world."
QsHept.1.117.5
Cuius Petephrae sacerdotis filia data sit Ioseph.
Whose daughter, of which Potiphar the priest, was given to Joseph.
136. (41, 45) Et dedit ei Aseneth, filiam Petephrae sacerdotis Solis civitatis, ipsi uxorem. Quaeri solet cuius Petephrae, utrum illius cuius servus fuit, an alterius; sed credibilius aestimatur alterius. Nam de illo quomodo credatur, multa sunt quae moveant.
136. (41:45) And he gave him Asenath, the daughter of Potiphar the priest of the City of the Sun, to be his wife. It is commonly asked which Potiphar—whether the one whose servant he was, or another; but it is judged more credible that it was another. For as to the former, how it should be believed, there are many things that give pause.
QsHept.1.117.5
Primum, quia Scriptura non commemoravit, cum videatur hoc non potuisse praeterire, quod ad illius iuvenis non parvam gloriam pertinebat, ut eius filiam duceret, cuius famulus fuit. Deinde quomodo spado filiam habere potuerit? Sed respondetur: Quomodo uxorem? Postea quippe creditur abscissus, vel casu vulneris, vel propria voluntate. Et quod honor eius, non ipse commemoratur qui solet, id est, quod ἀρχιμάγειρος fuerit, quem principem coquorum Latini interpretes posuerunt, principem autem militiae quidam intellegi volunt. Sed etiam hic respondetur, duos illum honores habuisse: et sacerdotium Solis, et militiae principatum; congruenter autem alibi ille honor eius commemoratus est, qui talibus actibus congruebat; hic vero, posteaquam in Ioseph apparuit non parva divinitas, ipse honor debuit nominari soceri eius, qui pertineret ad divinitatem non parvam, secundum opinionem Aegyptiorum in sacerdotio Solis.
First, because Scripture did not mention it, when it seems that it could not have passed over this, which pertained to no small glory of that young man, that he should marry the daughter of the man whose servant he had been. Then, how could a eunuch have a daughter? But it is answered: how a wife? For he is believed to have been castrated afterward, either by chance of a wound or by his own will. And as for his rank, the one that is usually mentioned is not itself mentioned—that is, that he was chief of the cooks, which the Latin translators rendered chief of the cooks, but some wish to be understood as chief of the army. But here too it is answered, that he had two honors: both the priesthood of the Sun and the chief command of the army; and fittingly elsewhere that honor of his was mentioned which suited such acts; but here, after no small divinity appeared in Joseph, the very honor of his father-in-law ought to be named which pertained to no small divinity, according to the opinion of the Egyptians, in the priesthood of the Sun.
QsHept.1.117.5
Verum in his omnibus, quia et praepositus fuit custodiarum carceris, nimis incredibile est huic praepositum officio sacerdotem. Deinde non simpliciter dictum est, quod sacerdos Solis esset; sed civitatis Solis, quae vocatur Heliopolis; abesse autem dicitur amplius quam viginti millibus a civitate Memphi, ubi Pharaones, id est reges, maxime commanebant. Quomodo ergo deserto officio sacerdotii sui potuit strenue regi servire militiae principatu? Accedit etiam quod Aegyptii sacerdotes perhibentur non servisse semper, nisi templis deorum suorum, nec aliud aliquid officii gessisse; sed si forte tunc aliter fuit, credat quisque quod placet; non est tamen quaestio cuius exitus clausus sit, sive unus fuerit Petephres, sive duo; quodlibet enim horum quisque existimet, non est fidei periculosum, nec contrarium veritati Scripturarum Dei.
But in all this, since he was also set over the guardians of the prison, it is too incredible that a priest should be set over this office. Then it was not said simply that he was a priest of the Sun, but of the City of the Sun, which is called Heliopolis; and it is said to be distant more than twenty miles from the city of Memphis, where the Pharaohs, that is, the kings, mostly resided. How, then, having deserted the office of his priesthood, could he diligently serve the king in the chief command of the army? It is added too that the Egyptian priests are reported never to have served except the temples of their gods, nor to have carried on any other office; but if perhaps it was then otherwise, let everyone believe what he pleases; yet it is not a question whose outcome is closed off, whether there was one Potiphar or two; for whichever of these anyone judges, it is not dangerous to faith, nor contrary to the truth of the Scriptures of God.
QsHept.1.117.5
De congregatione frumenti a Ioseph.
On Joseph's gathering of grain.
137. (41, 49) Et congregavit Ioseph triticum, sicut arenam maris multum valde, quoadusque non potuit numerare; non enim erat numerus; pro eo dictum est: non enim erat numerus, quod nomen numeri omnis usitati excederet illa copia, et quomodo appellaretur non inveniebatur. Nam unde fieri potest ut quantumlibet magnae, finitae tamen multitudinis, numerus non sit? Quamvis hoc potuerit etiam secundum hyperbolen dici.
137. (41:49) And Joseph gathered wheat, like the sand of the sea, very much, until he could not number it; for there was no number; it was said, for there was no number, because that abundance exceeded the name of every usual number, and how it should be named was not found. For how can it be that the number of any multitude, however great, yet finite, should not exist? Although this could also be said by hyperbole.
QsHept.1.117.5
Commemoratus est Ioseph somniorum suorum.
Joseph remembered his dreams.
138. (42, 9) Et commemoratus est Ioseph somniorum suorum, quae vidit ipse; adoraverant enim eum fratres sui. Sed aliquid in illis somniis excelsius inquirendum est. Non enim potest eo modo de patre eius ac matre compleri, quae iam mortua fuerat, quod de sole et luna cum vidisset, a patre increpante audierat (Cf. Gen 37, 10), qui vivebat.
138. (42:9) And Joseph remembered his dreams, which he himself had seen; for his brothers had bowed down to him. But something loftier is to be sought in those dreams. For what he had heard from his father, who rebuked him, when he had seen it about the sun and moon (See Gen 37:10), cannot be fulfilled in that way concerning his father and mother, who was already dead—the father being alive.
QsHept.1.117.5
De eo quod iuravit Ioseph per salutem Pharaonis.
On the fact that Joseph swore by the welfare of Pharaoh.
139. (42, 15-16) Quid est quod Ioseph vir tam sapiens, atque ita non solum hominum inter quos vivebat testimonio, sed ipsa etiam Scriptura teste laudatus, ita iurat per salutem Pharaonis, non exituros de Aegypto fratres suos, nisi frater eorum iunior veniret? An etiam bono et fideli viro vilis fuerat salus Pharaonis, cui fidem sicut primitus domino suo servabat in omnibus? Quanto enim magis ipsi, qui eum in tanto honore locaverat, si illi servavit, qui eum servum emptitium possidebat? Quod si non curabat Pharaonis salutem, numquid et periurium pro cuiuslibet hominis salute vitare non debuit?
139. (42:15-16) What does it mean that Joseph, a man so wise, and so praised not only by the testimony of the men among whom he lived, but even by the witness of Scripture itself, swears thus by the welfare of Pharaoh that his brothers would not leave Egypt unless their younger brother came? Was the welfare of Pharaoh held cheap even by a good and faithful man, to whom he kept faith in all things as to his master from the first? For how much more to him who had set him in so great honor, if he kept it to him who possessed him as a purchased slave? But if he did not care for Pharaoh's welfare, ought he not at least to have avoided perjury for the welfare of any man whatever?
QsHept.1.117.5
An non est periurium? Tenuit enim unum eorum donec veniret Beniamin, et verum factum est quod dixerat: non exibitis hinc, nisi venerit frater vester (Gen 42, 15). Ad omnes enim non potuit pertinere quod dictum est; nam quomodo et ille venturus esset, nisi ad eum adducendum aliqui rediissent?
Or is it not perjury? For he detained one of them until Benjamin came, and what he had said came true: you will not leave here unless your brother comes (Gen 42:15). For what was said could not pertain to all of them; for how would the other come, unless some had returned to bring him?
QsHept.1.117.5
Sed quod sequitur magis urget quaestionem, ubi iterum iuravit, dicens: mittite ex vobis unum, et adducite fratrem vestrum; vos autem ducemini, quoadusque manifesta sint verba vestra, si vera dicitis, an non; sin autem, per salutem Pharaonis, exploratores estis (Gen 42, 16); id est, si non vera dicitis, exploratores estis. Huic sententiae interposuit iurationem, quia si vera non dixissent, exploratores essent, id est, exploratorum poena digni essent; quos tamen vera dicere sciebat. Neque enim periurus est quisque, si ei quem castissimum novit, dicat: "si hoc adulterium de quo argueris commisisti, damnat te Deus", et his verbis adhibeat iurationem; verum omnino iurat: ibi est enim conditio qua dixit: "si fecisti," quem tamen non fecisse certum habet.
But what follows presses the question more, where he swore again, saying: send one of you, and bring your brother; but you will be detained, until your words are made manifest, whether you speak the truth or not; but if not, by the welfare of Pharaoh, you are spies (Gen 42:16); that is, if you do not speak the truth, you are spies. To this sentence he interposed the oath, because if they did not speak the truth, they would be spies—that is, they would be worthy of the punishment of spies—whom nonetheless he knew to be speaking the truth. For no one is a perjurer if he says to one whom he knows to be most chaste, "if you have committed this adultery of which you are accused, God condemns you," and to these words adds an oath; he swears truly indeed: for there is the condition by which he said "if you have done it," whom nonetheless he holds for certain not to have done it.
QsHept.1.117.5
Sed ait aliquis: "verum est quia si fecit adulterium, damnat illum Deus"; hoc autem quomodo verum est: "si non verum dicitis, exploratores estis," cum etiamsi mentiantur, non sint exploratores? Sed hoc est quod dixi, ita dictum esse: exploratores estis, tamquam si dictum esset, "exploratorum poena digni estis, hoc est exploratores deputabimini merito mendacii vestri." Estis autem potuisse dici, pro "habebimini" et "deputabimini," innumerae similes locutiones docent. Unde est illa Eliae: quicumque exaudierit in igne, ipse erit Deus (3 Reg 18, 24). Non enim tunc erit, sed tunc habebitur.
But someone says: "it is true that if he committed adultery, God condemns him"; but how is this true: "if you do not speak the truth, you are spies," when, even if they lie, they are not spies? But this is what I said, that you are spies was said as if it were said, "you are worthy of the punishment of spies, that is, you will deservedly be reckoned spies because of your lie." And that you are could be said for "you will be held" and "you will be reckoned," innumerable similar manners of speech teach. Hence is that saying of Elijah: whoever answers in fire, he will be God (1 Kgs 18:24). For he will not then be God, but will then be held to be.
QsHept.1.117.5
Cum inter se poenitentes fratres loquebantur, ignorabant quia audiebat Ioseph.
When the repentant brothers spoke among themselves, they did not know that Joseph was listening.
140. (42, 23) Quid est quod cum inter se poenitentes filii Israel loquerentur de fratre suo Ioseph, quod cum illo male egerint, et hoc eis divino iudicio redderetur, quod se periclitari videbant, adiungit Scriptura et dicit: ipsi ignorabant quia audiebat Ioseph; interpres enim inter illos erat. Hoc scilicet intellegendum est, ideo eos putasse quia ille non audiret, quod videbant interpretem qui inter illos erat, nihil ei dicere eorum quae loquebantur; nec ob aliud adhibitum putabant interpretem, nisi quod eorum linguam ille nesciret; nec cura erat interpretis ea dicere illi, a quo positus fuerat, quae non ad illum, sed inter se loquebantur.
140. (42:23) What does it mean that, when the repentant sons of Israel spoke among themselves about their brother Joseph—that they had dealt wickedly with him, and that this was being repaid them by divine judgment, in that they saw themselves in danger—Scripture adds and says: they themselves did not know that Joseph was listening; for there was an interpreter between them. This, of course, is to be understood: that they thought he did not hear, because they saw that the interpreter who was between them said nothing to him of what they were saying; nor did they think the interpreter was employed for any other reason than that he did not know their language; nor was it the interpreter's concern to tell him by whom he had been appointed those things which they spoke not to him, but among themselves.
QsHept.1.117.5
De verbis: Et iterum accessit ad eos et dixit.
On the words: And again he came to them and said.
141. (42, 24) Et iterum accessit ad eos, et dixit illis; nec adiungit quid illis dixerit. Unde intellegitur haec eadem dixisse quae dixerat.
141. (42:24) And again he came to them, and said to them; but he does not add what he said to them. Hence it is understood that he said these same things which he had said.
QsHept.1.117.5
De verbis: Et deducetis senectutem meam cum tristitia ad infernum.
On the words: And you will bring down my old age with sadness to the netherworld.
142. (42, 38) Et deducetis senectam meam cum tristitia ad infernum. Utrum ideo ad infernum, quia cum tristitia? An etiamsi abesset tristitia, tamquam ad infernum moriendo descensurus haec loquitur? De inferno enim magna quaestio est, et quid inde Scriptura sentiat, locis omnibus, ubi forte hoc commemoratum fuerit, observandum est.
142. (42:38) And you will bring down my old age with sadness to the netherworld. Is it to the netherworld because with sadness? Or, even if sadness were absent, does he say this as one about to descend, by dying, as to the netherworld? For about the netherworld there is a great question, and what Scripture means by it must be observed in all the places where this perhaps is mentioned.
QsHept.1.117.5
Quomodo accipiendum sit: Argentum vestrum probatum habeo, quia mendacium videtur.
How it is to be taken: I have your silver, tested—since it seems to be a falsehood.
143. (43, 23) Quod a praeposito domus audiunt: Deus vester et Deus patrum vestrorum dedit vobis thesauros in saccis vestris; argentum autem vestrum probatum habeo, mendacium videtur, sed aliquid significare credendum est. Argentum enim quod et datur, et non minuitur, quia et probatum appellatum est, nimirum illud intellegitur de quo alibi legimus: eloquia Domini, eloquia casta, argentum igne examinatum, probatum terrae, purgatum septuplum (Ps 11, 7), id est perfecte.
143. (43:23) That they hear from the steward of the house, your God and the God of your fathers gave you treasures in your sacks; but I have your silver, tested, seems to be a falsehood, but it must be believed to signify something. For the silver which is both given and not diminished, since it was also called tested, is surely understood as that of which we read elsewhere: the words of the Lord, chaste words, silver tried by fire, tested for the earth, purified sevenfold (Ps 12:6 (11:7)), that is, perfectly.
QsHept.1.117.5
An et Ioseph ebrius fuerit et quomodo.
Whether Joseph too was drunk, and how.
144. (43, 34) Biberunt autem, et inebriati sunt cum eo. Solent hinc ebriosi adhibere testimonii patrocinium; non propter illos filios Israel, sed propter Ioseph, qui valde sapiens commendatur; sed hoc verbum et pro satietate solere poni in Scripturis, qui diligenter adverterit, multis in locis inveniet. Unde est illud: visitasti terram et inebriasti eam, multiplicasti ditare eam (Ps 64, 10); eo quod in laude benedictionis hoc positum est, et donum Dei commemoratur, apparet hac ebrietate saturitatem significari. Nam ita inebriari ut inebriantur ebriosi, nec ipsi terrae utile est, quoniam maiore quam satietati sufficit, humore corrumpitur; sicut vita ebriosorum, qui non satietate se replent, sed mergunt diluvio.
144. (43:34) And they drank, and were made drunk with him. From this drunkards are wont to seek patronage of testimony—not on account of those sons of Israel, but on account of Joseph, who is commended as very wise. But that this word is wont to be set down also for fullness in the Scriptures, whoever attends carefully will find in many places. Hence is that saying: you have visited the earth and made it drunk, you have multiplied to enrich it (Ps 65:9-10 (64:10)); from the fact that this is set down in praise of blessing, and a gift of God is mentioned, it appears that by this drunkenness fullness is signified. For to be made drunk in the way that drunkards are made drunk is not useful even to the earth, since it is corrupted by more moisture than suffices for fullness; just as the life of drunkards, who do not fill themselves to fullness, but drown themselves in a flood.
QsHept.1.117.5
An mendacium dixerit Ioseph.
Whether Joseph spoke a falsehood.
145. (44, 15) Quod ait fratribus suis Ioseph: nesciebatis quia augurio auguratur homo qualis ego; de hoc augurio etiam mandavit eis dicendum per hominem suum (Cf. Gen 44, 4-6); quid sibi velit, quaeri solet; an quia non serio, sed ioco dictum est, ut exitus docuit, non est habendum mendacium? Mendacia enim a mendacibus serio aguntur, non ioco; cum autem quae non sunt, tamquam ioco dicuntur, non deputantur mendacia.
145. (44:15) As to what Joseph says to his brothers, did you not know that a man such as I divines by divination?—about this divination he also commanded that it be said to them through his man (See Gen 44:4-6)—what it means is wont to be asked. Is it because it was said not seriously but in jest, as the outcome showed, that it is not to be held a falsehood? For falsehoods are uttered by liars seriously, not in jest; but when things that are not so are said as if in jest, they are not reckoned falsehoods.
QsHept.1.117.5
Sed magis movet quid sibi velit ista actio Ioseph, qua fratres suos, donec eis aperiret quis esset, toties ludificavit, et tanta exspectatione suspendit; quod licet tanto sit suavius cum legitur, quanto illis fit inopinatius cum quibus agitur, tamen sapientiae illius gravitate, nisi magnum aliquid isto quasi ludo significaretur, nec ab illo fieret, nec ea Scriptura contineretur, in qua est tanta sanctitatis auctoritas et prophetandorum tanta intentio futurorum; quam modo exsequi exponendo non suscepimus, sed admonere tantum voluimus, quid hic oporteat inquiri. Nam nec illud vacare arbitror, quod non ait: "auguror ego," sed: auguratur homo qualis ego. Quod si locutionis genus est, in Scripturae corpore simile aliquid reperiendum est.
But it raises the greater question, what this action of Joseph means, by which he so often deluded his brothers, until he disclosed to them who he was, and held them in such great suspense; which, although it is the sweeter to read the more unexpected it is to those with whom it is done, yet by the gravity of his wisdom—unless something great were signified by this as it were game—would neither be done by him, nor be contained in that Scripture in which there is so great an authority of holiness and so great an intent of prophesying things to come; which I have not now undertaken to pursue by exposition, but only wished to admonish what here ought to be inquired into. For I do not think that to be idle either, that he did not say "I divine," but a man such as I divines. And if this is a manner of speech, something similar must be found in the body of Scripture.
QsHept.1.117.5
Cur Ioseph fratres suos in tanta perturbatione tenuit.
Why Joseph held his brothers in such great disturbance.
146. Non negligenter considerandum puto, tantam miseriam in hac perturbatione fratrum suorum quomodo Ioseph quamdiu voluit tenuit, et quanta voluit mora produxit; non eos utique faciens calamitosos, quando tantae etiam ipsorum futurae laetitiae exitum cogitabat; et totum quod agebat, ut eorum gaudium differretur, ad hoc agebat, ut eadem dilatione cumularetur; tamquam non essent condignae passiones eorum in toto illo tempore quo turbabantur, ad futuram gloriam exsultationis, quae in eis fuerat revelanda (Cf. Rom 8, 18), fratre cognito, quem a se perditum esse arbitrabantur.
146. I think it must be considered not carelessly how Joseph held so great a misery in this disturbance of his brothers as long as he wished, and prolonged it with as much delay as he wished; surely not making them wretched, since he was contemplating the outcome of their own great future gladness as well; and all that he did, that their joy might be deferred, he did to this end, that by that same delay it might be heaped up; as though their sufferings in all that time in which they were troubled were not worthy to be compared with the future glory of exultation which was to be revealed in them (See Rom 8:18), when the brother was recognized whom they had supposed to be lost by them.
QsHept.1.146
Multa in narratione Iudae aliter dicta sunt.
Many things in Judah's narration were said otherwise.
147. (44, 18-34) Multa in narratione Iudae aliter dicta sunt, quam cum illis egerat Ioseph, quamvis apud eum loqueretur, ut omnino de illa insimulatione quod exploratores essent, nihil diceretur. Quod utrum consulto tacitum sit, an id fecerit perturbationis oblivio, non apparet. Nam et illud quod dixerunt, se ab ipso Ioseph interrogatos de patre et fratre suo, se autem illa interroganti indicasse, mirum si vel ad sententiam potest ista pervenire narratio, ut eam constet esse veracem. Quamquam etsi aliqua falsa in ea sunt, falli potius per oblivionem potuit, quam auderet mentiri; apud eum praesertim, cui non sicut nescienti, sed etiam illa quae noverat eum scire, ad flectendam eius misericordiam narrationi inserebat.
147. (44:18-34) Many things in Judah's narration were said otherwise than Joseph had dealt with them—although he was speaking before him—so that of that charge that they were spies, nothing at all was said. Whether this was passed over on purpose, or whether the forgetfulness of disturbance caused it, does not appear. For that too which they said, that they had been questioned by Joseph himself about their father and brother, and that they had told the one questioning these things, it would be remarkable if this narration can reach even to the sense, so that it stands to be truthful. Although, even if some false things are in it, he could rather be deceived through forgetfulness than dare to lie—especially before him to whom he was inserting into his narration, not as to one ignorant, but even those things which he knew that he knew, in order to bend his mercy.
QsHept.1.146
Quid sibi velit quod dicit Ioseph reliquias remanere super terram.
What it means that Joseph says a remnant remains upon the earth.
148. (45, 7) Quid est quod dicit Ioseph: misit enim me Deus ante vos, remanere vestrum reliquias super terram, et enutrire vestrum reliquiarium magnum? Hoc enim non usquequaque consonat, ut reliquias vel reliquiarium accipiamus Iacob et filios eius, cum omnes sint incolumes. An forte illud significat alto secretoque mysterio, quod ait Apostolus: reliquiae per electionem gratiae salvae factae sunt (Rom 11, 5); quia Propheta praedixerat: etsi fuerit numerus filiorum Israel sicut arena maris, reliquiae salvae fient (Isa 10, 22).
148. (45:7) What does it mean that Joseph says: for God sent me before you, that a remnant of you might remain upon the earth, and to nourish a great remnant of you? For this does not altogether harmonize, that we should take Jacob and his sons as a remnant, since they are all safe. Or does it perhaps signify, by a deep and secret mystery, what the Apostle says: a remnant, through the election of grace, has been saved (Rom 11:5); because the Prophet had foretold: though the number of the children of Israel be as the sand of the sea, a remnant will be saved (Isa 10:22)?
QsHept.1.146
Ad hoc enim occisus est Christus a Iudaeis, et traditus gentibus tamquam Ioseph Aegyptiis a fratribus, ut et reliquiae Israel salvae fierent. Unde dicit Apostolus: nam et ego Israelita sum; et: ut plenitudo gentium intraret, et sic omnis Israel salvus fieret (Rom 11, 1. 25); id est, ex reliquiis Israel secundum carnem, et plenitudine gentium quae in fide Christi secundum spiritum sunt Israel.
For to this end was Christ killed by the Jews, and handed over to the nations—as Joseph was handed over to the Egyptians by his brothers—so that the remnant of Israel too might be saved. Hence the Apostle says: for I too am an Israelite; and, so that the fullness of the nations might enter, and thus all Israel might be saved (Rom 11:1. 25); that is, from the remnant of Israel according to the flesh, and the fullness of the nations who in the faith of Christ are Israel according to the spirit.
QsHept.1.146
Aut si genti illi Israeliticae restat fidei plenitudo, ex qua erant reliquiae, in quibus reliquiis tunc et Apostoli salvi facti sunt, hoc significatur ea plenitudine liberationis Israel, qua per Moysen ex Aegypto liberati sunt.
Or if for that Israelite nation there remains a fullness of faith, from which there was a remnant—in which remnant the Apostles too were then saved—this is signified by that fullness of the deliverance of Israel by which they were delivered through Moses out of Egypt.
QsHept.1.146
Cur filias filiarum propter unam Dinam.
Why "daughters of daughters" on account of one Dinah.
149. (46, 6-7) Intrarunt in Aegyptum Iacob et omne semen eius, filii et filii filiorum eius, filiae et filiae filiarum eius cum eo. Quaerendum quomodo dicat: filias et filias filiarum eius cum eo, cum filiam unam legatur habuisse. Superius autem filias eius dixeramus accipi posse neptes eius, sicut filii Israel omnes dicuntur etiam universus populus ab illo propagatus. Sed nunc cum dicit: filias filiarum, propter unam Dinam, pluralis numerus pro singulari positus est, sicut etiam pro plurali singularis solet; nisi nurus eius quisque asserat filias eius potuisse appellari.
149. (46:6-7) Jacob and all his seed entered into Egypt, his sons and the sons of his sons, his daughters and the daughters of his daughters with him. It must be asked how he says, his daughters and the daughters of his daughters with him, when he is read to have had one daughter. Above we had said that his daughters can be taken as his granddaughters, just as the all the sons of Israel means even the whole people propagated from him. But now, when he says daughters of daughters, on account of one Dinah, the plural is put for the singular, as the singular too is wont to be put for the plural; unless someone asserts that his daughters-in-law could be called his daughters.
QsHept.1.146
De eo quod scriptum est tot animas exisse de femoribus Iacob.
On what is written, that so many souls came out of the thighs of Jacob.
150. (46, 15). Quod dicit Scriptura tot animas peperisse Liam, vel tot aut tot animas exiisse de femoribus Iacob; videndum est quid hinc respondeatur eis qui hoc testimonio confirmare nituntur, a parentibus simul animas cum corporibus propagari. "Animas" enim dictas pro "hominibus," a parte totum significante locutione, nullus ambigit. Sed quomodo ipsam partem, ex qua totum commemoratum est, hoc est animam, eius nomine totus homo significatus est, alienemus ab eo quod dictum est: exierunt de femoribus eius (Gen 46, 26), ut carnes tantum ex illo natus, quamvis solae animae nominentur, accipiamus; quaerendi sunt locutionum modi secundum Scripturas.
150. (46:15) As to what Scripture says, that Leah bore so many souls, or that so many souls came out of the thighs of Jacob, it must be seen what is to be answered from this to those who strive to confirm by this testimony that souls are propagated together with bodies from the parents. For that "souls" was said for "human beings," by a manner of speech signifying the whole from a part, no one doubts. But how that very part, from which the whole was named—that is, the soul, by whose name the whole man was signified—we are to keep separate from what was said, they came out of his thighs (Gen 46:26), so that we take only the flesh to have been born of him, although souls alone are named—the modes of speech must be sought according to the Scriptures.
QsHept.1.146
Si istae omnes animae ex Lia in Mesopotamia Syriae natae sunt.
Whether all these souls were born of Leah in Mesopotamia of Syria.
151. (46, 15) Hi filii Liae, quos peperit ipsi Iacob in Mesopotamia Syriae, et Dinam filiam eius, omnes animae filii et filiae eius triginta tres. Numquid istae omnes triginta tres animae ex Lia in Mesopotamia Syriae natae sunt? Sex utique filii et una filia, ex quibus nepotes commemorati sunt. Si ergo de uno Beniamin quaestio nata fuerat, quando numeratis duodecim filiis Iacob et nominatim commemoratis dictum est: hi filii Iacob qui facti sunt ei in Mesopotamia Syriae (Gen 35, 26); quanto maior nunc quaestio est, quomodo triginta tres animae ex Lia in Mesopotamia Syriae natae sunt; nisi quia illa locutio confirmatur, tamquam ibi omnes orti sunt, quorum parentes ibi orti sunt? Deinde et illud iam non dubium est, in una filia filias nominari, plurali numero pro singulari posito.
151. (46:15) These are the sons of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob himself in Mesopotamia of Syria, and Dinah his daughter; all the souls, his sons and daughters, thirty-three. Were all these thirty-three souls born of Leah in Mesopotamia of Syria? Surely six sons and one daughter, of whom grandsons were mentioned. If, then, a question had arisen about one Benjamin, when, the twelve sons of Jacob being counted and mentioned by name, it was said, these are the sons of Jacob who were made to him in Mesopotamia of Syria (Gen 35:26); how much greater is the question now, how thirty-three souls were born of Leah in Mesopotamia of Syria—unless it is because that manner of speech is confirmed, namely that all are spoken of as born there whose parents were born there? Then this too is now beyond doubt, that in one daughter daughters are named, the plural being put for the singular.
QsHept.1.146
De numero eorum qui intraverunt cum Iacob in Aegyptum.
On the number of those who entered Egypt with Jacob.
152. (46, 26-27) Quod legitur sexaginta sex animas intrasse cum Iacob in Aegyptum (Cf. Ex 1, 5), exceptis videlicet filiis Ioseph, et deinde illis annumeratis infertur: septuaginta quinque animae erant, cum quibus Iacob intravit in Aegyptum (Gen 46, 27 (sec. LXX)); sic accipiendum est, qui erant in domo Iacob, quando intravit in Aegyptum. Nam utique quos ibi invenit, non cum eis intravit. Sed quoniam diligentius discussa veritate reperiuntur duo nati iam fuisse cum intravit, Ephraem et Manasses (Cf. Gen 41, 50), quod non solum hoc loco hebraei codices habere dicuntur, verum etiam ipsa secundum Septuaginta interpretatio in Exodo declarat (Cf. Ex 1, 5); nec Septuaginta interpretes mihi in hoc loco videntur errasse, qui propter aliquam mysticam significationem quadam velut prophetica libertate hunc numerum complere voluerunt, si adhuc vivente Iacob illi ex duobus filiis Manasse et Ephraem propagati sunt, quos eidem numero domus Iacob aggregandos iudicaverunt. Sed quia invenitur Iacob decem et septem annos vixisse in Aegypto (Cf. Gen 47, 28), quomodo potuerunt filii Ioseph illo vivo etiam nepotes habere, non invenitur. Ingressus est enim Aegyptum Iacob secundo anno famis (Cf. Gen 45, 6); nati sunt autem filii Ioseph in annis abundantiae (Cf. Gen 41, 50); quibuslibet annis ubertatis nati existimentur, a primo anno ubertatis usque ad secundum annum famis, quo ingressus est Iacob in Aegyptum novem anni sunt; huc additis decem et septem quibus ibi vixit Iacob, viginti sex anni reperiuntur. Quomodo ergo minus quam viginti et sex annorum iuvenes etiam nepotes habere potuerunt? Sed neque ulla Hebraica veritate ista solvitur quaestio. Quemadmodum enim impleri potuit, ut tot nepotes susciperet Iacob antequam intraret in Aegyptum, etiam de Beniamin qui illa aetate venit ad fratrem? Non solum autem Scriptura eum filios habuisse commemorat, sed et nepotes et pronepotes, qui omnes annumerantur sexaginta sex hominibus, cum quibus Iacob in Aegyptum, etiam secundum Hebraicam veritatem, perhibetur intrasse (Cf. Gen 46, 26).
152. (46:26-27) That it is read that sixty-six souls entered Egypt with Jacob (See Exod 1:5)—excepting, that is, the sons of Joseph—and then, these being added in, it is brought in: seventy-five souls there were, with whom Jacob entered Egypt (Gen 46:27 (per LXX)); this is to be taken as those who were in the house of Jacob when he entered Egypt. For surely those whom he found there did not enter with them. But since, the truth being more carefully examined, two are found to have been already born when he entered, Ephraim and Manasseh (See Gen 41:50)—which not only the Hebrew manuscripts are said to have in this place, but the very translation according to the Septuagint declares in Exodus (See Exod 1:5)—nor do the Septuagint translators seem to me to have erred in this place, who, for the sake of some mystical signification, by a certain as it were prophetic liberty wished to complete this number, if, while Jacob was still living, there were propagated from his two sons Manasseh and Ephraim those whom they judged should be added to that same number of the house of Jacob. But because Jacob is found to have lived seventeen years in Egypt (See Gen 47:28), how the sons of Joseph could, while he was living, have even grandsons, is not discovered. For Jacob entered Egypt in the second year of the famine (See Gen 45:6); but the sons of Joseph were born in the years of plenty (See Gen 41:50); in whatever years of plenty they are reckoned to have been born, from the first year of plenty to the second year of famine, in which Jacob entered Egypt, there are nine years; to these adding the seventeen during which Jacob lived there, twenty-six years are found. How, then, could young men less than twenty-six years old have even grandsons? But this question is not solved by any Hebrew truth either. For how could it be fulfilled that Jacob received so many grandsons before he entered Egypt—even of Benjamin, who came to his brother at that age? And Scripture mentions not only that he had sons, but also grandsons and great-grandsons, who are all reckoned among the sixty-six persons with whom Jacob is reported to have entered Egypt, even according to the Hebrew truth (See Gen 46:26).
QsHept.1.146
Videndum est etiam, quid sibi velit, quod cum Ioseph et filii eius non amplius quam octo commemorentur (Cf. Gen 46, 20 (sec. LXX)), Beniamin vero et eius filii simul undecim reperiantur (Cf. Gen 46, 21 (sec. LXX)), non decem et novem omnes sicut sunt octo et undecim, sed decem et octo referantur in summam (Cf. Gen 46, 22 (sec. LXX)); et postea Ioseph, cum filiis suis, non animae octo, sed novem fuisse dicantur, cum octo inveniantur (Cf. Gen 46, 21-22. 27). Haec omnia, quae indissolubilia videntur, magnam continent sine dubitatione rationem; sed nescio utrum possint cuncta ad litteram convenire, praecipue in numeris, quos in Scripturis esse sacratissimos et mysteriorum plenissimos, ex quibusdam, quos inde nosse potuimus, dignissime credimus.
It must also be seen what it means that, while Joseph and his sons are mentioned as no more than eight (See Gen 46:20 (per LXX)), but Benjamin and his sons together are found to be eleven (See Gen 46:21 (per LXX)), not nineteen in all, as eight and eleven are, but eighteen are reported in the sum (See Gen 46:22 (per LXX)); and afterward Joseph, with his sons, is said to have been not eight souls but nine, when only eight are found (See Gen 46:21-22. 27). All these things, which seem insoluble, without doubt contain a great reason; but I do not know whether they can all fit according to the letter, especially in the numbers, which we most worthily believe to be most sacred in the Scriptures and most full of mysteries, from certain ones that we have been able to know from them.
QsHept.1.146
Patriarchas nutritores pecorum Scriptura commendat.
Scripture commends the Patriarchs as keepers of flocks.
153. (46, 32-34) Commendatur in Patriarchis, quod pecorum nutritores erant a pueritia sua et a parentibus suis. Et merito, nam haec est sine ulla dubitatione iusta servitus et iusta dominatio, cum pecora homini serviunt, et homo pecoribus dominatur. Sic enim dictum est, cum crearetur: faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram, et habeat potestatem piscium maris et volatilium caeli, et omnium pecorum quae sunt super terram (Gen 1, 26). Ubi insinuatur rationem debere dominari irrationabili vitae. Servum autem hominem homini, vel iniquitas vel adversitas fecit; iniquitas quidem, sicut dictum est: maledictus Chanaan, erit servus fratribus suis (Gen 9, 25); adversitas vero, sicut accidit ipsi Ioseph, ut venditus a fratribus servus alienigenae fieret (Cf. Gen 37, 28. 36). Itaque primos servos, quibus hoc nomen in Latina lingua inditum est, bella fecerunt. Qui enim homo ab homine superatus iure belli posset occidi, quia servatus est, servus est appellatus; inde et mancipia, quia manu capta sunt. Est etiam ordo naturalis in hominibus, ut serviant feminae viris, et filii parentibus, quia et illic haec iustitia est ut infirmior ratio serviat fortiori (Cf. Col 3, 18. 20). Haec igitur in dominationibus et servitutibus clara iustitia est, ut qui excellunt ratione, excellant dominatione; quod cum in hoc saeculo per iniquitatem hominum perturbatur, vel per naturarum carnalium diversitatem, ferunt iusti temporalem perversitatem, in fine habituri ordinatissimam et sempiternam felicitatem.
153. (46:32-34) It is commended in the Patriarchs that they were keepers of flocks from their youth and from their parents. And rightly; for this is without any doubt a just servitude and a just dominion, when the flocks serve man, and man rules over the flocks. For so it was said when he was created: let us make man to our image and likeness, and let him have power over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air, and over all the flocks that are upon the earth (Gen 1:26). Here it is suggested that reason ought to rule over irrational life. But that man should be a servant to man, either iniquity or adversity has caused; iniquity indeed, as it was said, cursed be Canaan, he will be a servant to his brothers (Gen 9:25); but adversity, as happened to Joseph himself, that, sold by his brothers, he became the servant of a foreigner (See Gen 37:28. 36). And so the first servants, on whom this name was imposed in the Latin language, wars produced. For the man who, overcome by a man, could by the right of war be killed, since he was kept safe, was called a servant; whence too "captives," because they were taken by hand. There is also a natural order in human beings, that the women serve the men, and the children the parents, because there too this is the justice, that the weaker reason serve the stronger (See Col 3:18. 20). This, then, is the clear justice in dominions and servitudes, that those who excel in reason should excel in dominion; and when this is disturbed in this age through the iniquity of men, or through the diversity of carnal natures, the just bear the temporal perversity, being destined to have, in the end, a most ordered and everlasting happiness.
QsHept.1.146
De verbis: Abominatio est Aegyptiis omnis pastor ovium.
On the words: For every shepherd of sheep is an abomination to the Egyptians.
154. (46, 34) Abominatio est enim Aegyptiis omnis pastor ovium. Merito Aegyptiis, in quibus figura est praesentis saeculi, in quo abundat iniquitas, abominatio est omnis pastor pecorum; abominatio est enim iniquo vir iustus.
154. (46:34) For every shepherd of sheep is an abomination to the Egyptians. Rightly to the Egyptians, in whom there is a figure of the present age, in which iniquity abounds, every shepherd of flocks is an abomination; for a just man is an abomination to the unjust.
QsHept.1.146
Ad quid facta sit illa repetitio.
To what end that repetition was made.
155. (47, 5-6) Venerunt autem in Aegyptum ad Ioseph Iacob et filii eius; et audivit Pharao rex Aegypti, et ait Pharao ad Ioseph dicens: 'pater tuus et fratres tui venerunt ad te; ecce terra Aegypti ante te est, in terra optima colloca patrem tuum et fratres tuos.' Haec repetitio non praetermissae rei, ad quam saepe obscure per recapitulationem reditur, sed omnino aperta est. Iam enim dixerat Scriptura quomodo venerint ad Pharaonem fratres Ioseph, et quid eis dixerit, vel ab eis audierit (Cf. Gen 45, 16-20); sed hoc nunc velut ab initio repetivit, ut inde contexeret narrationem ab his verbis, quae soli Ioseph Pharao dixit; quorum omnium in codicibus Graecis, qui a diligentioribus conscripti sunt, quaedam obeliscos habent, et significant ea quae in Hebraeo non inveniuntur, et in Septuaginta inveniantur; quaedam asteriscos, quibus ea significantur quae habent Hebraei, nec habent Septuaginta.
155. (47:5-6) Now Jacob and his sons came into Egypt to Joseph; and Pharaoh king of Egypt heard, and Pharaoh said to Joseph, saying: 'Your father and your brothers have come to you; behold, the land of Egypt is before you, settle your father and your brothers in the best land.' This repetition is not of a matter passed over, to which return is often obscurely made by recapitulation, but is altogether open. For Scripture had already said how Joseph's brothers came to Pharaoh, and what he said to them, or heard from them (See Gen 45:16-20); but now it repeated this as if from the beginning, in order from there to weave the narration from these words which Pharaoh said to Joseph alone; of all which, in the Greek manuscripts that were written by the more careful, some have obeli, and signify those things which are not found in the Hebrew but are found in the Septuagint; some asterisks, by which are signified those things which the Hebrews have, but the Septuagint do not have.
QsHept.1.146
Quid est quod dicit Iacob secundum graecos codices.
What it means that Jacob says according to the Greek manuscripts.
156. (47, 9) Quid est quod dixit Iacob Pharaoni: dies annorum vitae meae, quos incolo? Sic enim habent Graeci, quod Latini habent: ago, vel: habeo, vel si quid aliud. Utrum ergo ideo dixit: quos incolo, quia in terra natus est, quam nondum populus divina promissione haereditatis acceperat; et ibi vitam ducens, utique in aliena terra erat, non solum quando peregrinabatur, sicut in Mesopotamia, verum etiam quando ibi erat ubi natus est?
156. (47:9) What does it mean that Jacob said to Pharaoh: the days of the years of my life which I sojourn? For so the Greek has, where the Latin has I pass, or I have, or whatever else. Did he then say which I sojourn because he was born in a land which the people had not yet received by the divine promise of inheritance; and there, leading his life, he was surely in a foreign land, not only when he was a sojourner, as in Mesopotamia, but even when he was where he was born?
QsHept.1.146
An potius secundum id accipiendum est, quod ait Apostolus: quamdiu sumus in corpore, peregrinamur a Domino (2 Cor 5, 6)? Secundum hoc et illud in Psalmo dictum intellegitur: inquilinus ego sum in terra, et peregrinus sicut omnes patres mei (Ps 38, 13). Nam iterum dicit de ipsis diebus vitae suae: non pervenerunt in dies annorum vitae patrum meorum, quos dies incoluerunt. Non enim hic aliud voluit intellegi, quam id quod latini codices habent: vixerunt; ac per hoc significavit hanc vitam incolatum esse super terram, id est peregrinationis habitationem.
Or is it rather to be taken according to what the Apostle says: as long as we are in the body, we are sojourners away from the Lord (2 Cor 5:6)? According to this, that too in the Psalm is understood as said: I am a lodger on the earth, and a sojourner like all my fathers (Ps 39:12 (38:13)). For he says again of those same days of his life: they did not reach to the days of the years of the life of my fathers, which days they sojourned. For here he wished nothing else to be understood than what the Latin manuscripts have, they lived; and by this he signified that this life is a sojourning upon the earth, that is, a dwelling of pilgrimage.
QsHept.1.146
Sed credo sanctis hoc convenire, quibus aliam patriam aeternam Dominus pollicetur. Unde videndum est quemadmodum dictum est de impiis: incolent et abscondent, ipsi calcaneum meum observabunt (Ps 55, 7). De his enim convenientius accipitur, qui ut abscondant incolunt; id est, ut insidientur filiis, non manent in domo in aeternum.
But I believe this suits the saints, to whom the Lord promises another, eternal homeland. Hence it must be seen how it was said of the impious: they will sojourn and hide, they will watch my heel (Ps 56:6 (55:7)). For it is more fittingly taken of those who sojourn in order to hide—that is, in order to lie in wait for the children—who do not abide in the house forever.
QsHept.1.146
Utrum terra Ramessem ipsa sit et Gessen.
Whether the land of Rameses is the same as Goshen.
157. (47, 11) Et dedit eis possessionem in terra optima, in terra Ramessem, sicut praecepit Pharao. Quaerendum est utrum terra Ramessem ipsa sit Gessen. Ipsam enim petierant, et ipsam eis Pharao dari praeceperat (Cf. Gen 47, 4. 6).
157. (47:11) And he gave them a possession in the best land, in the land of Rameses, as Pharaoh commanded. It must be asked whether the land of Rameses is the same as Goshen. For they had asked for it, and Pharaoh had commanded it to be given to them (See Gen 47:4. 6).
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo somnium Ioseph impletum putabimus.
How are we to think Joseph's dream was fulfilled.
158. (47, 12) Et metiebatur triticum patri suo Ioseph; et tamen eum pater nec quando vidit adoravit, nec quando ab illo triticum accipiebat (Cf. Gen 37, 9); quomodo ergo somnium Ioseph modo impletum putabimus, et non potius maioris rei continere prophetiam?
158. (47:12) And Joseph measured out wheat to his father; and yet his father neither bowed to him when he saw him, nor when he received wheat from him (See Gen 37:9); how, then, are we to think Joseph's dream was now fulfilled, and not rather that it contains a prophecy of a greater matter?
QsHept.1.146
Ioseph in domum Pharaonis.
Joseph into Pharaoh's house.
159. (47, 14) Et intulit Ioseph omnem pecuniam in domum Pharaonis. Pertinuit ad Scripturam in hac etiam re commendare fidem famuli Dei.
159. (47:14) And Joseph brought all the money into Pharaoh's house. It belonged to Scripture to commend in this matter too the fidelity of God's servant.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo in tanta fame Aegypti potuerint vivere pecora.
How in so great a famine of Egypt the flocks could live.
160. (47, 16. 4) Dixit autem illis Ioseph: 'adducite pecora vestra, et dabo vobis panes pro pecoribus vestris, si deficit argentum.' Quaeri potest, cum Ioseph frumenta collegerit unde homines viverent, pecora unde vivebant, cum tanta fames invalesceret: maxime quia fratres Ioseph Pharaoni dixerant: non sunt enim pascua pecoribus puerorum tuorum; invaluit enim fames in terra Chanaan (Gen 47, 4); et propter hanc etiam inopiam pascuorum se venisse commemoraverant. Proinde si ea fame pascua defecerant in terra Chanaan, cur in Aegypto non defecerant, eadem tunc fame ubique invalescente? An sicut perhibetur ab eis qui loca sciunt, in multis Aegypti paludibus poterant pascua non deesse, etiam cum fames esset frumentorum, quae solent Nili fluminis inundatione provenire? Magis enim dicuntur paludes illae feracia pascua gignere, quando aqua Nili minus excrescit.
160. (47:16. 4) And Joseph said to them: 'Bring your flocks, and I will give you bread for your flocks, if money is lacking.' It can be asked, since Joseph had gathered grain from which men might live, from what the flocks lived, when so great a famine prevailed: especially because Joseph's brothers had said to Pharaoh, for there is no pasture for the flocks of your servants; for the famine has prevailed in the land of Canaan (Gen 47:4); and they had mentioned that they had come on account of this lack of pasture too. Accordingly, if in that famine the pastures had failed in the land of Canaan, why had they not failed in Egypt, the same famine then prevailing everywhere? Or, as is reported by those who know the places, in the many marshes of Egypt the pastures could not be lacking, even when there was a famine of grain, which is wont to come from the inundation of the river Nile? For those marshes are said rather to produce fertile pastures when the water of the Nile rises less.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo commendat sepulturam corpus suum Iacob filio suo Ioseph.
How Jacob entrusts the burial of his body to his son Joseph.
161. (47, 29) Moriturus Iacob filio suo Ioseph dicit: si inveni gratiam in conspectu tuo, subice manum tuam sub femore meo, et facies in me misericordiam et veritatem. Ea filium iuratione constringit, qua servum constrinxit Abraham (Cf. Gen 24, 2); ille mandans unde uxor ducatur filio suo, iste sepulturam commendans corporis sui. In utraque tamen causa nominata sunt duo illa, quae magni habenda atque pendenda sunt in Scripturis omnibus, quacumque dispersim leguntur, misericordia et iustitia, vel misericordia et iudicium, vel misericordia et veritas, quandoquidem in quodam loco scriptum est: universae viae Domini misericordia et veritas (Ps 24, 10). Ita haec duo multum commendata multum consideranda sunt. Servus autem Abrahae dixerat: si facitis in dominum meum misericordiam et iustitiam (Gen 24, 49); sicut et iste filio suo dicit: ut facias in me misericordiam et veritatem.
161. (47:29) Jacob, about to die, says to his son Joseph: if I have found grace in your sight, put your hand under my thigh, and you will do me mercy and truth. He binds his son by that oath by which Abraham bound his servant (See Gen 24:2); the one commanding whence a wife should be taken for his son, the other entrusting the burial of his body. Yet in both cases those two things are named which are to be held great and weighed in all the Scriptures, wherever they are read scattered about—mercy and justice, or mercy and judgment, or mercy and truth—since in a certain place it is written: all the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth (Ps 25:10 (24:10)). So these two, much commended, are much to be considered. Now Abraham's servant had said, if you do mercy and justice toward my master (Gen 24:49); just as this man too says to his son, that you may do me mercy and truth.
QsHept.1.146
Quid sibi autem velit a tanto viro tam sollicita corporis commendatio, ut non in Aegypto sepeliatur, sed in terra Chanaan iuxta patres suos (Cf. Gen 47, 30), mirum videtur, et quasi absurdum, nec conveniens tantae excellentiae mentis propheticae, si hoc ex hominum consuetudine metiamur. Si autem in his omnibus sacramenta quaerantur, maioris admirationis gaudium ipsi qui invenerit orietur. Cadaveribus quippe mortuorum peccata significari in Lege, non dubium est, cum iubentur homines post eorum contrectationem, sive qualemcumque contactum, tamquam ab immunditia purificari (Cf. Num 19, 3-12). Et hinc illa sententia ducta est: qui baptizatur a mortuo, et iterum tangit illum, quid proficit lavatio eius? Sic et qui ieiunat super peccata sua, et iterum ambulans haec eadem facit (Eccli 34, 30-31). Sepultura ergo mortuorum remissionem significat peccatorum, eo pertinens quod dictum est: beati quorum remissae sunt iniquitates, et quorum tecta sunt peccata (Ps 31, 1).
But what so anxious an entrusting of his body, from so great a man—that he should not be buried in Egypt, but in the land of Canaan beside his fathers (See Gen 47:30)—means, seems strange, and as it were absurd, and not befitting so great an excellence of a prophetic mind, if we measure this by the custom of men. But if in all these things sacraments are sought, a greater joy of wonder will arise for the very one who finds it. For that sins are signified by the corpses of the dead in the Law is not doubtful, since men are commanded, after touching them, or after any contact whatever, to be purified as from uncleanness (See Num 19:3-12). And from this is drawn that sentence: he who is baptized from a dead body, and again touches it, what does his washing profit? So too he who fasts for his sins, and again, walking, does these same things (Sir 34:30-31). The burial of the dead, then, signifies the remission of sins, pertaining to what was said: blessed are they whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered (Ps 32:1 (31:1)).
QsHept.1.146
Ubi ergo sepelienda erant hoc significantia cadavera Patriarcharum, nisi in ea terra ubi ille crucifixus est, cuius sanguine facta est remissio peccatorum (Cf. Col 1, 14)? Mortibus enim Patriarcharum peccata hominum figurata sunt. Dicitur autem ab eo loco, quod Abrahamium vocatur, ubi sunt ista corpora (Cf. Gen 50, 13), abesse locum ubi crucifixus est Dominus fere triginta millibus, ut etiam ipse numerus eum significare intellegatur, qui in baptismo apparuit fere triginta annorum; et si quid aliud de re tanta, vel hoc modo vel sublimius intellegi potest, dum tamen non frustra arbitremur tales ac tantos homines Dei tantam gessisse curam pro sepeliendis corporibus suis; cum sit atque esse debeat fidelium ista securitas, quod ubicumque corpora eorum sepeliantur vel insepulta etiam per inimicorum rabiem relinquantur, aut pro eorum libidine dilacerata assumantur, non ideo vel minus integram, vel minus gloriosam eorum resurrectionem futuram.
Where, then, were the corpses of the Patriarchs—signifying this—to be buried, except in that land where he was crucified by whose blood the remission of sins was made (See Col 1:14)? For by the deaths of the Patriarchs the sins of men were figured. And it is said that from that place which is called the Abrahamium, where these bodies are (See Gen 50:13), the place where the Lord was crucified is distant about thirty miles, so that even that number is understood to signify him who appeared at his baptism about thirty years old; and if anything else about so great a matter can be understood, either in this way or more loftily, provided only that we do not think such and so great men of God took such great care for the burial of their bodies in vain; since this is, and ought to be, the security of the faithful, that wherever their bodies may be buried, or even left unburied through the rage of enemies, or, torn apart for the lust of enemies, devoured, their resurrection will not on that account be either less whole or less glorious.
QsHept.1.146
De verbis: Et adoravit super caput virgae eius an suae.
On the words: And he worshiped upon the top of his staff—or his own.
162. (47, 31) Quod habent latini codices: et adoravit super caput virgae eius, nonnulli codices emendatius habent: adoravit super caput virgae suae, vel: in capite virgae suae, sive: in cacumine, vel: super cacumen. Fallit eos enim verbum graecum, quod eisdem litteris scribitur, sive: eius, sive: suae, sed accentus dispares sunt, et ab eis qui ista noverunt, in codicibus non contemnuntur; valent enim ad magnam discretionem. Quamvis et unam plus litteram habere posset, si esset: suae, ut non esset: [MISSING GREEK TEXT], sed: [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. Ac per hoc merito quaeritur quid sit quod dictum est. Nam facile intellegeretur senem, qui virgam ferebat eo more, quo illa aetas baculum solet, ut se inclinavit ad Deum adorandum, id utique fecerit super cacumen virgae suae, quam sic ferebat, ut super eam caput inclinando adoraret Deum.
162. (47:31) Where the Latin manuscripts have and he worshiped upon the top of his staff, some manuscripts have, more correctly, he worshiped upon the top of his own staff, or at the top of his own staff, or at the tip, or upon the tip. For the Greek word deceives them, which is written with the same letters whether his (another's) or his own; but the accents are different, and are not despised in the manuscripts by those who know these things; for they are of great force for distinguishing. Although it could also have one letter more, if it were his own. And on this account it is rightly asked what it is that was said. For it would easily be understood that the old man, who carried a staff in the way that that age is wont to carry a staff—when he bowed himself to worship God—did this upon the top of his own staff, which he so carried that, bowing his head upon it, he worshiped God.
QsHept.1.146
Quid est ergo: adoravit super cacumen virgae eius, id est filii sui Ioseph? An forte tulerat ab eo virgam, quando ei iurabat idem filius, et dum eam tenet, post verba iurantis, nondum illa reddita mox adoravit Deum? Non enim pudebat eum ferre tantisper insigne potestatis filii sui, ubi figura magnae rei futurae praesignabatur; quamvis in hebraeo facillima huius quaestionis absolutio esse dicatur, ubi scriptum perhibent: et adoravit Israel ad caput lecti, in quo utique senex iacebat, et sic positum habebat, ut in eo sine labore, quando vellet, oraret; nec ideo tamen quod Septuaginta interpretati sunt, nullum vel levem sensum habere putandum est.
What, then, does it mean: he worshiped upon the top of his staff, that is, of his son Joseph? Or perhaps he had taken the staff from him when his son swore to him, and while he held it, after the words of the one swearing, before it was yet returned, he soon worshiped God? For he was not ashamed to carry for a while the insignia of his son's power, where a figure of a great future thing was being foreshadowed; although in the Hebrew the easiest resolution of this question is said to be, where they report it is written, and Israel worshiped at the head of the bed, in which the old man surely lay, and had it so placed that on it, when he wished, he might pray without labor; nor, however, on that account is what the Septuagint translated to be thought to have no sense, or only a slight one.
QsHept.1.146
Iacob commemorat promissiones Dei erga se factas.
Jacob mentions the promises of God made toward him.
163. (48, 4) Etiam hic cum commemorat Iacob promissiones Dei erga se factas, dicit sibi dictum: faciam te in congregationes gentium; quibus verbis magis fidelium vocationem significat, quam carnalis generis propagationem.
163. (48:4) Here too, when Jacob mentions the promises of God made toward him, he says it was said to him: I will make you into assemblies of nations; by which words he signifies the calling of the faithful rather than the propagation of a carnal race.
QsHept.1.146
Ubi adoptavit in numerum filiorum suorum Iacob nepotes suos de Ioseph.
Where Jacob adopted into the number of his sons his grandsons by Joseph.
164. (48, 5-6) Quod scriptum est, dicente Iacob in Ephraem et Manasse: nunc ergo filii tui duo, qui facti sunt tibi in terra Aegypti priusquam ad te venirem in Aegyptum, mei sunt, Ephraem et Manasse, tamquam Ruben et Simeon erunt mihi (natos autem si genueris postea, tibi erunt); in nomine fratrum suorum appellabuntur in sortibus eorum; fallit legentes aliquando, ut existiment ita dictum, tamquam si alios genuisset Ioseph, istorum nominibus eos Iacob appellari praeciperet; quod non ita est. Verborum quippe ordo contexitur: nunc ergo filii tui duo, qui facti sunt tibi in terra Aegypti priusquam ad te venirem in Aegyptum, mei sunt Ephraem, et Manasse, tamquam Ruben et Simeon erunt mihi; in nomine fratrum suorum appellabuntur in sortibus eorum; hoc est, simul haereditatem capient cum fratribus suis, ut simul vocentur filii Israel. Duae quippe ipsae tribus adiunctae sunt, ut excepta tribu Levi, quae sacerdotalis fuit, duodecim essent quae terram dividerent, et decimas praeberent. Illud autem interpositum est, quod de aliis filiis Ioseph si nascerentur dixit.
164. (48:5-6) As to what is written, when Jacob says concerning Ephraim and Manasseh, now therefore your two sons, who were made to you in the land of Egypt before I came to you in Egypt, are mine, Ephraim and Manasseh; they will be to me as Reuben and Simeon (but those whom you beget afterward will be yours); they will be called by the name of their brothers in their allotments—it sometimes deceives readers, so that they suppose it was said as though, if Joseph should beget others, Jacob commanded them to be called by the names of these; which is not so. For the order of the words is woven: now therefore your two sons, who were made to you in the land of Egypt before I came to you in Egypt, are mine, Ephraim and Manasseh; they will be to me as Reuben and Simeon; they will be called by the name of their brothers in their allotments; that is, they will receive the inheritance together with their brothers, so that they may together be called sons of Israel. For those two tribes were added, so that, excepting the tribe of Levi, which was priestly, there might be twelve to divide the land and present tithes. But that which was interposed is what he said about the other sons of Joseph, if they should be born.
QsHept.1.146
Cur Iacob indicare videtur Ioseph, ubi sepelierint matrem.
Why Jacob seems to inform Joseph where they had buried his mother.
165. (48, 7) Quod Iacob filio suo Ioseph tamquam nescienti voluit indicare, ubi et quando sepelierit matrem eius, cum et ipse simul fuerit cum fratribus suis; sed etsi erat tam parvus aetate, ut illud vel curare vel animo retinere non posset, quae res compulit modo dici? Nisi forte ad rem pertinuit commemorare ibi sepultam matrem Ioseph, ubi Christus fuerat nasciturus.
165. (48:7) That Jacob wished to inform his son Joseph, as if he did not know, where and when he buried his mother, when he himself was also present with his brothers; but even if he was so small in age that he could neither attend to that nor retain it in mind, what compelled it to be said now? Unless perhaps it pertained to the matter to mention that Joseph's mother was buried there where Christ was to be born.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo benedicit nepotes suos Israel.
How Israel blesses his grandsons.
166. (48, 14-19) Quod ita benedicit nepotes suos Israel, ut dexteram manum minori imponat, maiori autem sinistram, et hoc filio suo Ioseph volenti corrigere quasi errantem atque nescientem, ita respondet: scio, fili, scio, et hic erit in populum, et hic exaltabitur; sed frater eius iunior maior illo erit, et semen eius erit in multitudine gentium; hactenus de Christo accipiendum est, quatenus etiam de ipso Iacob et fratre eius dictum est: quia maior serviet minori (Gen 25, 23). Secundum hoc enim significavit aliquid prophetice hoc faciendo Israel, quod populus posterior per Christum futurus generatione spiritali, superaturus erat populum priorem de carnali patrum generatione gloriantem.
166. (48:14-19) That he so blesses his grandsons, Israel, that he lays his right hand on the younger, but his left on the elder, and to his son Joseph, who wished to correct him as one erring and not knowing, he so answers: I know, son, I know, and this one too will be for a people, and this one will be exalted; but his younger brother will be greater than he, and his seed will be in a multitude of nations; this is to be taken of Christ to the same extent that it was also said of Jacob himself and his brother, that the elder will serve the younger (Gen 25:23). For according to this, Israel, by doing this, signified something prophetically: that the later people, who were to come into being through Christ by spiritual generation, were to overcome the earlier people glorying in the carnal generation of the fathers.
QsHept.1.146
Quod dicit Iacob Sichimam se praecipuam dare Ioseph.
That Jacob says he gives Shechem as a special portion to Joseph.
167. (48, 22) Quod dicit Iacob Sichimam se praecipuam dare filio suo Ioseph, et addit quod eam possederit in gladio suo et arcu, quaeri potest quemadmodum valeat ad litteram convenire. Emit enim centum agnis possessionem illam (Cf. Gen 33, 19), non cepit iure victoriae bellicae. An quia Salem civitatem Sichimorum filii eius expugnaverunt (Cf. Gen 34, 25), et iure belli potuit eius fieri, ut iustum bellum cum eis gestum videatur, qui tantam priores iniuriam fecerunt in eius filia contaminanda? Cur non ergo illis illam terram dedit, qui hoc perpetraverunt, hoc est, maioribus filiis suis? Deinde si modo ex illa victoria glorians, dat eam terram filio suo Ioseph, cur ei displicuerunt tunc filii qui hoc commiserunt? Cur denique etiam nunc, cum eos benediceret, exprobrando id commemoravit in factis eorum? Procul dubio ergo aliquod hic latet propheticum sacramentum; quia et Ioseph quadam praecipua significatione Christum praefiguravit, et ei datur illa terra, ubi disperdiderat obruendo deos alienos Iacob (Cf. Gen 35, 4); ut Christus intellegatur possessurus gentes diis patrum suorum renuntiantes, et credentes in eum.
167. (48:22) That Jacob says he gives Shechem as a special portion to his son Joseph, and adds that he possessed it by his sword and bow, it can be asked how it can fit according to the letter. For he bought that possession for a hundred lambs (See Gen 33:19), he did not take it by the right of victory in war. Or is it because his sons stormed Salem, the city of the Shechemites (See Gen 34:25), and it could become his by the right of war—so that a just war seems to have been waged with them, who first did so great an injury in defiling his daughter? Why, then, did he not give that land to those who perpetrated this, that is, to his elder sons? Then, if, now glorying in that victory, he gives that land to his son Joseph, why did the sons who committed this then displease him? Why, finally, even now, when he blessed them, did he mention it reproachfully in their deeds? Without doubt, then, some prophetic sacrament lies hidden here; because Joseph too, by a certain special signification, prefigured Christ, and to him is given that land where Jacob had destroyed the foreign gods by burying them (See Gen 35:4); so that Christ is understood as about to possess the nations that renounce the gods of their fathers and believe in him.
QsHept.1.146
Iacob appositus est ad patres suos.
Jacob was gathered to his fathers.
168. (49, 32) Videndum quomodo dicant Scripturae, quod assidue dicunt de mortuis: et appositus est ad patres suos, vel: appositus est ad populum suum. Ecce enim de Iacob dicitur, iam quidem mortuo, sed nondum sepulto; et ad quem populum apponatur, non in promptu est videre. Ex illo enim populus prior nascitur, qui dictus est populus Israel; qui vero eum praecesserunt, tam pauci iusti nominantur, ut eos populum appellare cunctemur. Nam si dictum esset: appositus est ad patres suos, nulla quaestio fieret. An forte populus est, non solum hominum sanctorum, verum et angelorum, populus civitatis illius, unde dicitur ad Hebraeos: sed accessistis ad montem Sion, et ad civitatem Dei Ierusalem, et ad millia angelorum exsultantium (Hebr 12, 22)? Huic populo apponuntur qui hanc vitam placentes Deo finiunt. Tunc enim dicuntur apponi, quando nulla iam remanet sollicitudo tentationum, et periculum peccatorum. Quod intuens ait Scriptura: ante mortem ne laudes hominem quemquam (Eccli 11, 28).
168. (49:32) It must be seen how the Scriptures say, what they constantly say of the dead: and he was gathered to his fathers, or he was gathered to his people. For behold, it is said of Jacob, now indeed dead, but not yet buried; and to what people he is gathered is not ready at hand to see. For from him the earlier people is born, which was called the people of Israel; but those who preceded him are named as so few righteous that we hesitate to call them a people. For if it had been said, he was gathered to his fathers, no question would arise. Or perhaps it is a people not only of holy men but also of angels—the people of that city, whence it is said to the Hebrews: but you have come to Mount Zion, and to the city of God, Jerusalem, and to thousands of exulting angels (Heb 12:22)? To this people are gathered those who end this life pleasing to God. For they are then said to be gathered, when no anxiety of temptations remains, and no danger of sins. Looking to which, Scripture says: before death praise no man (Sir 11:28).
QsHept.1.146
De quadraginta diebus sepulturae.
On the forty days of burial.
169. (50, 3) Quadraginta dies sepulturae, quos commemorat Scriptura, forte significant aliquid poenitentiae, qua peccata sepeliuntur. Non enim frustra etiam quadraginta dies ieiuniorum sunt constituti, quibus Moyses (Cf. Ex 34, 28) et Elias (Cf. 3 Reg 19, 8) et ipse Dominus ieiunavit (Cf. Mt 4, 2); et Ecclesia praecipuam observationem ieiuniorum "Quadragesimam" vocat. Unde et in Hebraeo de Ninivitis apud Ionam prophetam scriptum perhibent: quadraginta dies et Ninive evertetur (Ion 3, 4); ut per tot dies, accommodatos videlicet humiliationi poenitentium, intellegantur in ieiuniis sua deflevisse peccata, et impetrasse misericordiam Dei. Nec tamen putandum est istum numerum luctui poenitentium tantummodo convenire; alioquin non quadraginta dies fecisset Dominus cum discipulis suis post resurrectionem, intrans cum eis et exiens, manducans et bibens; qui dies utique magnae laetitiae fuerunt (Cf. Act 1, 3-5). Nec Septuaginta interpretes, quos legere consuevit Ecclesia, errasse credendi sunt, ut non dicerent: Quadraginta dies, sed: triduum et Ninive evertetur. Maiore quippe auctoritate praediti quam interpretum officium est, prophetico spiritu, quo etiam ore uno in suis interpretationibus, quod magnum miraculum fuit, consonuisse firmantur: triduum posuerunt, quamvis non ignorarent quod dies quadraginta in Hebraeis codicibus legerentur; ut in Domini Iesu Christi clarificatione intellegerentur dissolvi abolerique peccata; de quo dictum est: qui traditus est propter delicta nostra, et resurrexit propter iustificationem nostram (Rom 4, 25). Clarificatio autem Domini in resurrectione et in caelum ascensione cognoscitur. Unde et bis numero, quamvis unum et eumdem, Spiritum Sanctum dedit; primo, posteaquam resurrexit (Cf. Io 20, 22); iterum, posteaquam ascendit in caelum (Cf. Act 2, 2-4). Et quoniam post triduum resurrexit, post quadraginta autem dies ascendit; unum horum, quod posterius factum est, per numerum dierum codices Hebraei significant; alterum autem de triduo, quod ad eamdem etiam rem pertineret, Septuaginta commemorare, non interpretationis servitute, sed prophetiae auctoritate voluerunt. Non ergo dicamus unum horum falsum esse, et pro aliis interpretibus adversus alios litigemus, cum et illi qui ex hebraeo interpretantur; probent nobis hoc scriptum esse quod interpretantur; et Septuaginta interpretum auctoritas, quae tanto etiam divinitus facto miraculo commendatur, tanta in Ecclesiis vetustate firmetur.
169. (50:3) The forty days of burial which Scripture mentions perhaps signify something of penance, by which sins are buried. For not in vain were forty days of fasting appointed, on which Moses (See Exod 34:28) and Elijah (See 1 Kgs 19:8) and the Lord himself fasted (See Matt 4:2); and the Church calls its chief observance of fasts "Lent." Hence in the Hebrew, concerning the Ninevites, in the prophet Jonah, they report it written: forty days, and Nineveh will be overthrown (Jonah 3:4); so that through so many days, suited indeed to the humiliation of the penitent, they are understood to have wept for their sins in fasting, and to have obtained the mercy of God. Yet this number is not to be thought to suit only the mourning of the penitent; otherwise the Lord would not have spent forty days with his disciples after the resurrection, going in and out with them, eating and drinking; which days were surely days of great gladness (See Acts 1:3-5). Nor are the Septuagint translators, whom the Church is accustomed to read, to be believed to have erred, in that they said not forty days but three days, and Nineveh will be overthrown. For, endowed with greater authority than the office of translators is, by the prophetic spirit—by which they are confirmed to have agreed even with one mouth in their translations, which was a great miracle—they set down three days, although they were not ignorant that forty days were read in the Hebrew manuscripts; so that in the glorification of the Lord Jesus Christ sins might be understood to be dissolved and abolished; of whom it was said: who was handed over for our offenses, and rose for our justification (Rom 4:25). Now the glorification of the Lord is recognized in the resurrection and in the ascension into heaven. Hence he gave the Holy Spirit twice in number—although one and the same: first, after he rose (See John 20:22); again, after he ascended into heaven (See Acts 2:2-4). And since he rose after three days, but ascended after forty days, one of these, which was done later, the Hebrew manuscripts signify by the number of days; but the other, about the three days, which would pertain to the same matter, the Septuagint wished to mention, not by the servitude of translation, but by the authority of prophecy. Let us not, then, say that one of these is false, and quarrel on behalf of some translators against others, since both those who translate from the Hebrew prove to us that what they translate is so written, and the authority of the Septuagint translators, which is commended by so great a miracle divinely done, is confirmed by such great antiquity in the churches.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo mandaverat Ioseph ad Pharaonem verba patris sui.
How Joseph sent his father's words to Pharaoh.
170. (50, 5) Quod mandavit Ioseph ad potentes Aegypti, ut dicerent Pharaoni nomine eius: pater meus adiuravit me, dicens: 'in monumento quod ego fodi mihi in terra Chanaan, ibi me sepelies,' quaeri potest quomodo verum sit; cum haec verba patris eius, quando de sua sepultura mandavit, non legantur. Sed ad sententiam verba referre debemus, sicut in aliis supra similiter iteratis verbis vel narrationibus admonuimus. Voluntati enim enuntiandae, et in notitiam perferendae, oportet verba servire. Fodisse autem sibi Iacob sepulcrum, nusquam superius in Scripturis legitur. Sed nisi fieret, cum in eisdem terris esset, modo non diceretur.
170. (50:5) That Joseph charged the powerful men of Egypt to say to Pharaoh in his name, my father adjured me, saying: 'In the tomb which I dug for myself in the land of Canaan, there you will bury me', it can be asked how it is true, since these words of his father, when he charged him about his burial, are not read. But we ought to refer the words to the sense, as we have advised in other words or narrations similarly repeated above. For the words ought to serve the will that is to be declared and brought to notice. But that Jacob dug a tomb for himself is nowhere read above in the Scriptures. But unless it were done while he was in those same lands, it would not now be said.
QsHept.1.146
Cur praetergressi sint locum in quo erat Iacob sepeliendus.
Why they went past the place in which Jacob was to be buried.
171. (50, 10) Quid sibi vult quod cum pergerent ad sepeliendum Iacob, Scriptura dicit: et advenerunt ad aream Atad, quae est trans Iordanem? Praetergressi sunt enim locum in quo erat mortuus sepeliendus, millia (sicut perhibent qui noverunt) plusquam quinquaginta; tantum quippe spatii est, plus minus, ab eo loco ubi sepulti sunt Patriarchae, in quibus et Iacob, usque ad hunc locum, quo eos advenisse narratur. Nam post factum ibi luctum et planctum magnum redierunt ad locum quem praeterierant, rursus Iordane transiecto. Nisi forte quis dicat, aliquorum hostium vitandorum causa per eremum eos venisse cum corpore, qua etiam populus Israel ductus est per Moysen ab Aegypto liberatus. Illo quippe itinere et plurimum circuitur, et per Iordanem venitur ad Abrahamium, ubi sunt corpora Patriarcharum, id est, ad terram Chanaan (Cf. Gen 50, 13). Sed quoquo modo factum sit, ut trans illa loca ad Orientem versus tantum iretur, et inde ad ea per Iordanem veniretur, significationis causa factum esse credendum est, quod per Iordanem venturus erat ad eas terras postea Israel in filiis suis.
171. (50:10) What does it mean that, when they were going to bury Jacob, Scripture says: and they came to the threshing floor of Atad, which is across the Jordan? For they went past the place in which the dead man was to be buried, more (as those who know report) than fifty miles; for so much space, more or less, there is from that place where the Patriarchs were buried, among whom also Jacob, to this place, to which they are narrated to have come. For after the mourning and great lamentation made there, they returned to the place which they had passed, the Jordan being again crossed over. Unless perhaps someone should say that, for the sake of avoiding certain enemies, they came with the body through the desert, by which way too the people of Israel was led, when freed from Egypt, through Moses. For by that route there is both much going around, and one comes through the Jordan to the Abrahamium, where the bodies of the Patriarchs are, that is, to the land of Canaan (See Gen 50:13). But in whatever way it was done, that they went only so far across those places toward the East, and from there came to them through the Jordan, it is to be believed to have been done for the sake of signification—that Israel was afterward to come, in his sons, through the Jordan to those lands.
QsHept.1.146
Utrum luctus septem dies an novem debeat fieri defunctis.
Whether mourning for the dead ought to be made for seven days or nine.
172. (50, 10. 3) Et fecit luctum patri suo septem diebus. Nescio utrum inveniatur alicui sanctorum in Scripturis celebratum esse luctum novem dies, quod apud Latinos "novemdial" appellant. Unde mihi videntur ab hac consuetudine prohibendi, si qui Christianorum istum in mortuis suis numerum servant, qui magis est in gentilium consuetudine. Septimus vero dies auctoritatem in Scripturis habet; unde alio loco scriptum est: luctus mortui septem dierum; fatui autem omnes dies vitae eius (Eccli 22, 12). Septenarius autem numerus propter Sabbati sacramentum praecipue quietis indicium est; unde merito mortuis tamquam requiescentibus exhibetur. Quem tamen numerum in luctu Iacob decuplaverunt Aegyptii, qui eum septuaginta diebus luxerunt.
172. (50:10. 3) And he made mourning for his father for seven days. I do not know whether it is found that for any of the saints in the Scriptures mourning of nine days was celebrated, which among the Latins they call the "ninth-day rite." Hence it seems to me that those Christians, if any, who keep this number for their dead are to be prohibited from this custom, which is rather in the custom of the gentiles. But the seventh day has authority in the Scriptures; whence elsewhere it is written: mourning for the dead, seven days; but for the fool, all the days of his life (Sir 22:12). And the number seven, on account of the sacrament of the Sabbath, is especially an indication of rest; whence it is fittingly shown to the dead, as to those resting. Yet this number the Egyptians multiplied tenfold in the mourning of Jacob, whom they mourned seventy days.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo filii filiorum Ioseph iungantur illis cum quibus Iacob intravit Aegyptum.
How the sons of the sons of Joseph are joined to those with whom Jacob entered Egypt.
173. (50, 22-23) Et vixit Ioseph annos centum decem, et vidit Ioseph Ephraem filios usque ad tertiam generationem, et filii Machir filii Manasse nati sunt super femora Ioseph. Cum hos filios filiorum, vel nepotes filiorum dicat Scriptura Ioseph vivendo vidisse, quomodo eos iungit illis septuaginta quinque hominibus, cum quibus Iacob Aegyptum dicit intrasse; quandoquidem Ioseph senescendo pervenit ut eos natos videret; Iacob autem cum ingressus est in Aegyptum, iuvenis erat Ioseph, et eum pater moriens quinquagesimum et sextum fere aetatis annum agentem reliquit (Cf. Gen 46, 27)? Unde constat certi mysterii causa illum numerum, id est, septuagenarium et quintum Scripturam commendare voluisse. Si autem quisquam exigit, quomodo etiam secundum historiae fidem verum sit, Iacob cum septuaginta quinque animis in Aegyptum intrasse; non illo uno die quo venit, eius ingressum oportet intellegi; sed quia in filiis suis plerumque appellatur Iacob, hoc est in posteris suis, et per Ioseph eum constat in Aegyptum intrasse; introitus eius accipiendus est quamdiu vixit Ioseph, per quem factum est ut intraret. Toto quippe illo tempore nasci et vivere potuerunt omnes qui commemorantur, ut septuaginta quinque animae compleantur usque ad nepotes Beniamin. Sicut enim dicit: hi filii Liae, quos peperit ipsi Iacob in Mesopotamia Syriae (Gen 46, 15), loquens etiam de iis qui non erant nati; quia illic parentes eorum ex quibus nati sunt, pepererat, ibi eos perhibens natos, quoniam causa qua nascerentur ibi nata est, id est parentes eorum, quos ibi Lia peperit; ita quoniam causam intrandi in Aegyptum Iacob in Ioseph habuit, totum tempus quo in Aegypto vixit Ioseph, ingressio erat Iacob in Aegyptum per suam progeniem, quae illo vivo propagabatur, per quem factum est ut ingrederetur.
173. (50:22-23) And Joseph lived a hundred and ten years, and Joseph saw the sons of Ephraim to the third generation, and the sons of Machir the son of Manasseh were born upon Joseph's knees. Since Scripture says that Joseph in his lifetime saw these sons of sons, or grandsons of sons, how does it join them to those seventy-five persons with whom it says Jacob entered Egypt—since Joseph reached, in growing old, to seeing them born, whereas, when Jacob entered Egypt, Joseph was a young man, and his father, dying, left him about fifty-six years of age (See Gen 46:27)? Hence it is clear that for the sake of a certain mystery Scripture wished to commend that number, that is, seventy-five. But if anyone demands how it is true even according to the trustworthiness of history, that Jacob entered Egypt with seventy-five souls, his entrance ought not to be understood as on that one day on which he came; but, because Jacob is generally named in his sons, that is, in his descendants, and it is established that he entered Egypt through Joseph, his entry is to be taken as lasting as long as Joseph lived, through whom it came about that he entered. For in all that time all those who are mentioned could be born and live, so that seventy-five souls are completed down to the grandsons of Benjamin. For just as he says, these are the sons of Leah, whom she bore to Jacob himself in Mesopotamia of Syria (Gen 46:15), speaking also of those who had not been born—because there she had borne their parents, from whom they were born, reporting them to have been born there, since the cause by which they were born was born there, that is, their parents, whom Leah bore there; so, since Jacob had the cause of entering Egypt in Joseph, all the time during which Joseph lived in Egypt was the entry of Jacob into Egypt through his offspring, which was propagated while he was living, through whom it came about that he entered.
QsHept.1.146
Bk. 2Questions on ExodusQuaestiones in Exodum
De obstetricum mendacio, quo fefellerunt Pharaonem.
On the lie of the midwives, by which they deceived Pharaoh.
1. (1, 19-20) De obstetricum mendacio, quo fefellerunt Pharaonem, ne occiderent masculos Israelitas quando nascebantur, dicentes non ita parere mulieres Hebraeas sicut pariebant Aegyptiae; quaeri solet utrum talia mendacia approbata sint auctoritate divina, quandoquidem scriptum est Deum bene fecisse obstetricibus: sed utrum pro misericordia ignoscebat mendacio; an et ipsum mendacium dignum praemio iudicabat, incertum est. Aliud enim faciebant obstetrices vivificando infantes parvulos, aliud Pharaoni mentiendo: nam in illis vivificandis opus misericordiae fuit; mendacio vero illo pro se utebantur, ne noceret illis Pharao, quod potuit non ad laudem, sed ad veniam pertinere. Neque hinc auctoritatem ad mentiendum esse propositam mihi videtur eis de quibus dictum est: et non est inventum in ore eorum mendacium (Apoc 14, 5). Quorumdam enim vita longe inferior a professione sanctorum, si habeat ista mendaciorum peccata, provectu ipso et indole feruntur, praesertim si beneficia divina nondum norunt exspectare coelestia, sed circa terrena occupantur. Qui autem ita vivunt, ut eorum conversatio, sicut dicit Apostolus, in coelis sit (Cf. Phil 3, 20), non eos existimo linguae suae modum, quantum ad veritatem promendam attinet falsitatemque vitandam, exemplo illo obstetricum debere formare. Sed diligentius de hac quaestione disserendum est, propter alia exempla quae in Scripturis reperiuntur.
1. (1:19-20) On the lie of the midwives, by which they deceived Pharaoh, so as not to kill the male Israelites when they were born, saying that the Hebrew women did not give birth as the Egyptians gave birth, it is commonly asked whether such lies have been approved by divine authority, since it is written that God did good to the midwives: but whether he was pardoning the lie out of mercy, or whether he judged the lie itself worthy of reward, is uncertain. For the midwives did one thing in keeping the little infants alive, another in lying to Pharaoh: for in keeping them alive there was a work of mercy; but that lie they used for themselves, lest Pharaoh harm them, which could pertain not to praise but to pardon. Nor does it seem to me that from this an authority for lying is set before those of whom it was said, and no lie was found in their mouth (Rev 14:5). For the life of certain people, far inferior to the profession of saints, if it has these sins of lies, is borne with by their very advancement and disposition, especially if they do not yet know how to await the divine heavenly benefits, but are occupied about earthly things. But those who so live that their manner of life, as the Apostle says, is in heaven (See Phil 3:20), I do not think ought to form the measure of their tongue—as far as concerns bringing forth truth and avoiding falsehood—by that example of the midwives. But this question must be discussed more carefully, on account of other examples that are found in the Scriptures.
QsHept.1.146
De facto Moysi, cum occidit Aegyptium.
On the deed of Moses, when he killed the Egyptian.
2. (2, 12) De facto Moysi, cum occidit Aegyptium ad defendendos fratres suos, satis disputavimus in illo opere quod de vita Patriarcharum adversus Faustum scripsimus: utrum indoles in eo laudabilis fuerit, qua hoc peccatum admiserit, sicut solet uber terrae, etiam ante utilia semina, quadam herbarum quamvis inutilium feracitate laudari; an omnino ipsum factum iustificandum sit (Cf. C. Faustum 22, 70). Quod ideo non videtur, quia nullam adhuc legitimam potestatem gerebat, nec acceptam divinitus, nec humana societate ordinatam. Tamen, sicut Stephanus dicit in Actibus Apostolorum, putabat intellegere fratres suos, quod per eum Deus daret illis salutem (Cf. Act 7, 25): ut per hoc testimonium videatur Moyses iam divinitus admonitus (quod Scriptura eo loco tacet) hoc audere potuisse.
2. (2:12) On the deed of Moses, when he killed the Egyptian to defend his brothers, we have argued sufficiently in that work which we wrote on the life of the Patriarchs against Faustus: whether the disposition in him was praiseworthy, by which he committed this sin—as the richness of the soil is wont to be praised, even before useful seeds, by a certain fertility of plants, however useless—or whether the deed itself is to be justified altogether (See Contra Faust. 22, 70). Which seems not to be, because he as yet bore no lawful power, neither received divinely nor ordained by human society. Yet, as Stephen says in the Acts of the Apostles, he thought his brothers understood that through him God was giving them deliverance (See Acts 7:25): so that by this testimony Moses seems to have been able to dare this, already admonished divinely (which Scripture is silent about in that place).
QsHept.1.146
De eo quod clamavit illum Dominus de rubo.
On the fact that the Lord called him from the bush.
3. (3, 4) Clamavit illum Dominus de rubo. Dominus in angelo? an Dominus, angelus ille qui dictus est: magni consilii angelus (Isa 9, 6), et intellegitur Christus? Supra enim dixit: apparuit illi angelus Domini in flamma ignis de rubo (Ex 3, 2).
3. (3:4) The Lord called him from the bush. The Lord in an angel? Or the Lord, that angel who was called the angel of great counsel (Isa 9:6), and is understood to be Christ? For above he said: the angel of the Lord appeared to him in a flame of fire from the bush (Exod 3:2).
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo educendus dicitur Israel in terram bonam.
How Israel is said to be led out into a good land.
4. (3, 8) Educere illos de terra illa in terram bonam et multam, in terram fluentem lac et mel: utrum terram fluentem lac et mel spiritaliter accipere debemus; quia secundum proprietatem non hoc erat illa quae data est populo Israel? an locutionis est, qua id ad laudem ubertatis et suavitatis referatur?
4. (3:8) To lead them out of that land into a good and ample land, into a land flowing with milk and honey: are we to take "a land flowing with milk and honey" spiritually, because according to its proper sense that land which was given to the people of Israel was not this? Or is it a manner of speech, by which this is referred to the praise of its richness and sweetness?
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo clamor filiorum Israel venit ad Deum.
How the cry of the children of Israel came to God.
5. (3, 9) Et nunc ecce clamor filiorum Israel venit ad me: non sicut clamor Sodomorum (Cf. Gen 18, 20), quo iniquitas sine timore et sine verecundia significatur.
5. (3:9) And now, behold, the cry of the children of Israel has come to me: not like the cry of Sodom (See Gen 18:20), by which iniquity without fear and without shame is signified.
QsHept.1.146
Quid de mandato Domini sentiendum sit.
What is to be thought of the Lord's command.
6. (3, 22) Quod mandavit Dominus Hebraeis per Moysen, ut acciperent ab Aegyptiis vasa aurea et argentea et vestem, atque addidit: et praedabimini eos: mandati huius non potest iniustum esse iudicium. Mandatum enim Dei est, de quo non iudicandum, sed ei obtemperandum fuit. Ille enim novit quam iuste mandaverit: ad servum autem pertinet obedienter facere quod mandavit.
6. (3:22) That the Lord commanded the Hebrews through Moses to take from the Egyptians vessels of gold and silver and clothing, and added, and you will despoil them: the judgment of this command cannot be unjust. For it is the command of God, about which one was not to judge, but to obey. For he knows how justly he commanded; but it belongs to the servant to do obediently what he commanded.
QsHept.1.146
De eo quod ait Moyses ad Dominum.
On what Moses said to the Lord.
7. (4, 10) Quod ait Moyses ad Dominum: precor, Domine, non sum eloquens ante hesternum, neque ante nudiustertianum diem, neque ex quo coepisti loqui famulo tuo, intellegitur, credere posse se fieri Dei voluntante subito eloquentem, cum dicit, neque ex quo coepisti loqui famulo tuo; tamquam ostendens fieri potuisse ut ante hesternum et nudiustertianum diem qui eloquens non fuisset, repente fieret, ex quo cum illo Dominus loqui coepit.
7. (4:10) As to what Moses said to the Lord, I beg you, Lord, I am not eloquent, neither before yesterday, nor before the day before, nor since you began to speak to your servant, it is understood that he could believe himself to be made suddenly eloquent by the will of God, when he says, nor since you began to speak to your servant; as if showing that it could have come about that one who had not been eloquent before yesterday and the day before might suddenly become so, from the time when the Lord began to speak with him.
QsHept.1.146
Deum iuste totum velle nemo ambigit.
That God justly wills the whole, no one doubts.
8. (4, 11) Quis fecit mutum et audientem, videntem et caecum: nonne ego Dominus Deus? Sunt qui Deo calumnientur, vel Scripturae potius Veteris Testamenti, quia dixerit Deus quod ipse fecerit caecum et mutum. Quid ergo dicunt de Domino Christo aperte in Evangelio dicente: ego veni ut qui non vident, videant; et qui vident, caeci fiant (Io 9, 39)? Quis autem nisi insipiens crediderit aliquid homini secundum vitia corporalia posse accidere, quod Deus nolit? Sed eum iuste totum velle nemo ambigit.
8. (4:11) Who made the mute and the hearing, the seeing and the blind? Is it not I, the Lord God? There are those who slander God, or rather the Scripture of the Old Testament, because God said that he himself made the blind and the mute. What, then, do they say of the Lord Christ, openly saying in the Gospel: I came that those who do not see may see, and that those who see may become blind (John 9:39)? But who, except a fool, would believe that anything could happen to a man according to bodily defects, which God did not will? But that he justly wills the whole, no one doubts.
QsHept.1.146
Quod Dominus dicit ad Moyses.
What the Lord says to Moses.
9. (4, 12) Quod Dominus dicit ad Moysen: Sed nunc vade, et ego aperiam os tuum, et instruam te quae locuturus es; satis hic apparet non tantum instructionem oris, sed ipsam etiam apertionem ad Dei voluntatem et gratiam pertinere. Non enim ait: "tu aperi os tuum, et ego instruam te"; sed utrumque ipse promisit: aperiam, et instruam. Alibi autem dicit in Psalmo: dilata os tuum, et adimplebo illud (Ps 80, 11). Ubi significat in homine voluntatem accipiendi quod Deus donat volenti: ut ad voluntatis exordium pertineat: dilata os tuum; ad Dei autem gratiam: et adimplebo illud. Hic vero: et aperiam os tuum, et instruam te.
9. (4:12) As to what the Lord says to Moses, but now go, and I will open your mouth, and instruct you what you are to speak, here it sufficiently appears that not only the instruction of the mouth, but even its very opening, pertains to the will and grace of God. For he did not say, "you open your mouth, and I will instruct you," but he himself promised both: I will open, and I will instruct. But elsewhere he says in the Psalm: open wide your mouth, and I will fill it (Ps 81:10 (80:11)). Where he signifies in man the will to receive what God gives to the willing: so that to the beginning of the will pertains open wide your mouth; but to the grace of God, and I will fill it. But here, and I will open your mouth, and instruct you.
QsHept.1.146
Quemadmodum possit intellegi irascens Deus.
How God can be understood as being angry.
10. (4, 14-16) Et iratus iracundia Dominus dixit. Quemadmodum possit intellegi irascens Deus, quia non sicut homo per irrationabilem perturbationem, per omnia tenendum est, ubi tale aliquid Scriptura dicit, ne de hoc eadem saepe dicenda sint. Sed merito quaeritur cur hic iratus de fratre Moyse dixerit, quod ipse illi loqueretur ad populum: videtur enim tamquam diffidenti non dedisse plenissimam facultatem, quam daturus erat; et per duos agi voluisse, quod et per unum posset, si credidisset.
10. (4:14-16) And the Lord, angry with anger, said. How God can be understood as being angry—since it is not as man, through irrational disturbance—must be held throughout, wherever Scripture says anything of the sort, lest the same things have to be said often about this. But it is rightly asked why he here, being angry, said about his brother Moses that he himself would speak to the people for him: for he seems, as to one distrustful, not to have given the fullest faculty which he was about to give; and to have wished that to be done through two which could be done through one, if he had believed.
QsHept.1.146
Verumtamen eadem verba omnia diligentius considerata, non significant iratum Dominum pro vindicta dedisse Aaron. Sic enim dicit: nonne ecce Aaron frater tuus Levites? scio quia loquens loquetur ipse. Quibus verbis ostenditur Deus increpasse potius eum, qui timeret ire quod ipse esset minus idoneus, cum haberet fratrem per quem posset ad populum loqui quod vellet; quoniam erat ipse gracilis vocis, et linguae tardioris: quamquam de Deo totum sperare deberet.
Nevertheless all these same words, considered more carefully, do not signify that the Lord, being angry, gave Aaron as a punishment. For he says thus: is not Aaron your brother the Levite? I know that he, speaking, will speak. By which words God is shown rather to have rebuked the man who feared to go because he was less suitable, when he had a brother through whom he could speak to the people what he wished; since he himself was of a thin voice and a slower tongue—although he ought to have hoped for everything from God.
QsHept.1.146
Deinde eadem ipsa quae paulo ante promiserat, et posteaquam iratus est, dicit. Dixerat enim: aperiam os tuum, et instruam te; nunc autem dicit: aperiam os tuum et os eius, et instruam vos quae faciatis; sed quoniam addidit: et loquetur ipse tibi ad populum, videtur oris apertio praestita, propter quod dicit Moyses linguae se esse tardioris.
Then he says the same things which he had promised a little before, even after he was angry. For he had said, I will open your mouth, and instruct you; but now he says, I will open your mouth and his mouth, and instruct you what you are to do; but since he added, and he will speak for you to the people, the opening of the mouth seems to have been granted, on account of which Moses says that he is of a slower tongue.
QsHept.1.146
De vocis autem gracilitate nihil ei praestare Dominus voluit, sed propter hoc adiutorium fratris adiunxit, qui posset ea uti voce, quae populo docendo sufficeret. Quod ergo ait: et dabis verba mea in os eius, ostendit quod ea loquenda esset daturus: nam si tantummodo audienda, sicut populo, "in aures" diceret.
But concerning the thinness of voice the Lord willed to grant him nothing, but on account of this added the help of his brother, who could use that voice which would suffice for teaching the people. So when he says, and you will put my words in his mouth, he shows that he was about to give him words to be spoken: for if they were only to be heard, as by the people, he would say "in his ears."
QsHept.1.146
Deinde quod paulo post ait: et loquetur ipse tibi ad populum, et ipse erit tuum os, et hic subauditur, "ad populum." Et cum dicit: tibi loquetur ad populum; satis indicat in Moysen principatum, in Aaron ministerium.
Then, as to what he says a little after, and he will speak for you to the people, and he will be your mouth, here too "to the people" is understood. And when he says, he will speak for you to the people, he sufficiently indicates in Moses the headship, in Aaron the ministry.
QsHept.1.146
Deinde quod ait: tu autem illi eris quae ad Deum, magnum hic fortassis perscrutandum est sacramentum, cuius figuram gerat, veluti medius Moyses inter Deum et Aaron, et medius Aaron inter Moysen et populum.
Then, as to what he says, but you will be to him as those things which are toward God, here perhaps a great sacrament must be searched out, of which it bears the figure—as it were, Moses in the middle between God and Aaron, and Aaron in the middle between Moses and the people.
QsHept.1.146
Utrum volebat angelus occidere Moysen.
Whether the angel wished to kill Moses.
11. (4, 24-26) In eo quod scriptum est: et factum est, in via ad refectionem obviavit ei angelus, et quaerebat eum occidere: et assumpto Sepphora calculo, circumcidit praeputium filii sui; et procidit ad pedes eius, et dixit: 'stetit sanguis circumcisionis infantis mei.' Et recessit ab eo; propter quod dixit: 'desiit sanguis circumcisionis'; primum quaeritur, quem volebat angelus occidere, utrum Moysen, quia dictum est, occurrit ei angelus, et quaerebat eum occidere. Nam cui putabitur occurrisse, nisi illi qui universo suorum comitatui praefuit, et a quo caeteri ducebantur? An puerum quaerebat occidere, cui mater circumcidendo subvenit; ut ob hoc intellegatur occidere voluisse infantem, quia non erat circumcisus, atque ita sancire praeceptum circumcisionis, severitate vindictae?
11. (4:24-26) As to what is written: and it happened, on the way at the lodging place, that an angel met him, and sought to kill him; and Zipporah, taking a flint, circumcised the foreskin of her son; and she fell at his feet, and said: 'The blood of my child's circumcision has stood.' And he departed from him; on account of which she said: 'The blood of the circumcision has ceased'; first it is asked whom the angel wished to kill, whether Moses, because it was said, an angel met him, and sought to kill him. For whom will he be thought to have met, except him who was at the head of the whole company of his people, and by whom the rest were led? Or did he seek to kill the boy, whom his mother aided by circumcising him; so that hence it is understood that he wished to kill the infant because he was not circumcised, and thus to ratify the precept of circumcision by the severity of the punishment?
QsHept.1.146
Quod si ita est, incertum est prius de quo dixerit, quaerebat eum occidere; quia ignoratur quem, nisi ex consequentibus reperiatur: mira sane locutione et inusitata, ut prius diceret, occurrit ei, et quaerebat eum occidere, de quo nihil antea dixerat.
But if this is so, it is uncertain about whom he first said, he sought to kill him; for it is not known whom, unless it is found from what follows: by a manner of speech indeed marvelous and unusual, that he should first say, he met him, and sought to kill him, about one of whom he had said nothing before.
QsHept.1.146
Sed talis est in Psalmo: fundamenta eius in montibus sanctis; diligit Dominus portas Sion (Ps 86, 1-2). Inde enim Psalmus incipit, nec aliquid de illo vel de illa dixerat, cuius fundamenta intellegi voluit, dicens: fundamenta eius in montibus sanctis. Sed quia sequitur, diligit Dominus portas Sion; ergo fundamenta vel Domini vel Sion, et ad faciliorem sensum magis Sion, ut fundamenta civitatis accipiantur. Sed quia in hoc pronomine, quod est, eius, genus ambiguum est (omnis enim generis est hoc pronomen, id est et masculini, et feminini, et neutri), in graeco autem in feminino genere dicatur αὐτῆς, masculino et neutro αὐτοῦ, et habet codex graecus, αὐτοῦ; cogit intellegere non fundamenta Sion, sed fundamenta Domini, id est, quae constituit Dominus, de quo dictum est: aedificans Ierusalem Dominus (Ps 146, 2). Nec Sion tamen, nec Dominum antea nominaverat, cum diceret: fundamenta eius in montibus sanctis: sic et hic nondum nominato infante dictum est, occurrit ei, et quaerebat eum occidere; ut de quo dixerit, in consequentibus agnoscamus.
But such is the case in the Psalm: its foundations are in the holy mountains; the Lord loves the gates of Zion (Ps 87:1-2 (86:1-2)). For thence the Psalm begins, nor had it said anything about that one—masculine or feminine—whose foundations he wished to be understood, saying, its foundations are in the holy mountains. But because there follows, the Lord loves the gates of Zion, the foundations are therefore either of the Lord or of Zion, and for an easier sense rather of Zion, so that the foundations of the city are understood. But because in this pronoun, which is its, the gender is ambiguous (for this pronoun is of every gender, that is, masculine, feminine, and neuter), but in Greek it is said in the feminine gender one way, in the masculine and neuter another, and the Greek manuscript has the masculine/neuter form; it compels us to understand not the foundations of Zion, but the foundations of the Lord, that is, those which the Lord established, of whom it was said: the Lord building Jerusalem (Ps 147:2 (146:2)). Yet he had named neither Zion nor the Lord before, when he said, its foundations are in the holy mountains: so here too, the infant not yet being named, it was said, he met him, and sought to kill him; so that whom he meant we recognize in what follows.
QsHept.1.146
Quamquam etsi de Moyse accipere quisquam voluerit, non est magnopere resistendum. Illud potius quod sequitur, si fieri potest, intellegatur, quid sibi velit ideo recessisse angelum ab interfectione cuiuslibet eorum, quia dixit mulier: stetit sanguis circumcisionis infantis. Non enim ait: "recessit ab eo, propter quod circumcidit infantem: sed quia stetit sanguis circumcisionis"; non quia cucurrit, sed quia stetit: magno, nisi fallor, sacramento.
Although, even if anyone should wish to take it of Moses, it is not greatly to be resisted. Rather let that which follows be understood, if it can be: what it means that the angel therefore departed from killing any of them, because the woman said, the blood of the infant's circumcision has stood. For he did not say, "he departed from him, because she circumcised the infant," but "because the blood of the circumcision stood"; not because it ran, but because it stood: by a great sacrament, unless I am mistaken.
QsHept.1.146
Moyses uxorem et infantes imposuit vehiculis.
Moses placed his wife and infants on the vehicles.
12. (4, 20) Quod superius dictum est, quod Moyses uxorem et infantes suos imposuit vehiculis, ut cum eis in Aegyptum pergeret, postea vero Iothor socer eius illi cum eis occurrit, posteaquam eduxit populum ex Aegypto (Cf. Ex 18, 1-5); quaeri potest quomodo utrumque sit verum. Sed intellegendum est, post illam, quae ab angelo futura erat, interfectionem Moysi vel infantis, reversam fuisse cum parvulis. Nam quidam putaverunt propter hoc angelum terruisse, ne ad impedimentum ministerii, quod divinitus impositum Moyses gerebat, femineus sexus comitaretur.
12. (4:20) As to what was said above, that Moses placed his wife and his infants on the vehicles, to proceed with them into Egypt, but afterward Jethro his father-in-law met him with them, after he had led the people out of Egypt (See Exod 18:1-5), it can be asked how both are true. But it is to be understood that, after that killing of Moses or of the infant which was to be made by the angel, she returned with the little ones. For some have thought that the angel terrified them on this account, lest the female sex accompany the ministry which Moses, divinely imposed, was carrying out, to its hindrance.
QsHept.1.146
Quod mandavit Deus eiecturum se populum de Aegypto.
That God commanded that he would cast the people out of Egypt.
13. (5, 1-3) Quaeritur quomodo populo dicatur, quod mandavit Deus eiecturum se eos de Aegypto in terram Chanaan; Pharaoni autem dicatur, quod trium dierum iter exire vellent in desertum immolare Deo suo ex mandato eius. Sed intellegendum est, quamvis Deus sciret quid esset facturus, quoniam praesciebat non consensurum Pharaonem ad populum dimittendum, illud primo dictum esse, quod etiam primitus fieret, si ille dimitteret. Ut enim sic fierent omnia quemadmodum consequens Scriptura testatur, Pharaonis contumacia meruit et suorum. Neque enim mendaciter Deus iubet quod scit non facturum cui iubetur, ut iustum iudicium consequatur.
13. (5:1-3) It is asked how it is said to the people that God commanded that he would cast them out of Egypt into the land of Canaan; but to Pharaoh it is said that they wished to go out a three days' journey into the desert to sacrifice to their God by his command. But it is to be understood that, although God knew what he was going to do, since he foreknew that Pharaoh would not consent to letting the people go, that was said first which would also be done first, if he should let them go. For that all things might be done as the subsequent Scripture testifies, the obstinacy of Pharaoh and of his people deserved it. For God does not command falsely what he knows the one commanded will not do, so that a just judgment may follow.
QsHept.1.146
De eo quod dicit Moyses ad Dominum.
On what Moses says to the Lord.
14. (5, 22-23) Verba quae dicit Moyses ad Dominum: quare afflixisti populum hunc? et utquid me misisti? Ex quo enim intravi ad Pharaonem loqui in tuo nomine, in hunc populum; et non liberasti populum tuum; non contumaciae verba sunt vel indignationis, sed inquisitionis et orationis: quod ex his apparet, quae illi Dominus respondit. Non enim arguit infidelitatem eius, sed quid sit facturus aperuit.
14. (5:22-23) The words which Moses says to the Lord, why have you afflicted this people? And why have you sent me? For since I went in to Pharaoh to speak in your name against this people, you have not delivered your people, are not words of obstinacy or indignation, but of inquiry and prayer: which appears from what the Lord answered him. For he did not rebuke his unbelief, but disclosed what he was going to do.
QsHept.1.146
De origine Moysi.
On the origin of Moses.
15. (6, 14-28) Sacramenti locum esse dubium non est, quod Scriptura volens originem Moysi demonstrare, quoniam eius actio iam expetebat, a primogenito Iacob, id est Ruben, progenies coepit, inde ad Simeon, inde ad Levi; ultra progressa non est, quoniam ex Levi Moyses. Hi autem commemorantur, qui iam commemorati fuerant in illis septuaginta quinque, in quibus Israel intravit in Aegyptum: non enim primam neque secundam, sed tertiam tribum, id est Leviticam Deus esse voluit sacerdotalem.
15. (6:14-28) There is no doubt that it is a place of sacrament, that Scripture, wishing to show the origin of Moses—since his action now required it—began the lineage from the firstborn of Jacob, that is, Reuben, thence to Simeon, thence to Levi; further it did not go, since Moses was from Levi. But those are mentioned who had already been mentioned among those seventy-five with whom Israel entered Egypt: for God willed that not the first nor the second, but the third tribe, that is, the Levitical, should be priestly.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo Moyses se excusavit, quod gracili voce esset.
How Moses excused himself, that he was of a thin voice.
16. (6, 30) Quod Moyses dicit: ecce ego gracili voce sum, et quomodo exaudiet me Pharao? non videtur tantum propter magnitudinem populi excusare de vocis gracilitate, verum etiam propter unum hominem. Mirum si tam gracilis vocis fuit, ut nec ab uno homine posset audiri: an forte regius fastus non eos permittebat de proximo loqui? Dicitur autem illi: ecce dedi te deum Pharaoni, et Aaron frater tuus erit tuus propheta (Ex 7, 1).
16. (6:30) That Moses says, behold, I am of a thin voice, and how will Pharaoh hear me?, seems to excuse himself for the thinness of his voice not only on account of the greatness of the people, but even on account of one man. It would be strange if he was of so thin a voice that he could not be heard even by one man: or perhaps royal pride did not allow them to speak from nearby? But it is said to him: behold, I have made you a god to Pharaoh, and Aaron your brother will be your prophet (Exod 7:1).
QsHept.1.146
Quare Scriptura loquitur de Moyse dum ad populum mitteretur.
How Scripture speaks of Moses when he was sent to the people.
17. (7, 1) Notandum quod cum ad populum mitteretur, non ei dictum est: "ecce dedi te deum populo, et frater tuus erit tuus propheta"; sed frater tuus, inquit, loquetur tibi ad populum. Dictum etiam est: erit os tuum, et tu illi quae ad Deum (Ex 4 , 16): non dictum est: "tu illi deus." Pharaoni autem dicitur Moyses datus deus, et secundum analogiam propheta Moysi Aaron, sed ad Pharaonem. Hic insinuatur nobis, ea loqui prophetas Dei quae audiunt ab eo, nihilque aliud esse prophetam Dei, nisi enuntiatorem verborum Dei hominibus, qui Deum vel non possunt vel non merentur audire.
17. (7:1) It is to be noted that, when he was sent to the people, it was not said to him, "behold, I have made you a god to the people, and your brother will be your prophet"; but, your brother, he says, will speak for you to the people. It was also said: he will be your mouth, and you to him as those things which are toward God (Exod 4:16): it was not said, "you a god to him." But Moses is said to be given as a god to Pharaoh, and by analogy Aaron the prophet of Moses, but toward Pharaoh. Here it is suggested to us that the prophets of God speak those things which they hear from him, and that a prophet of God is nothing else than an announcer of the words of God to men, who either cannot or do not deserve to hear God.
QsHept.1.146
An necessaria fuerit obduratio cordis Pharaonis.
Whether the hardening of Pharaoh's heart was necessary.
18. (7, 3) Assidue Deus dicit: indurabo cor Pharaonis: et velut causam infert cur hoc faciat: indurabo, inquit, cor Pharaonis, et implebo signa mea et portenta mea in Aegypto; tamquam necessaria fuerit obduratio cordis Pharaonis, ut signa Dei multiplicarentur vel implerentur in Aegypto.
18. (7:3) God constantly says, I will harden Pharaoh's heart: and as it were brings in the cause why he does this: I will harden, he says, Pharaoh's heart, and I will fulfill my signs and my portents in Egypt; as if the hardening of Pharaoh's heart were necessary, so that the signs of God might be multiplied or fulfilled in Egypt.
QsHept.1.146
Utitur ergo Deus bene cordibus malis, ad id quod vult ostendere bonis, vel quod facturus est bonis. Et quamvis uniuscuiusque cordis in malitia qualitas, id est, quale cor habeat ad malum, suo fiat vitio, quod inolevit ex arbitrio voluntatis; ea tamen qualitate mala ut huc vel illuc moveatur, cum sive huc sive illuc male moveatur, causis fit quibus animus propellitur: quae causae ut existant vel non existant, non est in hominis potestate; sed veniunt ex occulta providentia, iustissima plane et sapientissima, universum quod creavit disponentis et administrantis Dei.
God, then, makes good use of evil hearts, for that which he wishes to show to the good, or which he is about to do for the good. And although the quality of each heart in malice—that is, what kind of heart it has toward evil—comes about by its own fault, which has grown ingrained from the choice of the will; yet that by that evil quality it is moved this way or that—when, whether this way or that, it is moved evilly—comes about by causes by which the mind is driven: which causes, that they should exist or not exist, is not in the power of man; but they come from the hidden providence, plainly most just and most wise, of God who disposes and administers the whole that he created.
QsHept.1.146
Ut ergo tale cor haberet Pharao, quod patientia Dei non moveretur ad pietatem, sed potius ad impietatem, vitii proprii fuit: quod vero ea facta sunt, quibus cor suo vitio tam malignum resisteret iussionibus Dei (hoc est enim quod dicitur induratum, quia non flexibiliter consentiebat, sed inflexibiliter resistebat), dispensationis fuit divinae, qua tali cordi non solum non iniusta, sed evidenter iusta poena parabatur, qua timentes Deum corrigerentur.
That Pharaoh, then, had such a heart that it was not moved by the patience of God to piety, but rather to impiety, was of his own fault: but that those things were done by which a heart so malignant by its own fault resisted the commands of God (for this is what is called hardened, because it did not consent flexibly, but resisted inflexibly), was of the divine dispensation, by which for such a heart there was prepared a punishment not only not unjust, but evidently just, by which those who fear God might be corrected.
QsHept.1.146
Proposito quippe lucro, verbi gratia, propter quod homicidium committatur, aliter avarus, aliter pecuniae contemptor movetur; ille scilicet ad facinus perpetrandum, ille ad cavendum: ipsius tamen lucri propositio in alicuius illorum non fuit potestate. Ita causae veniunt hominibus malis, quae non sunt quidem in eorum potestate, sed hoc de illis faciunt, quales eos invenerint iam factos propriis vitiis ex praeterita voluntate. Videndum sane est, utrum etiam sic accipi possit: ego indurabo, tamquam diceret: "quam durum sit demonstrabo."
For when, say, a gain is set before someone for the sake of which a murder might be committed, the greedy man is moved one way, the despiser of money another: the one, namely, to perpetrate the crime, the other to avoid it; yet the setting before them of that very gain was not in the power of either of them. So causes come to evil men, which are not indeed in their power, but make of them what they have found them already made by their own faults from a past will. It must surely be seen whether it can be taken also thus: I will harden, as if he said, "I will show how hard it is."
QsHept.1.146
Cur Aaron sumere iubetur virgam.
Why Aaron is bidden to take the rod.
19. (7, 9) Si loquetur vobis Pharao dicens: 'date nobis signum aut portentum': et dices Aaron fratri tuo: Sume virgam, et proiice illam palam Pharaone et palam servis eius; et erit draco.' Hic certe non ministerio vocis opus erat, cui videbatur velut ex necessitate datus Aaron propter gracilitatem vocis Moysi; sed virga erat proiicienda ut draco fieret: cur hoc ergo Moyses ipse non fecit, nisi quia ista mediatio ipsius Aaron inter Moysen et Pharaonem alicuius magnae rei figuram gerit?
19. (7:9) If Pharaoh speaks to you, saying: 'Give us a sign or a portent'; you will say to Aaron your brother: 'Take the rod, and cast it down before Pharaoh and before his servants; and it will become a serpent.' Here surely there was no need of the ministry of the voice, for which Aaron seemed to have been given as it were of necessity on account of the thinness of Moses' voice; but the rod was to be cast down so that it should become a serpent: why, then, did Moses himself not do this, except because this mediation of Aaron between Moses and Pharaoh bears the figure of some great matter?
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo Aaron eam virgam suam ibidem appellet.
How Aaron calls that rod his own there.
20. (7, 10) Etiam hoc notandum, quod cum id signum palam Pharaone fieret, scriptum est: et proiecit Aaron virgam suam: cum forte si dixisset: "proiecit virgam," nulla esset quaestio; quod vero addidit, suam, cum eam Moyses dederit, non frustra forsitan dictum est. An erat utrique illa virga communis, ut cuiuslibet eorum diceretur, verum diceretur?
20. (7:10) This too is to be noted: that when that sign was done before Pharaoh, it is written, and Aaron cast down his rod: whereas perhaps, if it had said "he cast down the rod," there would be no question; but that it added his own, when Moses gave it, was perhaps not said in vain. Or was that rod common to both, so that it might be said to be either one's, and be said truly?
QsHept.1.146
De verbis: Et absorbuit virga Aaron virgas illorum.
On the words: And the rod of Aaron swallowed up their rods.
21. (7, 12) Et absorbuit virga Aaron virgas illorum. Si dictum esset: "absorbuit draco Aaron virgas illorum," intellegeretur verus draco Aaron phantastica illa figmenta non absorbuisse, sed virgas. Hoc enim potuit absorbere quod erant, non quod esse videbantur et non erant. Sed quoniam dixit: absorbuit virga Aaron virgas illorum; draco utique potuit virgas absorbere, non virga. Sed eo nomine appellata res est unde versa est, non in quod versa est, quia in id etiam reversa est: et ideo hoc vocari debebat quod principaliter erat.
21. (7:12) And the rod of Aaron swallowed up their rods. If it had been said, "the serpent of Aaron swallowed up their rods," it would be understood that the true serpent of Aaron did not swallow up those phantasmal figments, but rods. For it could swallow up that which they were, not that which they seemed to be and were not. But since he said, the rod of Aaron swallowed up their rods; surely a serpent could swallow rods, not a rod. But the thing was called by the name from which it was changed, not into which it was changed, because it was changed back into it too: and therefore it had to be called that which it principally was.
QsHept.1.146
Quid ergo dicendum est de virgis magorum? utrum et ipsae veri dracones factae fuerant, sed ea ratione virgae appellatae sunt, qua et virga Aaron? an potius videbantur esse quod non erant, ludificatione venefica? Cur ergo ex utraque parte et virgae dicuntur et dracones, ut de figmentis illis nihil differat loquendi modus? Sed demonstrare difficile est quomodo etiam si veri dracones facti sunt ex virgis magorum, non fuerint tamen creatores draconum, nec magi, nec angeli mali quibus ministris illa operabantur. Insunt enim corporeis rebus per omnia elementa mundi quaedam occultae seminariae rationes, quibus cum data fuerit opportunitas temporalis atque causalis, prorumpunt in species debitas suis modis et finibus.
What, then, is to be said of the rods of the magicians? Whether they too had been made true serpents, but were called rods by the same reasoning as the rod of Aaron? Or did they rather seem to be what they were not, by sorcerous trickery? Why, then, on both sides are they called both rods and serpents, so that as regards those figments the manner of speaking makes no difference? But it is difficult to show how, even if true serpents were made from the rods of the magicians, neither the magicians nor the evil angels by whose ministry those things were worked were yet creators of serpents. For there are present in corporeal things, throughout all the elements of the world, certain hidden seminal reasons, by which, when a temporal and causal opportunity has been given, they burst forth into the forms due to them, in their own modes and limits.
QsHept.1.146
Et sic non dicuntur angeli, qui ista faciunt, animalium creatores; sicut nec agricolae segetum vel arborum vel quorumque in terra gignentium creatores dicendi sunt, quamvis noverint praebere quasdam visibiles opportunitates et causas, ut illa nascantur. Quod autem isti faciunt visibiliter, hoc angeli invisibiliter; Deus vero solus unus Creator est, qui causas ipsas et rationes seminarias rebus insevit. Res breviter dicta est, quae si exemplis et copiosa disputatione explicetur, ut facilius intellegatur, longo sermone opus est, a quo se ratio nostrae festinationis excusat.
And so the angels who do these things are not called creators of the animals; just as farmers are not to be called creators of crops or trees or of any growing things on the earth, although they know how to provide certain visible opportunities and causes for these things to be born. But what these do visibly, the angels do invisibly; God alone, however, is the one Creator, who sowed in things the causes themselves and the seminal reasons. The matter has been briefly stated, which, if it were explained by examples and copious discussion, so as to be more easily understood, would require a long discourse, from which the reason of our haste excuses us.
QsHept.1.146
Numquid ideo obduratum dicitur cor Pharaonis.
Whether Pharaoh's heart is therefore said to have been hardened.
22. (7, 22) Fecerunt autem similiter et incantatores Aegyptiorum veneficiis suis: et induratum est cor Pharaonis, et non exaudivit eos, sicut dixit Dominus. Cum haec dicuntur, videtur propterea cor Pharaonis induratum fuisse, quia et incantatores Aegyptiorum similia fecerunt: sed consequentia docebunt quanta fuerit illa obduratio, etiam cum incantatores defecerunt.
22. (7:22) But the enchanters of the Egyptians did likewise by their sorceries; and Pharaoh's heart was hardened, and he did not heed them, as the Lord had said. When these things are said, it seems that Pharaoh's heart was therefore hardened because the enchanters of the Egyptians also did similar things: but what follows will teach how great that hardening was, even when the enchanters failed.
QsHept.1.146
Unde incantatores dicantur ranas eduxisse.
Whence the enchanters are said to have brought forth frogs.
23. (8, 7) Fecerunt autem similiter et incantatores Aegyptiorum veneficiis suis; et eduxerunt ranas super terram Aegypti. Quaeritur unde, si iam ubique factum erat. Sed similis quaestio est, unde et aquam in sanguinem verterint, si tota aqua Aegypti in sanguinem conversa iam fuerat. Proinde intellegendum est regionem, ubi filii Israel habitabant, plagis talibus non fuisse percussam: et inde potuerunt incantatores vel aquam haurire, quam in sanguinem verterent, vel aliquas ranas educere ad solam demonstrationem magicae potentiae. Quamquam potuerunt etiam, posteaquam illa compressa sunt, facere: sed Scriptura cito narrando coniunxit quod etiam postea fieri potuit.
23. (8:7) But the enchanters of the Egyptians did likewise by their sorceries; and they brought forth frogs upon the land of Egypt. It is asked whence, if it had already been done everywhere. But a similar question is whence they turned water into blood too, if all the water of Egypt had already been turned into blood. Accordingly it is to be understood that the region where the children of Israel dwelt was not struck with such plagues: and from there the enchanters could either draw water to turn into blood, or bring forth some frogs, merely to demonstrate their magic power. Although they could also do it after those things had been suppressed: but Scripture, narrating quickly, joined together what could even afterward be done.
QsHept.1.146
Causae obdurationis cordis Pharaonis.
The causes of the hardening of Pharaoh's heart.
24. (8, 15) Et vidit Pharao quoniam facta est refrigeratio, et ingravatum est cor eius, et non exaudivit eos, sicut dixerat Dominus. Hic apparet non illas tantum fuisse causas obdurationis cordis Pharaonis, quod incantatores eius similia faciebant; verum etiam ipsam Dei patientiam, qua parcebat. Patientia Dei secundum corda hominum, quibusdam utilis ad poenitendum, quibusdam inutilis ad resistendum Deo et in malo perseverandum: non tamen per se ipsa inutilis est, sed secundum cor malum, sicut iam diximus.
24. (8:15) And Pharaoh saw that there was relief, and his heart was made heavy, and he did not heed them, as the Lord had said. Here it appears that the causes of the hardening of Pharaoh's heart were not only that his enchanters did similar things, but also the very patience of God, by which he spared. The patience of God, according to the hearts of men, is useful to some for repenting, useless to some for resisting God and persevering in evil: yet it is not useless in itself, but according to the evil heart, as we have already said.
QsHept.1.146
Hoc et Apostolus dicit: ignoras quia patientia Dei ad poenitentiam te adducit? Secundum autem duritiam cordis tui et impoenitens cor, thesaurizas tibi iram in diem irae et revelationis iusti iudicii Dei, qui reddet unicuique secundum opera eius (Rom 2, 4-6). Nam et alibi cum diceret: Christi bonus odor sumus in omni loco; etiam illud adiunxit: et in iis qui salvi fiunt, et in iis qui pereunt (2 Cor 2, 15).
This too the Apostle says: do you not know that the patience of God leads you to repentance? But according to the hardness of your heart and your impenitent heart, you store up for yourself wrath in the day of wrath and of the revelation of the just judgment of God, who will render to each according to his works (Rom 2:4-6). For elsewhere too, when he said, we are the good fragrance of Christ in every place, he also added: both in those who are saved and in those who perish (2 Cor 2:15).
QsHept.1.146
Non dixit Christi bonum se odorem esse iis qui salvi fiunt, malum autem iis qui pereunt; sed tantum bonum odorem se dixit. Illi vero tales sunt, ut et bono odore pereant secundum sui cordis, ut saepe dictum est, qualitatem, quae mutanda est bona voluntate in Dei gratia, ut incipiant ei prodesse iudicia Dei, quae malis cordibus nocent.
He did not say that he was the good fragrance of Christ to those who are saved, but a bad one to those who perish; but he said only that he was a good fragrance. But those are such that they perish even by a good fragrance, according to the quality of their heart, as has often been said—which is to be changed by a good will in the grace of God, so that the judgments of God may begin to profit them, which harm evil hearts.
QsHept.1.146
Unde ille mutato in melius corde cantabat: vivet anima mea, et laudabit te; et iudicia tua adiuvabunt me (Ps 118, 175). Non dixit: "munera tua," vel, praemia tua; sed, iudicia tua. Multum est autem ut sincera fiducia dici possit: proba me, Domine, et tenta me; ure renes meos et cor meum. Et ne sibi aliquid ex suis viribus tribuisse videretur, continuo addidit: quoniam misericordia tua ante oculos meos est, et complacui in veritate tua (Ps 25, 2-3). Factam erga se commemorat misericordiam, ut complacere possit in veritate; quoniam universae viae Domini misericordia et veritas (Ps 24, 10).
Hence that man, his heart changed for the better, sang: my soul will live, and will praise you; and your judgments will help me (Ps 119:175 (118:175)). He did not say "your gifts," or "your rewards," but your judgments. But it is a great thing that with sincere confidence it can be said: prove me, Lord, and test me; burn my reins and my heart. And lest he should seem to have attributed anything to his own powers, he immediately added: for your mercy is before my eyes, and I have been well pleased in your truth (Ps 26:2-3 (25:2-3)). He mentions the mercy done toward him, so that he can be well pleased in the truth; since all the ways of the Lord are mercy and truth (Ps 25:10 (24:10)).
QsHept.1.146
De eo quod dixerunt magi ad Pharaonem: Digitus Dei est hoc.
On what the magicians said to Pharaoh: This is the finger of God.
25. (8, 19) Quod dixerunt magi ad Pharaonem: digitus Dei est hoc, quoniam non potuerunt educere scyniphes; senserunt profecto, cum artium suarum nefariarum scirent potentiam, non talibus artibus, velut potentior in eis esset Moyses, suos conatus fuisse frustratos, ut non possent educere scyniphes, sed digito Dei, qui utique operabatur per Moysen. Digitus autem Dei, sicut Evangelium manifestissime loquitur, Spiritus Sanctus intellegitur. Namque uno evangelista ita narrante verba Domini, ut diceret: si ego in digito Dei eicio daemonia (Lc 11, 20); alius evangelista idipsum narrans exponere voluit quid sit digitus Dei, et ait: si ego in Spiritu Dei eicio daemonia (Mt 12, 28).
25. (8:19) As to what the magicians said to Pharaoh, this is the finger of God, since they could not bring forth the gnats; they perceived assuredly, since they knew the power of their nefarious arts, that their attempts had been frustrated not by such arts—as though Moses were more powerful in them—so that they could not bring forth gnats, but by the finger of God, who surely was working through Moses. But the finger of God, as the Gospel most manifestly says, is understood as the Holy Spirit. For when one evangelist so narrates the words of the Lord that he says, if I cast out demons by the finger of God (Luke 11:20); another evangelist, narrating the same thing, wished to explain what the finger of God is, and says, if I cast out demons by the Spirit of God (Matt 12:28).
QsHept.1.146
Cum itaque magi faterentur, quorum Pharao potentia praefidebat, digitum Dei esse in Moyse, in quo superabantur, et eorum veneficia frustrabantur; tamen induratum est cor Pharaonis nunc mirabili omnino duritia. Cur autem in tertia ista plaga magi defecerint (nam plagae coeperunt ex quo aqua in sanguinem versa est), et sentire et explicare difficile est. Poterant enim et in primo signo deficere, ubi in serpentem virga conversa est; et in prima plaga, ubi aqua in sanguinem commutata est; et in secunda de ranis, si hoc voluisset digitus Dei, id est Spiritus Dei. Quis enim dementissimus dixerit digitum Dei in hoc signo potuisse conatus magorum impedire, et in superioribus nequivisse?
And so, although the magicians, in whose power Pharaoh had trusted, confessed that the finger of God was in Moses, in whom they were overcome and their sorceries frustrated; yet Pharaoh's heart was now hardened with an altogether marvelous hardness. But why the magicians failed in that third plague (for the plagues began from the time when water was turned into blood), it is difficult both to perceive and to explain. For they could have failed also in the first sign, where the rod was turned into a serpent; and in the first plague, where water was changed into blood; and in the second, about the frogs, if the finger of God, that is, the Spirit of God, had so willed. For who, however demented, would say that the finger of God could hinder the attempts of the magicians in this sign, and was unable in the earlier ones?
QsHept.1.146
Omnino ergo certa causa est quare illa facere huc usque permissi sunt. Commendatur enim fortasse Trinitas, et quod verum est, summi philosophi gentium, quantum in eorum litteris indagatur, sine Spiritu Sancto philosophati sunt, quamvis de Patre et Filio non tacuerint, quod etiam Didymus in libro suo meminit, quem scripsit de Spiritu Sancto.
Altogether, then, there is a certain cause why they were permitted to do those things up to this point. For perhaps the Trinity is commended, and—what is true—the highest philosophers of the gentiles, as far as can be traced in their writings, philosophized without the Holy Spirit, although they were not silent about the Father and the Son; which Didymus too mentions in his book which he wrote on the Holy Spirit.
QsHept.1.146
Quid de terrae in qua Israelitae et in qua Aegyptii habitabant segregatione sentiendum sit.
What is to be thought of the separation of the land in which the Israelites dwelt and that in which the Egyptians dwelt.
26. (8, 21-23) Ecce ego mitto in te, et in servos tuos, et in populum tuum, et in domos tuas cynomyiam, et implebuntur domus Aegyptiorum cynomyia; ut scias quoniam ego sum Dominus Deus omnis terrae: et dabo intervallum inter populum meum et inter populum tuum. Quod hic Scriptura aperuit, ne ubique diceret, intellegere debemus et in posterioribus et in prioribus signis factum esse, ut terra in qua habitabat populus Dei, nullis plagis talibus vexaretur.
26. (8:21-23) Behold, I send upon you, and upon your servants, and upon your people, and upon your houses the dog-fly, and the houses of the Egyptians will be filled with the dog-fly; that you may know that I am the Lord God of all the earth: and I will set a separation between my people and your people. What Scripture here disclosed, lest it say it everywhere, we ought to understand to have been done in both the later and the earlier signs: that the land in which the people of God dwelt was vexed by no such plagues.
QsHept.1.146
Opportunum autem fuit ut ibi hoc aperte poneretur, unde iam incipiunt signa quibus magi similia nec conati sunt facere: procul dubio enim quia ubique fuerant scyniphes in regno Pharaonis, non autem fuerant in terra Gessen, ibi conati sunt magi similiter facere, et minime potuerunt. Quo usque ergo deficerent, nihil de illius terrae segregatione dictum est; sed ex quo coeperunt ea fieri, ubi iam illi similia facere nec conari auderent.
And it was opportune that this should be set down openly here, whence there now begin the signs which the magicians did not even attempt to do the like: for without doubt, because the gnats had been everywhere in Pharaoh's kingdom, but had not been in the land of Goshen, there the magicians attempted to do likewise, and were by no means able. Up to where, then, they failed, nothing was said about the separation of that land; but from the time when those things began to be done, where they would no longer even dare to attempt to do the like.
QsHept.1.146
Utrum dicendum sit ut latini an ut graecus habet.
Whether it should be said as the Latins have it or as the Greek has it.
27. (8, 25) Quod Latini habent: euntes immolate Domino Deo vestro in terra, Graecus habet: venientes immolate Domino Deo vestro in terra. Nolebat enim eos ire quo dicebant, sed ut illic in Aegypto immolarent, volebat. Hoc ostendunt verba Moysi quae sequuntur (Cf. Ex 8, 26 (22)), ubi dicit non posse fieri propter abominationes Aegyptiorum.
27. (8:25) Where the Latins have, going, sacrifice to the Lord your God in the land, the Greek has, coming, sacrifice to the Lord your God in the land. For he did not want them to go where they said, but wished them to sacrifice there in Egypt. This is shown by the words of Moses which follow (See Exod 8:26 (22)), where he says it cannot be done on account of the abominations of the Egyptians.
QsHept.1.146
De eo quod ait Moyses: Non potest fieri sic.
On what Moses says: It cannot be done thus.
28. (8, 26) Quod ait Moyses: non potest fieri sic: abominationes enim Aegyptiorum immolabimus Domino Deo nostro: id est, haec immolaturi sumus quae abominantur Aegyptii, et propterea in Aegypto non possumus: hoc manifestant verba quae adiungit et dicit: si enim immolaverimus abominationes Aegyptiorum palam ipsis, lapidabimur. Hoc non intellegentes quidam interpretes nostri, sic interpretati sunt, ut dicerent: non potest fieri sic: 'numquid abominationes Aegyptiorum immolabimus Domino Deo nostro?' Cum magis hoc Scriptura dixerit, quia Aegyptiorum abominationes immolaturi sunt. Alii vero Latini sic habent: non potest fieri sic, quoniam abominationes Aegyptiorum non immolabimus Domino Deo nostro. Contrarium sensum facit addita particula negativa, cum Moyses dixerit: non potest fieri sic: abominationes enim Aegyptiorum immolabimus Domino Deo nostro: et ideo in eremum dicebant se ire velle, ubi Aegyptii non viderent abominationes suas. Hoc autem intellegendum est mystice significari, quod etiam de pastoribus diximus, qui erant Aegyptiis abominabiles (Cf. Gen 46, 34); et ideo separatam terram Israelitae acceperunt, cum venerunt in Aegyptum. Sic enim et sacrificia Israelitarum abominationes sunt Aegyptiis, sicut iniquis vita iustorum.
28. (8:26) As to what Moses says, it cannot be done thus: for we will sacrifice to the Lord our God the abominations of the Egyptians: that is, we are going to sacrifice these things which the Egyptians abominate, and therefore we cannot in Egypt: this the words which he adds make manifest, saying, for if we sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians openly before them, we will be stoned. Some of our translators, not understanding this, so translated that they said: it cannot be done thus: 'shall we sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians to the Lord our God?' Whereas Scripture rather said this, that they are going to sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians. But other Latins have it thus: it cannot be done thus, since we will not sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians to the Lord our God. The added negative particle makes a contrary sense, when Moses said: it cannot be done thus: for we will sacrifice the abominations of the Egyptians to the Lord our God: and therefore they said they wished to go into the desert, where the Egyptians would not see their abominations. But this is to be understood as mystically signified—what we said also of the shepherds, who were abominable to the Egyptians (See Gen 46:34); and therefore the Israelites received a separate land when they came into Egypt. For so too the sacrifices of the Israelites are abominations to the Egyptians, as the life of the just is to the unjust.
QsHept.1.146
A voluntate hominis est origo vitiorum.
The origin of vices is from the will of man.
29. (8, 32) Cum ablata esset locusta, dictum est de Pharaone: et ingravavit Pharao cor suum etiam in hoc tempore, et noluit dimittere populum. Certe nunc non dictum est: "ingravatum est cor Pharaonis"; sed, ingravavit Pharao cor suum. Sic utique in omnibus plagis. A voluntate quippe hominis est origo vitiorum: moventur autem causis corda hominum, talia sic, talia vero sic, etiam non diversis causis saepe diverso modo, secundum proprias qualitates, quae ex voluntatibus veniunt.
29. (8:32) When the locust had been taken away, it was said of Pharaoh: and Pharaoh made his heart heavy at this time too, and was unwilling to let the people go. Surely now it was not said, "Pharaoh's heart was made heavy"; but, Pharaoh made his heart heavy. So indeed in all the plagues. For the origin of vices is from the will of man: but the hearts of men are moved by causes—some hearts thus, others thus, often even by causes not different in a different way, according to their own qualities, which come from their wills.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo ingravatum est cor Pharaonis ex contrariis causis.
How Pharaoh's heart was made heavy by contrary causes.
30. (9, 7) Videns autem Pharao quia non est mortuum de pecoribus filiorum Israel ullum, ingravatum est cor Pharaonis. Quomodo ex contrariis causis facta est haec ingravatio cordis Pharaonis? Si enim et pecora Israelitarum morerentur, tunc videretur causa competens qua cor eius ingravaretur ad contemnendum Deum, tamquam si et magi eius pecora Israelitarum fecissent mori: nunc vero unde debuit ad timendum vel credendum moveri, videns nullum pecus mortuum ex pecoribus Hebraeorum, hinc ingravatum est; id est, illa ingravatio etiam huc usque progressa est.
30. (9:7) But Pharaoh, seeing that none of the flocks of the children of Israel had died, his heart was made heavy. How was this making-heavy of Pharaoh's heart brought about by contrary causes? For if the flocks of the Israelites too had died, then there would seem to be a fitting cause by which his heart was made heavy to despise God, as if the magicians too had made the flocks of the Israelites die: but now, from that whereby he ought to have been moved to fear or to believe—seeing no beast dead of the flocks of the Hebrews—from this his heart was made heavy; that is, that making-heavy advanced even to this point.
QsHept.1.146
De eo quod dicit Deus ad Aaron et Moysen.
On what God says to Aaron and Moses.
31. (9, 8-9) Quid est quod dicit Deus ad Aaron et Moysen: sumite vobis plenas manus favillae de fornace, et aspergat Moyses in coelum coram Pharaone et coram servis eius, et fiat pulvis in universa terra Aegypti?
31. (9:8-9) What does it mean that God says to Aaron and Moses: take for yourselves handfuls of ashes from the furnace, and let Moses scatter it toward heaven in the sight of Pharaoh and in the sight of his servants, and let it become dust over all the land of Egypt?
QsHept.1.146
Signa enim superiora, virga fiebant, quam non Moyses, sed Aaron vel extendebat super aquam, vel ea terram percutiebat: nunc vero interpositis duobus signis de cynomyia et pecorum mortibus, ubi nec Aaron nec Moyses aliquid manu operati sunt, dicitur ut Moyses favillam spargat in coelum de fornace, et hanc ambo sumere iubentur, sed ille spargere non in terram, sed in coelum: tamquam Aaron qui datus erat ad populum, terram percutere deberet, vel in terram sive in aquam manum extendere; Moyses vero, de quo dictum est: erit tibi quae ad Deum (Ex 4, 16), in coelum iubetur favillam spargere. Quid duo illa superiora signa, ubi nec Moyses nec Aaron manu aliquid operantur? Quid sibi vult ista diversitas? Neque enim nihil.
For the earlier signs were done by the rod, which not Moses but Aaron either extended over the water or struck the earth with: but now, two signs about the dog-fly and the deaths of the flocks having been interposed, where neither Aaron nor Moses worked anything with his hand, it is said that Moses should scatter the ashes from the furnace toward heaven, and both are bidden to take it, but he to scatter it not toward the earth, but toward heaven: as though Aaron, who had been given for the people, ought to strike the earth, or extend his hand toward the earth or toward the water; but Moses, of whom it was said, he will be to you as those things which are toward God (Exod 4:16), is bidden to scatter the ashes toward heaven. What of those two earlier signs, where neither Moses nor Aaron works anything with the hand? What does this diversity mean? For it is surely not nothing.
QsHept.1.146
Quid momenti habeant illa verba quorum sententiam etiam Apostolus habet.
What weight those words have, whose meaning the Apostle too has.
32. (9, 16) Et propter hoc ipsum conservatus es, ut ostendam in te virtutem meam, et ut annuntietur nomen meum in universa terra. Haec Scripturae verba et Apostolus posuit, cum in eodem loco perdifficili versaretur. Ibi autem et hoc ait: si autem volens Deus ostendere iram, et demonstrare potentiam suam, attulit in multa patientia vasa irae: parcendo utique iis quos malos futuros esse praescierat; quae vasa dicit perfecta in perditionem. Et ut notas, inquit, faceret divitias gloriae suae in vasa misericordiae (Rom 9, 22-23). Unde vasorum misericordiae vox est in Psalmis: Deus meus, misericordia eius praeveniet me; Deus meus demonstravit mihi in inimicis meis (Ps 5, 11-12).
32. (9:16) And for this very thing you have been preserved, that I might show in you my power, and that my name might be announced in all the earth. These words of Scripture the Apostle too set down, when he was engaged in that same most difficult passage. And there he says this too: but if God, willing to show his wrath, and to demonstrate his power, bore in much patience the vessels of wrath: sparing, that is, those whom he foreknew would be evil; which vessels he calls perfected for destruction. And that he might make known, he says, the riches of his glory upon the vessels of mercy (Rom 9:22-23). Hence the voice of the vessels of mercy is in the Psalms: my God, his mercy will go before me; my God has shown me concerning my enemies (Ps 59:10-11 (58:11-12)).
QsHept.1.146
Novit ergo Deus bene uti malis, in quibus tamen humanam naturam non ad malitiam creat, sed perfert eos patienter quousque scit oportere; non inaniter, sed utens eis ad admonitionem vel exercitationem bonorum. Ecce enim ut annuntiaretur nomen Dei in universa terra, vasis misericordiae utique prodest. Ad eorum itaque utilitatem Pharao servatus est, sicut et Scriptura testatur, et exitus docet.
God, then, knows how to make good use of the evil, in whom nevertheless he does not create human nature for malice, but bears with them patiently as long as he knows it ought to be; not in vain, but using them for the admonition or exercise of the good. For behold, that the name of God might be announced in all the earth, it surely profits the vessels of mercy. For their advantage, then, Pharaoh was preserved, as both Scripture testifies and the outcome teaches.
QsHept.1.146
Deus Pharaoni se facturum magnam grandinem minatur.
God threatens Pharaoh that he will make great hail.
33. (9, 19) Quid est quod mandavit Deus Pharaoni, cum se facturum magnam grandinem minaretur, ut festinet congregare pecora sua, et quaecumque illi essent in campo, ne grandine intereant? Hoc enim non tam indignanter quam misericorditer videtur admonere. Sed hoc non facit quaestionem, quando Deus etiam irascens temperat poenam. Illud est quod merito movet, quibus nunc pecoribus consulatur, si omnia mortua fuerant plaga superiore, ubi scriptum est quod discrevit Deus inter pecora Hebraeorum et Aegyptiorum, ita ut illinc nullum moreretur, omnia vero Aegyptiorum pecora morerentur (Cf. Ex 9, 6). An eo solvitur quaestio, quod praedixerat ea moritura quae in campo fuissent (Cf. Ex 9, 3), ut haec accipiantur omnia; intellegantur autem evasisse quae in domibus erant, quae potuerunt etiam a dubitantibus colligi, et in domo teneri, ne forte verum esset quod Moyses Dominum facturum esse praedixerat: et ex his esse in campis iterum poterant, quae modo admonet congregari in domos, ne grandine pereant; maxime, quia sequitur Scriptura et dicit: qui timuit verbum Domini servorum Pharaonis, congregavit pecora sua in domos: qui autem non intendit mente in verbum Domini, dimisit pecora sua in campo (Ex 9, 20-21)? Hoc ergo fieri potuit, quando etiam mortem pecorum minatus est Deus, quamvis id Scriptura tacuerit.
33. (9:19) What does it mean that God commanded Pharaoh, when he threatened that he would make great hail, to hasten to gather his flocks, and whatever he had in the field, lest they perish by the hail? For this seems to be an admonition not so much of indignation as of mercy. But this makes no question, since God, even when angry, tempers the punishment. That is what rightly raises the question: which flocks are now provided for, if all had died in the earlier plague, where it is written that God made a distinction between the flocks of the Hebrews and of the Egyptians, so that of the former none died, but all the flocks of the Egyptians died (See Exod 9:6). Or is the question solved thus: that he had foretold that those would die which were in the field (See Exod 9:3), so that these are taken as all; but those that were in the houses are understood to have escaped, which even by the doubtful could be gathered and kept in the house, lest perhaps what Moses had foretold the Lord would do should be true: and of these there could again be some in the fields, which he now admonishes to be gathered into the houses, lest they perish by the hail; especially because Scripture follows and says, he among Pharaoh's servants who feared the word of the Lord gathered his flocks into the houses; but he who did not attend in mind to the word of the Lord left his flocks in the field (Exod 9:20-21)? This, then, could happen, when God threatened the death of the flocks too, although Scripture was silent about it.
QsHept.1.146
Moyses iubetur extendere manum in caelum non in terram.
Moses is bidden to extend his hand toward heaven, not toward the earth.
34. (9, 22) Et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: 'extende manum tuam in coelum, et erit grando in omni terra Aegypti.' Ecce iterum Moyses non in terram, sed in coelum manum iubetur extendere, sicut superius de favilla.
34. (9:22) And the Lord said to Moses: 'Extend your hand toward heaven, and there will be hail in all the land of Egypt.' Behold again Moses is bidden to extend his hand not toward the earth, but toward heaven, as above concerning the ashes.
QsHept.1.146
Pharao nondum timet Dominum.
Pharaoh does not yet fear the Lord.
35. (9, 27. 30) Cum fragore coeli, qui vehemens erat in grandine, Pharao territus rogaret Moysen ut oraret pro illo, confitens iniquitatem suam et populi sui, Moyses ei dixit: et tu et servi tui scio quod nondum timetis Dominum. Qualem timorem quaerebat, cui timor iste nondum erat Domini timor? Facile est enim poenam timere, sed non hoc est Deum timere, illo scilicet timore pietatis, quem commemorat Iacob, ubi dicit: nisi Deus patris mei Abraham, et timor Isaac esset mihi, nunc me inanem dimisisses (Gen 31, 42).
35. (9, 27. 30) When, at the crash of the heavens, which was violent with hail, Pharaoh was terrified and begged Moses to pray for him, confessing his own iniquity and that of his people, Moses said to him: I know that neither you nor your servants yet fear the Lord. What kind of fear was Pharaoh seeking, in whom this fear was not yet the fear of the Lord? It is easy to fear punishment, but this is not to fear God—not, that is, with that fear of piety which Jacob recalls when he says: if the God of my father Abraham and the fear of Isaac had not been with me, you would now have sent me away empty (Gen 31:42).
QsHept.1.146
Numquid Deus opus habeat cuiusquam malitia.
Whether God has any need of anyone's malice.
36. (10, 1) Dixit Dominus ad Moysen: 'intra ad Pharaonem: ego enim gravavi cor eius et servorum eius, ut ordine superveniant signa mea haec super eos.' Ita dicit: ego enim gravavi cor eius ut ordine superveniant signa mea haec super eos, tamquam opus habeat Deus cuiusquam malitia. Sed sic intellegendum est, ac si diceret: "ego enim patiens fui super eum et servos eius, ut non eos auferrem, ut ordine superveniant signa mea super eos." Quia enim patientia Dei obstinatior fiebat malus animus, ideo pro eo quod est: "patiens in eum fui," dicitur, gravavi cor eius.
36. (10, 1) The Lord said to Moses: 'go in to Pharaoh, for I have hardened his heart and the heart of his servants, so that these signs of mine may come upon them in due order.' Thus he says: for I have hardened his heart so that these signs of mine may come upon them in due order, as though God had need of anyone's malice. But it must be understood as if he had said: "for I have been patient with him and his servants, that I might not take them away, so that my signs may come upon them in due order." For because by God's patience an evil mind was made more obstinate, therefore in place of "I have been patient with him" it is said, I have hardened his heart.
QsHept.1.146
Etiam post locustarum ablationem induratum cor Pharaonis.
Pharaoh's heart hardened even after the removal of the locusts.
37. (10, 19-20) Et non est relicta locusta una in omni terra Aegypti: et induravit Dominus cor Pharaonis. Beneficium certe Dei commemoravit Scriptura, quod abstulit locustas; et secuta, dixit indurasse Dominum cor Pharaonis, beneficio utique suo, et patientia sua, qua illa fiebat obstinatio, dum ei parceretur: sicut omnia mala corda hominum, patientia Dei male utendo durescunt.
37. (10, 19-20) And not one locust was left in all the land of Egypt; and the Lord hardened Pharaoh's heart. Scripture certainly recalled a benefit of God, that he took away the locusts; and what follows says that the Lord hardened Pharaoh's heart—by that very benefit, indeed, and by his patience, through which that obstinacy came about while Pharaoh was being spared. So too all the evil hearts of men grow hard by misusing the patience of God.
QsHept.1.146
Tertio Moyses extendit manum.
Moses stretches out his hand a third time.
38. (10, 21. 12) Tertio dicitur ad Moysen: extende manum tuam in coelum, ut fieret etiam plaga tenebrarum. Nunquam autem dictum est ad fratrem eius Aaron, ut extenderet manum in coelum. Quod ergo dictum est ad Moysen: extende manum tuam super terram Aegypti, et ascendat locusta super terram, credo id significatum, etiam minus posse qui plus potest; non autem continuo cui minora conceduntur, posse maiora.
38. (10, 21. 12) A third time it is said to Moses: stretch out your hand toward heaven, that the plague of darkness might also come to pass. But it was never said to his brother Aaron that he should stretch out his hand toward heaven. So when it was said to Moses: stretch out your hand over the land of Egypt, and let the locust come up over the land, this, I believe, signified that the one who can do more can also do less; but it does not follow at once that the one to whom lesser things are granted can do greater things.
QsHept.1.146
An in exemplum sumi possit furtum quod Deus mandavit filiis Israel.
Whether the theft that God commanded the children of Israel can be taken as an example.
39. (11, 2) Deus ad Moysen: loquere ergo secreto in aures populi, et petat unusquisque a proximo, et mulier a proxima, vasa aurea et argentea et vestem. Non hinc quisque sumendum exemplum putare debet ad exspoliandum isto modo proximum. Hoc enim Deus iussit, qui noverat quid quemque pati oporteret: nec Israelitae furtum fecerunt, sed Deo iubenti ministerium praebuerunt. Quemadmodum cum minister iudicis occidit eum quem iudex iussit occidi, profecto si id sponte faciat, homicida est, etiamsi eum occidat, quem scit occidi a iudice debuisse.
39. (11, 2) God said to Moses: speak therefore secretly in the ears of the people, and let each one ask of his neighbor, and each woman of her neighbor, vessels of gold and silver and clothing. From this no one should think an example is to be taken for despoiling one's neighbor in this way. For God commanded this, who knew what each one deserved to suffer; nor did the Israelites commit theft, but rendered a service to God who commanded it. Just as when an officer of the judge kills the man whom the judge has ordered killed: surely if he does it of his own accord, he is a murderer, even if he kills the very man whom he knows ought to have been killed by the judge.
QsHept.1.146
Est etiam ista nonnulla quaestio, si seorsum habitabant Hebraei in terra Gessen, ubi nec plagae fiebant quibus regnum Pharaonis affligebatur, quomodo petit quisque a proximo vel a proxima, aurum, argentum, et vestem; praesertim quia ubi primum hoc mandatur per Moysen, sic positum est, et mulier a vicina sua et concellaria, vel concellanea (si ita dicendum est), vel cohabitatrice sua (Cf. Ex 3, 22). Unde intellegendum est, etiam in terra Gessen non solos Hebraeos habitasse, sed eis aliquos Aegyptios in illa terra cohabitatores fuisse, ad quos potuerunt merito Hebraeorum etiam illa divina beneficia pervenire, ut hinc eos et diligerent iidem Aegyptii cohabitatores, et quod petebant facile commodarent: nec tamen Deus iudicavit ita illos alienos fuisse ab iniuriis et contritionibus quas populus Dei pertulit, ut nec isto damno ferirentur, qui plagis illis propter quod terrae illi parcebatur, percussi non erant.
There is also this question: if the Hebrews lived apart in the land of Goshen, where the plagues that afflicted Pharaoh's kingdom did not occur, how did each one ask of his neighbor, man or woman, for gold, silver, and clothing—especially since, where this is first commanded through Moses, it is put thus: and a woman of her neighbor and roommate, or fellow-cell-dweller (if it may be so said), or fellow-inhabitant (See Exod 3:22). From this it must be understood that not only Hebrews lived in the land of Goshen, but that some Egyptians dwelt together with them in that land—Egyptians to whom those divine benefits could deservedly reach through the Hebrews, so that these same Egyptian neighbors both loved them and readily lent what they asked. Yet God did not judge them so far removed from the injuries and afflictions that the people of God endured as not to be struck by this loss too, these who had not been smitten by those plagues on account of which that land was spared.
QsHept.1.146
Numquid opus fuerat Deo inoboedientia Pharaonis ad multiplicanda signa sua.
Whether God had any need of Pharaoh's disobedience for multiplying his signs.
40. (11, 9) Dixit autem Dominus ad Moysen: 'non exaudiet vos Pharao, ut multiplicem signa mea et portenta mea in terra Aegypti': tamquam opus fuerit eius inobedientia, ut signa illa multiplicarentur, quae utiliter fiebant ad terrendum populum Dei, atque ipsa discretione ad pietatem informandum. Sed hoc Dei fuit, malitia cordis illius bene utentis; non Pharaonis, Dei patientia male abutentis.
40. (11, 9) And the Lord said to Moses: 'Pharaoh will not heed you, so that I may multiply my signs and wonders in the land of Egypt': as though there were need of his disobedience for those signs to be multiplied, which were profitably done to strike fear into the people of God and, by that very distinction, to form them in piety. But this was the work of God, who made good use of the malice of that heart; not the work of Pharaoh, who made evil abuse of God's patience.
QsHept.1.146
Id, quod superaverit, igni comburendum Dominus innuit.
The Lord indicates that what remained over was to be burned with fire.
41. (12, 10. 46) Quae autem superaverint ab eo in mane, igne concremabitis. Quaeri potest, quomodo aliquid superabit, cum hoc praemoniti fuerint, ut si domus non habuerit consumendo pecori idoneam multitudinem, vicini assumantur (Cf. Ex 12, 4). Sed intellegitur quoniam dictum est: os non conteretis ab eo, remansura utique fuisse ossa, quae igne cremarentur.
41. (12, 10. 46) But whatever remains of it until morning you shall burn with fire. It can be asked how anything would remain over, since they had been forewarned that, if a household did not have a number sufficient for consuming the animal, the neighbors should be taken in (See Exod 12:4). But it is understood, from the saying you shall not break a bone of it, that bones at any rate were to remain, to be burned with fire.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo dicatur agnus masculus, cum omnis agnus masculus sit.
How a lamb is called male, since every lamb is male.
42. (12, 5) Agnus perfectus, masculus, anniculus erit vobis. Movere potest ista locutio, quasi agnus possit esse non masculus, nescientem qua necessitate ita sit translatum. "Ovis" enim transferri debuit, quia Graecus habet πρόβατον; sed in Graeca lingua πρόβατον generis neutri est, et potuerunt quae sequuntur omnia convenire, tamquam si diceret: "pecus perfectum, masculum, anniculum erit vobis." Potuit enim Latine dici, "masculum pecus," quomodo dicuntur "mascula thura," genere neutro: "ovis" autem "masculus" dici non posset, quia feminini generis est "ovis."
42. (12, 5) The lamb shall be for you unblemished, male, a yearling. This expression can trouble one who does not know by what necessity it was so rendered, as though a lamb could be other than male. For "sheep" ought to have been the rendering, since the Greek has probaton; but in the Greek language probaton is of neuter gender, and all that follows could agree with it, as if he said: "the animal shall be for you unblemished, male, a yearling." For it could be said in Latin, "a male animal" (masculum pecus), just as one says "male frankincense" (mascula thura) in the neuter gender; but a "male sheep" could not be said, because "sheep" (ovis) is of feminine gender.
QsHept.1.146
Item "ovis mascula" si diceretur, esset absurdius. "Pecus" vero si poneretur, etiam aliud intellegeretur; nec servaretur sacramentum, quod cum Scriptura de ove loquatur, post dicit, ab agnis et haedis accipietis illud.
Likewise, if "a male sheep" (ovis mascula) were said, it would be more absurd still. But if "animal" (pecus) were used, something else too would be understood, and the mystery would not be preserved—the mystery whereby, though Scripture speaks of a sheep, it afterward says, you shall take it from the lambs and the kids.
QsHept.1.146
Qua in re Christus significari merito accipitur. Quid enim opus erat ovem vel agnum ab agnis et haedis accipiendum moneri, nisi ille figuraretur, cuius caro non solum ex iustis, verum etiam ex peccatoribus propagata est? Quamquam conentur Iudaei etiam haedum intellegere accipiendum ad celebrandum Pascha, et hoc esse dictum putant, ab agnis et haedis accipere, tamquam diceret, vel ab agnis agnum, vel ab haedis haedum, si illud desit, sumi oportere: apparet tamen in Christo rebus impletis quid illo praecepto fuerit figuratum.
In this matter Christ is rightly understood to be signified. For what need was there to direct that the sheep or lamb be taken from the lambs and the kids, unless he was being prefigured whose flesh has been propagated not only from the righteous but also from sinners? Although the Jews try to understand that a kid too is to be taken for celebrating the Passover, and they think this is the meaning of to take from the lambs and the kids, as if he said that either a lamb is to be taken from lambs or a kid from kids, if the one be lacking—yet, now that these things have been fulfilled in Christ, it is plain what was prefigured by that precept.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo dicatur diem aeternum, cum nullus aeternus sit.
How a day is called eternal, since no day is eternal.
43. (12, 14) Quod scriptum est: et facietis diem hunc in progenies vestras legitimum aeternum vel aeternalem, quod Graece dicitur αἰώνιον, non sic accipiendum est, tamquam possit istorum praetereuntium dies esse ullus aeternus; sed illud aeternum est, quod iste significat dies: velut cum dicimus ipsum Deum aeternum, non utique istas duas syllabas aeternas dicimus, sed quod significant. Quamquam diligenter scrutandum sit quomodo appellare Scriptura soleat aeternum, ne forte ita dixerit solemniter aeternum, quem nefas habeant praetermittere, aut sua sponte mutare.
43. (12, 14) What is written, and you shall keep this day throughout your generations as an everlasting ordinance or perpetual—which in Greek is said aionion—is not to be taken as though any day of these passing things could be eternal; rather, that which this day signifies is eternal. So when we say that God himself is eternal, we surely do not mean that these two syllables are eternal, but what they signify. Yet one must inquire carefully how Scripture is accustomed to use the word "eternal," lest perhaps it called it "eternal" in the sense of a solemn observance that they hold it wrong to omit or to change of their own accord.
QsHept.1.146
Aliud est enim quod praecipitur quousque fiat, sicut praeceptum est ut septies muros Iericho circumiret arca (Cf. Ios 6, 4): aliud, cum praecipitur sic observari aliquid, ut nullus terminus praefiniatur observationis, sive quotidie, sive per menses, sive per annos solemniter, sive per multorum vel aliquorum annorum certa intervalla. Aut ergo sic appellavit aeternum, quod non sua sponte audeant desinere celebrare; aut, sicut dixi, ut non ipsa signa rerum, sed res quae iis significantur aeternae intellegantur.
For it is one thing when something is commanded as to how long it is to be done, as it was commanded that the ark should go around the walls of Jericho seven times (See Josh 6:4); it is another when something is commanded to be observed in such a way that no limit of observance is fixed—whether daily, or by months, or solemnly by years, or at set intervals of many or some years. So either he called it "eternal" because they would not dare to cease celebrating it of their own accord; or, as I said, so that not the signs of things themselves, but the things signified by them, might be understood to be eternal.
QsHept.1.146
Si soli primogeniti perimebantur.
Whether only the firstborn were destroyed.
44. (12, 30) Et factus est clamor magnus in terra Aegypti. Non enim erat domus in qua non erat in ea mortuus. Nonne potuit esse aliqua domus quae primogenitum non haberet? Cum ergo primogeniti tantummodo morerentur, quomodo nulla erat quae non haberet mortuum? An et hoc divinitus praescientia Dei fuerat procuratum, ut in omnibus omnino essent domibus primogeniti, in quibus percuterentur Aegyptii? Ab hac sane plaga non putandi sunt immunes fuisse Aegyptii qui habitabant in terra Gessen; hominum quippe erat, vel animalium, non terrae: id est, homines et animalia primogenita moriebantur occulto et angelico percussu, non aliquid in terra vel in coelo factum erat, sicut rana, vel locusta, vel tenebrae, unde qui habitabant, affligerentur. A talibus enim plagis cum terra Gessen fuisset aliena, procul dubio perveniebat beneficium ad eos Aegyptios qui in eadem terra cum Hebraeis morabantur: hac vero primogeniti eorum omnes percussi sunt.
44. (12, 30) And there was a great cry in the land of Egypt. For there was no house in which there was not one dead. Could there not have been some house that had no firstborn? Since, then, only the firstborn were dying, how was there none that did not have a dead one? Or had this too been divinely arranged by God's foreknowledge, that in absolutely all houses in which the Egyptians were to be struck there should be firstborn? From this plague, to be sure, the Egyptians who dwelt in the land of Goshen are not to be thought immune; for it belonged to men, or to animals, not to the land—that is, the firstborn men and animals were dying by a hidden, angelic stroke, and nothing was done in the land or in the sky, such as the frog, or the locust, or the darkness, by which the inhabitants might be afflicted. For since the land of Goshen had been exempt from such plagues, without doubt the benefit reached those Egyptians who dwelt in that same land with the Hebrews; but by this plague all their firstborn were struck.
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo post tantum luctum Aegyptii vasa aurea et argentea accomodarunt Haebreis.
How, after so great a mourning, the Egyptians lent the Hebrews vessels of gold and silver.
45. (12, 35-36) Filii autem Israel fecerunt sicuti praeceperat illis Moyses, et petierunt ab Aegyptiis vasa aurea et argentea et vestem; et Dominus dedit gratiam populo suo coram Aegyptiis, et commodaverunt illis, et praedati sunt Aegyptios. Iam hoc factum fuerat ante mortes primogenitorum Aegyptiorum; sed nunc per recapitulationem repetitur. Nam narratum est quando factum est. Modo enim fieri quomodo posset, ut in tanto luctu ex mortibus suorum accommodarent ista filiis Israel? Nisi forte quis dicat etiam ista plaga non fuisse percussos Aegyptios qui cum Hebraeis inhabitabant terram Gessen.
45. (12, 35-36) And the children of Israel did as Moses had commanded them, and they asked of the Egyptians vessels of gold and silver and clothing; and the Lord gave his people favor in the sight of the Egyptians, and they lent to them, and they despoiled the Egyptians. This had already been done before the deaths of the Egyptian firstborn; but now it is repeated by way of recapitulation. For it was narrated when it was done. For how could it now come about that, amid such great mourning over the deaths of their own, they should lend these things to the children of Israel? Unless perhaps someone should say that the Egyptians who dwelt with the Hebrews in the land of Goshen were not struck by this plague either.
QsHept.1.146
Quaeritur quem sanguinem dicat Scriptura iuxta ostium.
It is asked what blood Scripture means as being by the door.
46. (12, 22) Quid est quod ait: accipietis autem fasciculum hyssopi, et tingentes ex sanguine qui est iuxta ostium, linietis super limen et super ambos postes? Quaeritur enim quem sanguinem dicat iuxta ostium, cum illius agni utique velit intellegi sanguinem, cuius immolatione fit Pascha. An eo modo consequenter praecipit, quamvis hoc tacuerit, ut idem agnus iuxta ostium occidatur? An, quod est credibilius, ideo dixit ex sanguine qui est iuxta ostium, quia utique ille qui liniturus est super limen et postes, vas ipsum in quo sanguinem excepit, iuxta ostium positurus est, ut ad manum habeat quando tingit?
46. (12, 22) What does it mean when it says: and you shall take a bunch of hyssop, and dipping it in the blood that is by the door, you shall smear the lintel and both doorposts? For it is asked what blood it means as being by the door, since it surely wants the blood of that lamb to be understood, by whose immolation the Passover is made. Or does it command consequently—though it left this unsaid—that the same lamb be slain by the door? Or, what is more credible, did it say of the blood that is by the door because the one who is about to smear the lintel and doorposts will surely set the very vessel in which he caught the blood by the door, so as to have it at hand when he dips?
QsHept.1.146
Quomodo ad tantum numerum pervenire poterant Hebraei in Aegypto.
How the Hebrews could reach so great a number in Egypt.
47. 1. (12, 37. 40) Sustulerunt autem filii Israel de Ramesse in Socchoth, in sexcenta millia peditum viri, praeter instructum, vel censum; si isto modo potest recte interpretari quod graecus ait ἀποσκευή, quo verbo non solum mobilia, verum etiam moventia significari indicat Scriptura, ubi Iudas loquens ad patrem suum dicit: mitte puerum mecum, et surgentes ibimus ut vivamus, et non moriamur et nos, et tu, et substantia nostra (Gen 43, 8). Ibi enim Graecus habet ἀποσκευήν, ubi substantiam Latinus interpretatus est; quod aliquando censum interpretantur nostri: sicut nunc instructum dicere voluimus, dum tamen eo nomine et homines et iumenta vel omnia pecora intellegantur. Ubi etiam utrum et uxores possint intellegi, nescio. Sexcenta tamen millia peditum cum Scriptura commemoret, addens et dicens: excepto instructu, vel censu, vel substantia, vel si quo alio verbo melius interpretatur ἀποσκευή, manifestum est et homines significatos, sive in servis, sive in mulieribus, sive in his aetatibus quae militiae non essent idoneae, ut sexcenta millia peditum in eis solis intellegamus, qui possent militari agmine armari.
47. 1. (12, 37. 40) And the children of Israel set out from Rameses to Succoth, about six hundred thousand footmen of fighting men, besides their equipment, or property; if the Greek aposkeue can rightly be interpreted in this way—a word by which Scripture indicates that not only movable goods but also moving creatures are signified, where Judah, speaking to his father, says: send the boy with me, and rising up we will go, that we may live and not die, both we and you and our substance (Gen 43:8). For there the Greek has aposkeuen where the Latin rendered substance; which our translators sometimes render property, as now we have chosen to say equipment, provided that under that name both people and beasts of burden, or all livestock, are understood. Whether wives too can be understood there, I do not know. Yet since Scripture mentions six hundred thousand footmen, adding the words besides the equipment, or property, or substance, or whatever word better renders aposkeue, it is plain that people too were signified—whether in servants, or in women, or in those ages not fit for military service—so that we understand the six hundred thousand footmen to be only those who could be armed in a military column.
QsHept.1.146
47. 2. Quaeri autem solet utrum ad tantum numerum Hebraei pervenire potuerint per eos annos in Aegypto, quos ostendere consideratus in Scripturis numerus potest: qui primum anni quot fuerint non parva quaestio est. Dicit enim Deus ad Abraham cum factum esset illud sacrificium de vacca trima, et capra, et ariete, et turture, et columba (Cf. Gen 15, 9), antequam non solum Isaac, sed nec Ismael quidem natus esset: sciendo scias, quia peregrinum erit semen tuum in terra non propria; et in servitutem redigent eos, et nocebunt illis quadringentis annis (Gen 15, 13). Si ergo quadringentos annos sic acceperimus, ut in servitute sub Aegyptiis intellegantur, non parvum spatium temporis fuit, quo ita populus multiplicaretur. Sed tot annos non fuisse, apertissimo indicio Scriptura testatur.
47. 2. But it is commonly asked whether the Hebrews could reach so great a number during those years in Egypt which a careful reckoning of the number in Scripture can establish; and first, how many those years were is no small question. For God says to Abraham, when that sacrifice had been made of a three-year-old cow, a goat, a ram, a turtledove, and a pigeon (See Gen 15:9), before not only Isaac but not even Ishmael had yet been born: know assuredly that your seed will be a sojourner in a land not its own; and they will reduce them to slavery and ill-treat them for four hundred years (Gen 15:13). If, then, we take the four hundred years to be understood as in slavery under the Egyptians, it was no small span of time in which the people might so multiply. But that there were not so many years, Scripture testifies by the clearest indication.
QsHept.2.47.2
47. 3. Quidam enim putant quadringentos triginta annos accipi debere, ex quo Iacob intravit in Aegyptum, donec inde populus per Moysen liberatus est, quoniam in Exodo scriptum est: incolatus autem filiorum Israel, quem incoluerunt in terra Aegypti et in terra Chanaan, ipsi et patres eorum, anni quadringenti triginta (Ex 12, 40). Servitutis autem eorum volunt esse annos quadringentos; propterea quod scriptum est in Genesi: sciendo scias, quia peregrinum erit semen tuum in terra non sua; et in servitutem redigent eos, et nocebunt illis quadringentis annis.
47. 3. For some think that the four hundred and thirty years should be taken from the time Jacob entered Egypt until the people was freed from there through Moses, since it is written in Exodus: and the sojourning of the children of Israel, which they sojourned in the land of Egypt and in the land of Canaan, they and their fathers, was four hundred and thirty years (Exod 12:40). But they want the years of their slavery to be four hundred, because it is written in Genesis: know assuredly that your seed will be a sojourner in a land not its own; and they will reduce them to slavery and ill-treat them for four hundred years.
QsHept.2.47.3
Sed quoniam servitutis anni post mortem Ioseph computantur (illo enim vivo, non solum ibi non servierunt, verum etiam regnaverunt), non est quemadmodum computentur quadringenti triginta in Aegypto. Ingressus est enim Iacob anno filii sui trigesimo et nono: quoniam triginta annorum erat Ioseph, cum apparuit in conspectu Pharaonis (Cf. Gen 41, 46), et regnare coepit sub illo; transactis autem septem annis ubertatis, secundo anno famis ingressus est Iacob in Aegyptum cum aliis filiis suis (Cf. Gen 45, 6); ac per hoc tunc agebat Ioseph triginta et novem annos, qui impletis vitae suae annis centum et decem, mortuus est (Cf. Gen 50, 22. 25): vixit ergo in Aegypto post ingressum ad se patris sui, septuaginta et unum annos; quos si detraxerimus a quadringentis triginta annis, remanebunt servitutis anni, id est post mortem Ioseph, non quadringenti, sed trecenti et quinquaginta novem anni.
But since the years of their slavery are reckoned after the death of Joseph (for while he lived, not only did they not serve there, but they even held sway), there is no way to reckon four hundred and thirty years in Egypt. For Jacob entered in the thirty-ninth year of his son; since Joseph was thirty years old when he appeared before Pharaoh (See Gen 41:46) and began to rule under him; and when the seven years of plenty had passed, in the second year of the famine Jacob entered Egypt with his other sons (See Gen 45:6); and so Joseph was then thirty-nine years old, and having completed one hundred and ten years of his life, he died (See Gen 50:22, 25): he lived therefore in Egypt, after his father came to him, seventy-one years; and if we subtract these from the four hundred and thirty years, there will remain, as the years of slavery—that is, after the death of Joseph—not four hundred, but three hundred and fifty-nine years.
QsHept.2.47.3
Quod si ex illo putabimus nos computare debere, ex quo Ioseph sub Pharaone regnare coepit, ut tunc quodammodo intellegatur intrasse Israel in Aegyptum, quando ibi filius eius tanta potestate sublimatus est (Cf. Gen 46, 11), etiam sic trecenti quinquaginta erunt, quos Tychonius vult accipi quadringentos, ut a toto pars intellegatur, id est a toto centenario pars quinquagenaria, et probat hac loquendi regula solere uti Scripturam. Si autem, quod aliquanto probabilius dici potest, tunc habeamus intrasse Israel in Aegyptum, quando illic Ioseph esse venditus coepit, detracturi sumus adhuc annos tredecim, ut trecentos triginta septem annos pro quadringentis accipiamus.
But if we think we ought to reckon from the time Joseph began to rule under Pharaoh, so that Israel is understood in a manner to have entered Egypt when his son was exalted there to such great power (See Gen 46:11), even so there will be three hundred and fifty, which Tychonius wants to be taken as four hundred, so that the part is understood from the whole—that is, from the whole hundred a part of fifty—and he proves that Scripture is accustomed to use this rule of speech. But if, as can be said with somewhat more probability, we hold that Israel entered Egypt when Joseph began to be there, having been sold, we shall have to subtract thirteen years more, so that we take three hundred and thirty-seven years for the four hundred.
QsHept.2.47.3
Sed cum Scriptura commemoret Caath filium Levi avum Moysi cum avo suo Iacob intrasse in Aegyptum (Cf. Ex 6, 18); dicat autem eum vixisse annos centum triginta (Cf. Ex 6, 20); filium vero eius patrem Moysi Ambram centum triginta septem; Moysen vero dicat octoginta annorum fuisse cum de Aegypto populum liberavit (Cf. Ex 7, 7): etiam si tunc genuisset Caath patrem Moysi, quo anno mortuus est, ille quoque Ambram ultimo vitae suae anno genuisset Moysen; computati anni centum triginta et centum triginta septem et octoginta, trecentos et quadraginta septem annos faciunt, non quadringentos triginta. Quod si quis dicat extremo anno vitae Ioseph natum esse Caath filium Levi; septuaginta ferme anni possunt accedere illi summae, quia septuaginta unum annos vixit in Aegypto Ioseph post ingressum patris sui. Quapropter etiam sic septuaginta anni vitae Ioseph ab ingressu Iacob in Aegyptum usque ad nativitatem Caath, si tunc natus asseratur, et centum triginta anni ipsius Caath, et centum triginta septem filii eius Ambram patris Moysi, et octoginta ipsius Moysi, quadringentos decem et septem annos faciunt, non quadringentos triginta.
But since Scripture records that Kohath the son of Levi, Moses's grandfather, entered Egypt with his grandfather Jacob (See Exod 6:18), and says that he lived one hundred and thirty years (See Exod 6:20); and that his son Amram, the father of Moses, lived one hundred and thirty-seven; and says that Moses was eighty years old when he freed the people from Egypt (See Exod 7:7): even if Kohath had begotten the father of Moses in the very year he died, and that Amram likewise had begotten Moses in the last year of his life, the years one hundred and thirty and one hundred and thirty-seven and eighty, reckoned together, make three hundred and forty-seven years, not four hundred and thirty. But if anyone should say that Kohath the son of Levi was born in the last year of Joseph's life, nearly seventy years can be added to that sum, because Joseph lived seventy-one years in Egypt after his father's entry. Therefore even so, the seventy years of Joseph's life from Jacob's entry into Egypt until the birth of Kohath—if he is asserted to have been born then—and the one hundred and thirty years of Kohath himself, and the one hundred and thirty-seven of his son Amram the father of Moses, and the eighty of Moses himself, make four hundred and seventeen years, not four hundred and thirty.
QsHept.2.47.3
47. 4. Proinde illa nimirum computatio, quam secutus est Eusebius in historia sua Chronica, perspicua veritate subnixa est. Ab illa enim promissione computat quadringentos triginta annos, qua vocavit Deus Abraham, ut exiret de terra sua in terram Chanaan: quia et Apostolus cum Abrahae laudaret et commendaret fidem, in ea promissione qua Christum vult intellegi prophetatum, id est qua promisit Deus Abrahae quod benedicerentur in eo omnes tribus terrae (Cf. Gen 18, 22): hoc autem dico, inquit, quia testamentum confirmatum a Deo, post quadringentos et triginta annos facta Lex non infirmat ad evacuandas promissiones (Gal 3, 17). Ex illa ergo promissione qua vocatus est Abraham et credidit Deo, post quadringentos et triginta annos factam Legem dicit Apostolus, non ex tempore quo Iacob intravit in Aegyptum. Deinde etiam ipsa Scriptura Exodi satis hoc significavit: non enim dixit: "incolatus filiorum Israel, quem incoluerunt in terra Aegypto, anni quadringenti triginta"; sed aperte dixit, quem incoluerunt in terra Aegypto et in terra Chanaan, ipsi et patres eorum. Ac per hoc manifestum est computandum esse tempus etiam Patriarcharum Abrahae, Isaac, et Iacob, ex quo peregrinari coepit Abraham in terra Chanaan; id est ex illa promissione in qua eius fidem laudat Apostolus (Cf. Gal 3, 22), usque ad illud tempus quo ingressus est Israel in Aegyptum. Toto quippe isto tempore peregrinati sunt patres in terra Chanaan, et deinde semen Israel in Aegypto; ac sic completi sunt quadringenti triginta anni a promissione usque ad exitum Israel ex Aegypto, quando facta est Lex in monte Sina, quae non infirmat testamentum ad evacuandas promissiones.
47. 4. Accordingly, that reckoning which Eusebius followed in his Chronicle rests upon a clear truth. For he reckons the four hundred and thirty years from that promise by which God called Abraham to go out from his own land into the land of Canaan; since the Apostle too, when he praised and commended Abraham's faith—in that promise by which he wants Christ to be understood as prophesied, that is, the promise by which God promised Abraham that in him all the tribes of the earth would be blessed (See Gen 18:22)—says: this I say: the covenant confirmed by God, the Law made four hundred and thirty years after does not annul, so as to void the promises (Gal 3:17). From that promise, then, by which Abraham was called and believed God, the Apostle says the Law was made four hundred and thirty years after, not from the time Jacob entered Egypt. Then Scripture itself in Exodus signified this well enough: for it did not say, "the sojourning of the children of Israel, which they sojourned in the land of Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years"; but it plainly said, which they sojourned in the land of Egypt and in the land of Canaan, they and their fathers. And by this it is manifest that the time of the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob is also to be reckoned, from when Abraham began to sojourn in the land of Canaan—that is, from that promise in which the Apostle praises his faith (See Gal 3:22)—until the time Israel entered Egypt. For during all that time the fathers sojourned in the land of Canaan, and then the seed of Israel in Egypt; and so the four hundred and thirty years were completed from the promise until the exodus of Israel from Egypt, when the Law was made on Mount Sinai, which does not annul the covenant so as to void the promises.
QsHept.2.47.4
47. 5. Septuagesimo ergo et quinto anno vitae suae Abraham, sicut Scriptura dicit, egressus est in terram Chanaan (Cf. Gen 21, 5), et genuit Isaac cum esset annorum centum (Cf. Gen 35, 28). Fiunt itaque anni viginti quinque ex promissione usque ad natum Isaac. His adduntur omnes anni vitae Isaac, id est centum octoginta (Cf. Gen 35, 25), fiunt ducenti quinque: tunc erat Iacob annorum centum viginti; nati sunt enim sexagenario patri gemini, ipse et Esau (Cf. Gen 25, 26): post decem autem annos intravit Iacob in Aegyptum, cum esset annorum centum triginta (Cf. Gen 47, 9). Ioseph autem esset triginta novem. Fiunt proinde anni a promissione usque ad ingressum Iacob in Aegyptum, ducenti quindecim. Ioseph autem ab illo trigesimo et nono anno aetatis suae, in quo eum pater in Aegypto invenit, vixit septuaginta et unum annos; quia omnes aetatis eius anni centum decem fuerunt (Cf. Gen 50, 22). Cum itaque ad ducentos quindecim annos accesserint septuaginta unus, fiunt anni ducenti octoginta sex. Restant centum quadraginta quatuor vel quinque, quibus intellegitur servisse in Aegypto populus Israel post mortem Ioseph. His annis quantum multiplicari potuerint, si fecunditas hominis consideretur, adiuvante illo qui eos voluit valde multiplicari, reperitur non esse mirum quod in sexcentis millibus peditum egressus est populus ex Aegypto, excepto caetero apparatu, ubi et servitia erant, et sexus muliebris et imbellis aetas.
47. 5. In the seventy-fifth year of his life, then, as Scripture says, Abraham went out into the land of Canaan (See Gen 21:5), and begot Isaac when he was a hundred years old (See Gen 35:28). So there are twenty-five years from the promise until Isaac was born. To these are added all the years of Isaac's life, that is, one hundred and eighty (See Gen 35:25), making two hundred and five: Jacob was then one hundred and twenty years old, for the twins, he and Esau, were born to their father when he was sixty (See Gen 25:26); and ten years later Jacob entered Egypt, when he was one hundred and thirty years old (See Gen 47:9). Joseph then was thirty-nine. So the years from the promise until Jacob's entry into Egypt are two hundred and fifteen. But Joseph, from that thirty-ninth year of his age in which his father found him in Egypt, lived seventy-one years; for all the years of his life were one hundred and ten (See Gen 50:22). So when seventy-one is added to the two hundred and fifteen years, it makes two hundred and eighty-six years. There remain one hundred and forty-four or five, in which the people of Israel is understood to have served in Egypt after the death of Joseph. How much they could multiply in these years, if the fruitfulness of man is considered, with the help of him who willed them to be multiplied greatly, it is found to be no wonder that the people went out of Egypt in six hundred thousand footmen, besides the rest of the company, where there were both servants and the female sex and the age unfit for war.
QsHept.2.47.5
47. 6. Quod ergo dixit Deus ad Abraham: sciendo scies, quia peregrinum erit semen tuum in terra non propria; et in servitutem redigent eos, et nocebunt illis quadringentos annos (Gen 15, 13), non sic accipiendum est, tamquam in illa durissima servitute quadringentos annos Dei populus fuerit: sed quia scriptum est: in Isaac vocabitur tibi semen (Gen 21, 12); ex anno nativitatis Isaac usque ad annum egressionis ex Aegypto computantur anni quadringenti quinque. Cum ergo de quadringentis triginta detraxeris viginti quinque qui sunt a promissione usque ad natum Isaac, non mirum est si quadringentos et quinque annos summa solida quadringentos voluit appellare Scriptura, quae solet tempora ita nuncupare, ut quod de summa perfectioris numeri paululum excrescit aut infra est, non computetur. Non itaque quod ait: in servitutem redigent eos, et nocebunt illis, ad quadringentos annos referendum est, tamquam per tot annos eos habuerint in servitute; sed referendi sunt quadringenti anni ad id quod dictum est: peregrinum erit semen tuum in terra non propria: quia sive in terra Chanaan, sive in Aegypto, peregrinum erat illud semen, antequam haereditatem sumerent terram ex promissione Dei; quod factum est posteaquam ex Aegypto liberati sunt: ut hyperbaton hic intellegatur, et ordo verborum sit: sciendo scias, quia peregrinum erit semen tuum in terra non propria quadringentis annis; illud autem interpositum intellegatur: et in servitutem redigent eos, et nocebunt illis; ita ut ad quadringentos annos ista interpositio non pertineat. In extrema enim parte annorum summae huius, hoc est, post mortem Ioseph, factum est ut in Aegypto populus Dei duram perageret servitutem.
47. 6. So when God said to Abraham: know assuredly that your seed will be a sojourner in a land not its own; and they will reduce them to slavery and ill-treat them for four hundred years (Gen 15:13), it is not to be taken as though the people of God were in that harshest slavery for four hundred years; but because it is written: in Isaac shall your seed be called (Gen 21:12), from the year of Isaac's birth until the year of the exodus from Egypt four hundred and five years are reckoned. When, then, from the four hundred and thirty you subtract the twenty-five that are from the promise until Isaac was born, it is no wonder if Scripture chose to call the four hundred and five years a round four hundred—Scripture, which is accustomed so to name times that what slightly exceeds or falls short of the sum of a fuller number is not counted. So what it says, they will reduce them to slavery and ill-treat them, is not to be referred to the four hundred years, as though they held them in slavery for so many years; but the four hundred years are to be referred to what was said: your seed will be a sojourner in a land not its own—because whether in the land of Canaan or in Egypt, that seed was a sojourner, before they received as an inheritance the land of God's promise, which came to pass after they were freed from Egypt. So that a hyperbaton is to be understood here, and the order of the words is: know assuredly that your seed will be a sojourner in a land not its own for four hundred years; and the clause is to be understood as inserted: and they will reduce them to slavery and ill-treat them; in such a way that this insertion does not pertain to the four hundred years. For in the last part of the sum of these years, that is, after the death of Joseph, it came about that the people of God passed a hard slavery in Egypt.
QsHept.2.47.6
Signum de pascha praeceptum.
The sign commanded concerning the Passover.
48. (13, 9) Quid est quod ait, cum de Pascha praeciperet: erit tibi in signo super manum tuam? an intellegitur "super opera tua," id est, quod praeferre debeas operibus tuis? Pertinet enim Pascha propter occisionem ovis ad fidem Christi, et sanguinem quo redempti sumus. Haec autem fides operibus praeponenda est, ut sit quodammodo "super manum," adversus illos qui in operibus Legis gloriabantur: de qua re Apostolus loquitur, et multum agit; qui fidem operibus sic vult anteponi, ut ex illa pendeant opera bona, atque ab ea praeveniantur, non ut ipsa velut meritis bonorum operum retribui videatur (Cf. Gal 3; Hebr 11). Illa enim ad gratiam pertinet: si autem gratia, iam non ex operibus; alioquin gratia iam non est gratia (Rom 11, 6).
48. (13, 9) What does it mean when he says, in commanding concerning the Passover: it shall be for you as a sign upon your hand? Is it to be understood as "upon your works"—that is, that you ought to set it before your works? For the Passover, on account of the slaying of the sheep, pertains to faith in Christ and to the blood by which we have been redeemed. And this faith is to be set before works, so that it is in a manner "upon the hand," against those who gloried in the works of the Law: of which matter the Apostle speaks, and treats much; he who would have faith so put before works that good works depend upon it and are preceded by it, not that faith itself should seem to be rendered as a reward, as it were, for the merits of good works (See Gal 3; Heb 11). For faith pertains to grace: but if by grace, then it is no longer of works; otherwise grace is no longer grace (Rom 11:6).
QsHept.2.47.6
Omnia fieri debere, quae consilio recte fieri possunt.
That all things ought to be done which can rightly be done by deliberation.
49. (13, 18) Cum autem dimisit Pharao populum, non deduxit eos Deus viam terrae Philistiim, quia prope erat. Dixit enim Deus: 'nequando poeniteat populum cum viderit praelium, et revertatur in Aegyptum.' Hic ostenditur omnia fieri debere, quae consilio recte fieri possunt, ad devitanda quae adversa sunt, etiam cum Deus apertissime adiutor est.
49. (13, 18) And when Pharaoh let the people go, God did not lead them by the way of the land of the Philistines, because it was near. For God said: 'lest perhaps the people repent when they see war, and return to Egypt.' Here it is shown that all things ought to be done which can rightly be done by deliberation, to avoid what is adverse, even when God is most openly the helper.
QsHept.2.47.6
Quinta autem progenie ascenderunt filii Israel de terra Aegypti.
In the fifth generation the children of Israel went up from the land of Egypt.
50. (13, 18) Quinta autem progenie ascenderunt filii Israel de terra Aegypti. Utrum progeniem in centum annis vult computari, et ideo quinta progenie, quia post quadringentos triginta annos? an per hominum generationes hoc potius intellegendum est, ab ipso Iacob qui intravit in Aegyptum, usque ad Moysen qui cum populo egressus est? Iacob enim primus, secundus Levi, tertius Caath, quartus Ambram, quintus Moyses invenitur. Has autem dicit progenies Latinus interpres, quas Graeci [MISSING GREEK TEXT] vocant, quae in Evangelio generationes (Cf. Mt 1, 17) appellantur, nec numerantur nisi per successiones hominum, non per numerum annorum.
50. (13, 18) And in the fifth generation the children of Israel went up from the land of Egypt. Does he mean a generation to be reckoned as a hundred years, and therefore "in the fifth generation" because it was after four hundred and thirty years? Or is this rather to be understood according to the generations of men, from Jacob himself who entered Egypt down to Moses who went out with the people? For Jacob is found first, Levi second, Kohath third, Amram fourth, Moses fifth. These the Latin translator calls generations, which the Greeks call [MISSING GREEK TEXT], and which in the Gospel are called generations (See Matt 1:17), and are numbered only by the successions of men, not by the number of years.
QsHept.2.47.6
Quomodo vera sint verba, cum viderint postea Israelitae Aegyptios.
How the words are true, since the Israelites later saw Egyptians.
51. (14, 13) Dixit autem Moyses: Confidite, et state, et videte salutem quae est a Domino, quam faciet vobis hodie. Sicut enim vidistis Aegyptios hodie, non apponetis amplius videre eos in aeternum tempus. Quomodo accipienda sunt haec verba, cum viderint postea Israelitae Aegyptios? An quia isti qui tunc videbant, non eos ulterius viderunt; quia et illi sunt mortui qui consequebantur, et isti omnes quisque die mortis suae? nam posteri eorum viderunt posteros illorum. An: "non eos videbitis sicut hodie," intellegendum est, "non sicut hodie" persequentes et inimicos, et tanto post vos agmine venientes; ut omnino nulla sit quaestio, nec de aeterno tempore quod hic posuit; quia etsi videbunt se utrique tempore resurrectionis, non sic utique videbunt ut hodie?
51. (14, 13) And Moses said: be confident, and stand firm, and see the salvation that is from the Lord, which he will work for you today. For as you have seen the Egyptians today, you shall see them no more for ever. How are these words to be taken, since the Israelites later saw Egyptians? Is it because those who then saw them did not see them again—since both those who were pursuing died, and all of these too, each on the day of his own death? For their descendants saw the descendants of the others. Or is it to be understood, "you shall not see them as today"—not as today, pursuing and hostile and coming after you in so great a column—so that there is no question at all, not even about the "for ever" which he set here; because, although both will see each other at the time of the resurrection, they will surely not see each other as today?
QsHept.2.47.6
Moyses corde clamat vocis silentio.
Moses cries out with his heart, in the silence of his voice.
52. (14, 15) Quid est quod dixit Dominus ad Moysen: quid tu clamas ad me? cum Scriptura non dixerit aliquid de Moysi vocibus, nec eum orantem commemoraverit; nisi quia intellegi voluit, hoc eum egisse vocis silentio, ut corde clamaret.
52. (14, 15) What does it mean that the Lord said to Moses: why do you cry out to me? since Scripture had not said anything about Moses's words, nor recalled him as praying—unless because he wanted it to be understood that Moses did this in the silence of his voice, crying out with his heart?
QsHept.2.47.6
Virga in qua fiebant miracula.
The rod by which the miracles were done.
53. (14, 16) Et tu leva virgam tuam, et extende manum tuam super mare. Haec est illa virga, in qua fiebant mirabilia, quae modo dicitur esse Moysi: tunc autem fratris eius fuisse dicebatur, quando per illam ipse operabatur.
53. (14, 16) And you, lift up your rod, and stretch out your hand over the sea. This is that rod by which the wonders were done, which is now said to be Moses's; but then it was said to be his brother's, when Moses himself worked through it.
QsHept.2.47.6
Terra pro aqua posita.
"Earth" put for "water."
54. (15, 12) Extendisti dexteram tuam, transvoravit eos terra. Terram pro aqua non mirum est positam. Tota quippe pars ista extrema vel infima mundi, terrae nomine censetur; secundum id quod saepe dicitur: Deus qui fecit coelum et terram (Ps 145, 6): et illius psalmi distributione commemoratis coelestibus: laudate, inquit, Dominum de terra (Ps 148, 7); et ea exsequitur in laude, quae etiam ad aquas pertineant.
54. (15, 12) You stretched out your right hand, the earth swallowed them up. It is no wonder that earth is put for water. For that whole outermost or lowest part of the world is reckoned under the name of earth; according to what is often said: God who made heaven and earth (Ps 146:6 (145)): and in the distribution of that Psalm, after the heavenly things are mentioned, it says: praise the Lord from the earth (Ps 148:7), and goes on to recount in praise the things that pertain also to the waters.
QsHept.2.47.6
Quomodo Spiritus Dei iam quinto memoretur.
How the Spirit of God is now mentioned for the fifth time.
55. (15, 10. 8) Misisti Spiritum tuum, et cooperunt eos mare. Ecce iam quinto commemoratur Spiritus Dei, ut in hoc numero accipiamus et quod dictum est: digitus Dei est hoc (Ex 8, 19). Primo, ubi Scriptum est: Spiritus Dei superferebatur super aquas (Gen 1, 2): secundo, ubi dicitur: non permanebit in istis hominibus Spiritus meus, quoniam carnes sunt (Gen 6, 3): tertio, ubi Pharao dicit ad Ioseph: quoniam Spiritus Dei est in te (Gen 41, 38): quarto, ubi incantatores Aegyptiorum dicunt: digitus Dei est hoc: quinto, in hoc cantico: misisti Spiritum tuum, et cooperuit eos mare (Ex 15, 8).
55. (15, 10. 8) You sent your Spirit, and the sea covered them. See, now for the fifth time the Spirit of God is mentioned—if we count in this number also what was said: this is the finger of God (Exod 8:19). First, where it is written: the Spirit of God was borne over the waters (Gen 1:2); second, where it is said: my Spirit shall not abide in these men, for they are flesh (Gen 6:3); third, where Pharaoh says to Joseph: for the Spirit of God is in you (Gen 41:38); fourth, where the magicians of the Egyptians say: this is the finger of God; fifth, in this song: you sent your Spirit, and the sea covered them (Exod 15:8).
QsHept.2.47.6
Meminerimus autem Spiritum Dei non solum ad beneficia, verum etiam ad vindictam commemorari. Nam quid aliud etiam supra dixit: per Spiritum irae tuae divisa est aqua? Iste itaque Spiritus Dei in Aegyptios, Spiritus irae eius fuit, quibus nocuit aquarum divisio, ut intrantes possent aquis redeuntibus obrui: filiis vero Israel quibus profuit quod aqua divisa est, non fuit ille Spiritus irae Dei.
But let us bear in mind that the Spirit of God is mentioned not only with respect to benefits, but also with respect to vengeance. For what else did he say above: by the Spirit of your wrath the water was divided? This Spirit of God, therefore, was toward the Egyptians the Spirit of his wrath, to whom the dividing of the waters did harm, so that as they entered they could be overwhelmed by the returning waters; but to the children of Israel, whom the dividing of the water benefited, that was not the Spirit of God's wrath.
QsHept.2.47.6
Unde significatur propter diversas operationes et effectus Spiritum Dei dissimiliter appellari, cum sit unus atque idem ille duntaxat, qui etiam Spiritus Sanctus in unitate Trinitatis accipitur. Proinde non arbitror alium quam eumdem significari, ubi dicit Apostolus: non enim accepistis Spiritum servitutis iterum in timorem; sed accepistis Spiritum adoptionis in quo clamamus: Abba, Pater (Rom 8, 15): quia eodem Spiritu Dei, id est, digito Dei, quo Lex in tabulis lapideis conscripta est (Cf. Ex 31, 18), timor incussus est eis qui gratiam nondum intellegebant, ut de sua infirmitate atque peccatis per Legem convincerentur, et Lex illis fieret paedagogus, a quo perducerentur ad gratiam quae est in fide Iesu Christi (Cf. Gal 3, 22-26).
From this it is signified that, on account of different operations and effects, the Spirit of God is named differently, though it is one and the same Spirit—who is also received as the Holy Spirit in the unity of the Trinity. Accordingly, I do not think any other than the same is signified where the Apostle says: for you did not receive the spirit of slavery again unto fear; but you received the Spirit of adoption, in whom we cry: Abba, Father (Rom 8:15): because by the same Spirit of God, that is, the finger of God, by which the Law was written on tablets of stone (See Exod 31:18), fear was struck into those who did not yet understand grace, so that they might be convicted of their own weakness and sins by the Law, and the Law might become for them a tutor, by whom they might be led to the grace that is in faith in Jesus Christ (See Gal 3:22-26).
QsHept.2.47.6
De hoc autem Spiritu adoptionis et gratiae, id est de hoc opere Spiritus Dei, quo impertitur gratia et regeneratio in vitam aeternam, dicitur: Spiritus autem vivificat; cum supra diceretur littera occidit (2 Cor 3, 6), id est, Lex conscripta, tantummodo iubens, sine adiutorio gratiae.
But concerning this Spirit of adoption and grace—that is, concerning this work of the Spirit of God by which grace and regeneration unto eternal life are imparted—it is said: but the Spirit gives life; when above it had been said, the letter kills (2 Cor 3:6), that is, the written Law, merely commanding, without the help of grace.
QsHept.2.47.6
Si locus dictum est Merra seu Amaritudo a populo Israel
Whether the place was called Marah, or "Bitterness," by the people of Israel.
56. (15, 23-24) Venerunt autem in Merra, et non poterant bibere de Merra; amara enim erat. Si propter hoc appellatum est nomen loci eius "amaritudo," quia non potuerunt ibi aquam bibere, quod amara esset (Merra enim interpretatur "Amaritudo"); quomodo venerunt in Merra, nisi quia eo nomine locum Scriptura appellavit, in quem venerunt, quo iam appellabatur cum haec scribebantur? Posterius enim utique scripta sunt, quam illa contigerunt.
56. (15, 23-24) And they came to Marah, and they could not drink of Marah; for it was bitter. If the name of that place was called "bitterness" for this reason, that they could not drink the water there because it was bitter (for Marah means "Bitterness"), how did they come to Marah, unless because Scripture called by that name the place to which they came, by which it was already called when these things were being written? For these things were surely written later than they happened.
QsHept.2.47.6
Genus ligni virgae.
The kind of wood of the rod.
57. (15, 25) Et ostendit ei Dominus lignum, et misit illud in aquam, et facta est aqua dulcis. Genus ligni erat istam habens vim, an quolibet ligno id facere poterat Deus, qui tanta mirabilia faciebat? Hoc tamen videtur significare quod dictum est, ostendit ei, tamquam tale iam lignum esset, quo posset hoc fieri: nisi forte locus erat ubi ligna omnino non inveniebantur, ut hoc ipsum esset divini adiutorii, quod ei lignum Dominus ostendit, ubi nullum erat, et per lignum aquas dulces fecit, praefigurans gloriam et gratiam crucis (Cf. Eccle 38, 5): sed in tali etiam natura ligni, quis nisi Creator et demonstrator laudandus est?
57. (15, 25) And the Lord showed him a piece of wood, and he cast it into the water, and the water became sweet. Was it a kind of wood having this power, or could God, who did such great wonders, do it with any wood whatever? Yet this seems to be signified by what is said, he showed him, as though the wood were already such that this could be done by it: unless perhaps it was a place where wood was not to be found at all, so that this very thing belonged to divine aid—that the Lord showed him wood where there was none, and by the wood made the waters sweet, prefiguring the glory and grace of the Cross (See Sir 38:5); but even in such a nature of the wood, who is to be praised except the Creator and the one who showed it?
QsHept.2.47.6
Tentatio ista probatio est, non ad peccatum seductio.
This testing is a proving, not a seduction into sin.
58. (16, 4) Dixit autem Dominus ad Moysen: 'ecce ego pluam vobis panes de coelo: et exiet populus et colliget unius diei in diem, ut tentem illos si ambulabunt in lege mea, an non.' Tentatio ista probatio est, non ad peccatum seductio: nec ideo probatio ut Deus noverit, sed ut ipsos ipsis hominibus ostendat, quo humiliores fiant ad petendum adiutorium et agnoscendam Dei gratiam.
58. (16, 4) And the Lord said to Moses: 'behold, I will rain down bread for you from heaven; and the people shall go out and gather a day's portion each day, that I may test them, whether they will walk in my law or not.' This testing is a proving, not a seduction into sin; nor is it a proving in order that God may know, but in order to show men to themselves, so that they may become more humble in asking for help and in acknowledging the grace of God.
QsHept.2.47.6
De eo quod Moyses et Aaron dixerunt ad populum murmurantem.
On what Moses and Aaron said to the murmuring people.
59. (16, 8) Moyses et Aaron dicunt ad populum inter caetera: propter quod exaudivit Dominus murmurationem vestram, quam vos murmuratis adversum nos. Nos autem quid sumus? Non enim adversum nos murmur vestrum est, sed adversus Deum. Non ex hoc tantum se valere voluerunt quantum Deus: dixerunt enim: quid sumus nos? ut illi adversus illum se scirent murmurasse, qui istos miserat, et qui per istos operabatur.
59. (16, 8) Moses and Aaron say to the people, among other things: because the Lord has heard your murmuring, which you murmur against us. But what are we? For your murmuring is not against us, but against God. They did not from this mean that they were as powerful as God: for they said, what are we? so that the people might know they had murmured against him who had sent these men and who was working through them.
QsHept.2.47.6
Nec talis illa est sententia, ubi Petrus dicit Ananiae: ausus es mentiri Spiritui Sancto? non hominibus mentitus es, sed Deo (Act 5, 3-4). Non enim ait: "ausus es mentiri mihi? non mihi mentitus es, sed Deo": quod si dixisset, simile fuisset. Neque ita dixit: "ausus es mentiri Spiritui Sancto? non Spiritui Sancto mentitus es, sed Deo": ita enim loquens, negaret Deum esse Spiritum Sanctum. Nunc vero cum dixisset: ausus es mentiri Spiritui Sancto? cum ille se putaret hominibus fuisse mentitum, ipse Spiritum Sanctum Deum esse monstravit subiungens: non hominibus mentitus es, sed Deo.
Nor is that statement of the same kind where Peter says to Ananias: have you dared to lie to the Holy Spirit? you have not lied to men, but to God (Acts 5:3-4). For he does not say: "have you dared to lie to me? you have not lied to me, but to God"—which, had he said it, would have been similar. Nor did he say it thus: "have you dared to lie to the Holy Spirit? you have not lied to the Holy Spirit, but to God"—for speaking so, he would deny that the Holy Spirit is God. But now, when he had said: have you dared to lie to the Holy Spirit? while Ananias thought he had lied to men, Peter showed that the Holy Spirit is God by adding: you have not lied to men, but to God.
QsHept.2.47.6
Manna panum nomine significatur.
The manna is signified by the name of bread.
60. (16, 12) Deus mandat per Moysen populo: ad vesperam edetis carnes, et mane replebimini panibus. Ecce non pro omni alimento panes nominantur. Nam isto nomine et carnes complecterentur, quia et ipsae alimenta sunt: nec tamen panes eos modo dicit, qui fiunt ex frumentis; ipsos enim proprie panes appellare consuevimus: manna autem panum nomine appellat. Non autem vacat quod dicit ad vesperam carnes et mane panes se daturum. Tale quippe aliquid etiam in Elia significatum est, cum ei alimenta corvus afferret (Cf. 3 Reg 17, 6). An forte carnibus ad vesperam et mane panibus ille significatur, qui traditus est propter delicta nostra, et resurrexit propter iustificationem nostram (Rom 4, 25)? Ad vesperam quippe mortuus ex infirmitate sepultus est (Cf. Mt 27, 57 ss), mane autem apparuit discipulis (Cf. Mc 16, 9), qui resurrexerat in virtute.
60. (16, 12) God commands the people through Moses: in the evening you shall eat flesh, and in the morning you shall be filled with bread. See, "bread" is not named for every kind of food. For under that name flesh too would be included, since it also is food; yet he does not now call "bread" those things which are made from grain, for these we are accustomed properly to call "bread": but he calls the manna by the name of bread. Yet it is not without meaning that he says he will give flesh in the evening and bread in the morning. For something like this was signified also in Elijah, when the raven brought him food (See 1 Kgs 17:6). Or perhaps by flesh in the evening and bread in the morning is signified he who was delivered up for our offenses, and rose again for our justification (Rom 4:25)? For in the evening, having died in weakness, he was buried (See Matt 27:57 ff); but in the morning he appeared to the disciples (See Mark 16:9), having risen in power.
QsHept.2.47.6
Dubitatur ubi Aaron poneret vasum ante Deum.
It is doubted where Aaron was to place the vessel before God.
61. (16, 33-34) Et dixit Moyses ad Aaron: 'accipe vas aureum unum, et mitte illud plenum gomor manna, et repones illud ante Deum, ut servetur in progenies, quemadmodum praecepit Dominus.' Quaeri potest, ubi Aaron poneret ante Deum, quando nec ullum simulacrum fuit, nec arca testamenti iam fuerat instituta. An forte ideo de futuro dixit, repones, ut intellegeretur tunc ante Deum posse reponi, quando futura erat arca? an potius, ante Deum, dictum est quod fit ipsa devotione offerendi, in quocumque loco poneretur? ubi enim non est Deus? Sed illud quod adiungit: et reposuit Aaron ante testimonium ad reservandum, priorem magis sensum asserit. Hoc enim modo Scriptura dixit per prolepsim, quod postea factum est, cum esse coepit tabernaculum testimonii.
61. (16, 33-34) And Moses said to Aaron: 'take one golden vessel, and put into it a full omer of manna, and lay it up before God, to be kept for your generations, as the Lord commanded.' It can be asked where Aaron was to place it before God, when there was as yet no image, nor had the ark of the covenant yet been instituted. Or did he perhaps say you shall lay it up in the future tense, so that it might be understood that it could be laid up before God then, when the ark would exist? Or rather, was before God said of what is done by the very devotion of offering, in whatever place it was placed? For where is God not? But what he adds: and Aaron laid it up before the testimony to be kept, rather supports the former sense. For in this way Scripture spoke by prolepsis of what was done afterward, when the tabernacle of the testimony came to exist.
QsHept.2.47.6
Non ederunt filii Israel in eremo nisi manna.
The children of Israel ate nothing in the wilderness but manna.
62. (16, 35) Filii autem Israel ederunt manna annis quadraginta, quoadusque venirent in terram quae inhabitatur. Manna ederunt quoadusque venirent in partem Phoenicis. Significavit Scriptura per prolepsim, id est, hoc loco commemorando quod etiam postea factum est, non edisse filios Israel in eremo nisi manna. Hoc est enim quod ait, usque ad terram quae inhabitatur, id est, quae iam non est eremus: non quia continuo ut venerunt ad terram habitabilem destiterunt vesci manna, sed quia non ante. Traiecto enim Iordane significatur manna cessasse, ubi panes terrae manducaverunt: quando ergo ingressi sunt habitabilem terram, antequam transirent Iordanem, vel tantum manna vesci, vel utroque cibo potuerunt; hoc quippe intellegi potest, quando cessasse manna non dicitur nisi Iordane traiecto (Cf. Ios 5, 12; Iudt 5, 15).
62. (16, 35) And the children of Israel ate manna forty years, until they came into an inhabited land. They ate manna until they came into the region of Phoenicia. Scripture signified by prolepsis, that is, by mentioning in this place what was also done afterward, that the children of Israel ate nothing in the wilderness but manna. For this is what it means by until the land that is inhabited, that is, which is no longer wilderness: not that they ceased to eat manna immediately upon coming to habitable land, but that they did not before. For the manna is signified to have ceased once the Jordan was crossed, where they ate the bread of the land: so that when they entered the habitable land, before they crossed the Jordan, they could feed either only on manna or on both kinds of food; for this can be understood, since the manna is not said to have ceased except after the Jordan was crossed (See Josh 5:12; Jdt 5:15).
QsHept.2.47.6
Cur autem in illa eremi inopia etiam carnes desideraverint, quando de Aegypto cum suis valde multis pecoribus exierunt, magna quaestio est. Nisi forte dicatur, cum per eremum pascua tanta non essent, et ex eo minor futura videretur fecunditas pecorum, pepercisse illos pecoribus, ne omnibus deficientibus, etiam sacrificiis necessaria defuissent, vel si quid aliud dici potest, unde quaestio ista solvatur. Congruentius tamen creditur non eos carnes desiderasse, quas de pecoribus habere poterant; sed eas quae deerant, ex aquis videlicet. Ipsas quippe in illa eremo non inveniebant: unde et illis ortygometra data est, id est, aves, quas coturnices multi Latine interpretati sunt (Cf. Ex 16, 13), cum sit aliud genus avium ortygometra, quamvis coturnicibus non usquequaque dissimile. Noverat enim Deus quid desiderarent, et desiderium eorum quo carnis genere satiaret. Sed quia Scriptura concupivisse illos carnes dixerat, nec expresserat cuiusmodi carnes, ideo quaestio facta est.
But why, in the want of that wilderness, they also longed for flesh, when they had come out of Egypt with their very many cattle, is a great question. Unless perhaps it be said that, since there were not such great pastures throughout the wilderness, and the fruitfulness of the cattle seemed likely on that account to be less, they spared the cattle, lest, if all failed, the things necessary for sacrifices too should be lacking—or whatever else can be said by which this question may be resolved. Yet it is more fittingly believed that they did not long for the flesh which they could have from their cattle, but for that which was lacking, namely from the waters. For these they did not find in that wilderness: whence the ortygometra was given to them, that is, birds which many have rendered into Latin as "quail" (See Exod 16:13), though the ortygometra is a different kind of bird, although not altogether unlike the quail. For God knew what they longed for, and with what kind of flesh he might satisfy their longing. But because Scripture had said they craved flesh, and had not specified what kind of flesh, the question therefore arose.
QsHept.2.47.6
De verbis: Quousque venirent in partem Phoenicis.
On the words: Until they came into the region of Phoenicia.
63. (16, 35) Manna ederunt quoadusque venirent in partem Phoenicis. Iam dixerat: quousque venirent ad terram quae inhabitatur; sed quia non expresserat proprie quam diceret, repetitione videtur quamdam proprietatem expressisse, dicendo, in partem Phoenicis. Sed tunc illam terram sic credendum est appellatam; modo enim hoc non vocatur nomine. Alia quippe est quae Phoenice appellatur regio Tyri et Sidonis, qua illos transisse non legitur. Quamquam Scriptura fortasse potuerit terram Phoenicis appellare, ubi palmarum arbores iam esse coeperant post eremi vastitatem; quoniam palma Graece sic appellatur. Initio enim profectionis suae invenerunt locum, ubi septuaginta palmarum arbores fuerant, et duodecim fontes (Cf. Ex 15, 27): sed postea eos excepit eremi prolixitas, ubi tale aliquid; non fuit, quousque venirent ad loca quae colebantur. Verum ille sensus est probabilior, ut credamus sic appellatam tunc fuisse terram. Multarum enim terrarum et locorum, sicut fluminum et urbium, nomina certis existentibus causis antiquitate mutata sunt.
63. (16, 35) They ate manna until they came into the region of Phoenicia. He had already said: until they came into the inhabited land; but because he had not expressed properly which land he meant, by repetition he seems to have expressed a certain proper name by saying into the region of Phoenicia. But it is to be believed that that land was then so called; for now it is not called by this name. For that region of Tyre and Sidon which is called Phoenicia is another, which they are not read to have passed through. Although Scripture could perhaps have called "the land of Phoenicia" the place where palm trees had begun to be after the desolation of the wilderness, since in Greek the palm is so called. For at the beginning of their journey they found a place where there had been seventy palm trees and twelve springs (See Exod 15:27); but afterward the length of the wilderness received them, where there was nothing of the kind, until they came to lands that were cultivated. But that sense is more probable, that we believe the land was then so called. For the names of many lands and places, as of rivers and cities, have been changed with antiquity for definite reasons.
QsHept.2.47.6
Flumen Aaron legitur, non Moyses, virga percussisse.
It is Aaron, not Moses, who is read to have struck the river with the rod.
64. (17, 5) Et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: 'antecede populum; sume autem tecum de senioribus populi; et virgam de qua percussisti flumen, accipe in manu tua.' Flumen Aaron legitur, non Moyses, virga percussisse (Cf. Ex 7, 19). Nam Moyses eadem virga mare divisit, non flumen (Cf. Ex 14, 21): quid sibi ergo vult: accipe virgam in qua percussisti flumen? An forte mare appellavit flumen? quaerendum exemplum locutionis huius, si ita est. An quod Aaron fecit, Moysi potius tributum est, quia per Moysen Deus iubebat, quae faceret Aaron; et in Moyse auctoritas, in illo autem ministerium fuit: quandoquidem et primis suis verbis Deus hoc illi ait de fratre suo: erit tibi ad populum, tu illi quae ad Deum (Ex 4, 16)?
64. (17, 5) And the Lord said to Moses: 'go before the people; take with you some of the elders of the people; and take in your hand the rod with which you struck the river.' It is Aaron, not Moses, who is read to have struck the river with the rod (See Exod 7:19). For Moses with the same rod divided the sea, not the river (See Exod 14:21): what then does this mean: take the rod with which you struck the river? Or did he perhaps call the sea a river? If so, an example of this manner of speaking must be sought. Or was what Aaron did rather attributed to Moses, because through Moses God commanded what Aaron should do; and in Moses was the authority, but in Aaron the ministry? Since indeed in his very first words God said this to Moses about his brother: he shall be to you as a mouth to the people, and you to him as the things that pertain to God (Exod 4:16)?
QsHept.2.47.6
Quomodo dicatur virga Dei quae prius dicta est virga Moysi et Aaron.
How it is called the rod of God which was earlier called the rod of Moses and Aaron.
65. (17, 9.) Et ecce ego sto super cacumen collis, et virga Dei in manu mea, dicit Moyses ad Iesum Nave, cum praeciperet pugnari adversus Amalech. Nunc ergo virga Dei dicitur, quae primum dicta est virga Aaron, postea virga Moysi: sicut dicitur spiritus Eliae qui est Spiritus Dei (Cf. Lc 1, 17), cuius particeps factus est Elias; sic illa potuit dici. Dicitur etiam Dei iustitia, quae nostra est, sed donata a Deo: de qua loquens Apostolus, Iudaeos arguit dicens: ignorantes Dei iustitiam, et suam iustitiam volentes constituere (Rom 10, 3), id est, tamquam a se sibi paratam; contra quales dicit: quid enim habes quod non accepisti? (1 Cor 4, 7).
65. (17, 9) And behold, I stand upon the top of the hill, with the rod of God in my hand, says Moses to Joshua son of Nun, when he commanded that battle be given against Amalek. Now, then, it is called the rod of God, which was first called the rod of Aaron, afterward the rod of Moses: just as the spirit of Elijah is called what is the Spirit of God (See Luke 1:17), of whom Elijah was made a partaker; so could that rod be called. It is also called the righteousness of God, which is ours but given by God: of which the Apostle, speaking, reproves the Jews, saying: being ignorant of the righteousness of God, and wishing to establish their own righteousness (Rom 10:3), that is, as though prepared by themselves for themselves; against such he says: for what do you have that you did not receive? (1 Cor 4:7).
QsHept.2.47.6
Ubi ante Deum vel coram Deo manducasse dicuntur panem.
Where they are said to have eaten bread before God or in the presence of God.
66. (18, 12) Venit autem et Aaron et omnes seniores Israel manducare panem cum socero Moysi ante Deum, vel, sicut alii codices habent, coram Deo; quod Graece scriptum est ἐναντίον τοῦ θεοῦ. Quaeritur ubi ante Deum, quando nec tabernaculum fuit, nec arca testamenti, quae postea sunt instituta. Neque enim et hic de futuro dictum accipere possumus, sicut dictum est de manna quod positum est in vase aureo. Ergo ante Deum id accipere debemus factum, quod in honorem Dei factum est: ubi enim non Deus?
66. (18, 12) And Aaron came, and all the elders of Israel, to eat bread with the father-in-law of Moses before God, or, as other manuscripts have it, in the presence of God; which in Greek is written enantion tou theou. It is asked where "before God," when there was as yet no tabernacle, nor ark of the covenant, which were instituted afterward. For here we cannot take it as said of the future, as it was said of the manna that was placed in the golden vessel. Therefore we ought to take before God as meaning what was done in honor of God: for where is God not?
QsHept.2.47.6
Verba quae Moyses socero dixit.
The words that Moses said to his father-in-law.
67. (18, 15-16) Moyses socero dixit: quia venit ad me populus inquirere iudicium a Deo; cum eis contigerit disceptatio, et venerint ad me, iudico unumquemque, et moneo eos praecepta Dei et Legem eius. Quaeri potest quomodo ista Moyses dixerit, cum lex Dei adhuc nulla conscripta esset: nisi quia lex Dei sempiterna est, quam consulunt omnes piae mentes, ut quod in ea invenerint, vel faciant, vel iubeant, vel vetent, secundum quod illa incommutabili veritate praeceperit. Numquid enim Moyses, quamvis cum illo Deus loqueretur, per singula credendum est quod consulere soleret Deum, si quid esset in disceptationibus tantae multitudinis, quae illum in hoc iudicandi negotio a mane usque ad vesperam detinebat? Et tamen nisi suae menti praesidentem Dominum consuleret, Legemque eius aeternam sapienter attenderet, quid iustissimum iudicare inter disceptantes posset, non inveniret.
67. (18, 15-16) Moses said to his father-in-law: because the people come to me to seek judgment from God; when a dispute arises among them, and they come to me, I judge each one, and I instruct them in the precepts of God and his Law. It can be asked how Moses said these things, when no law of God had yet been written: unless because the law of God is eternal, which all pious minds consult, so that what they find in it they may either do, or command, or forbid, according as it, by its unchangeable truth, has prescribed. For surely we are not to believe that Moses, although God spoke with him, used in each particular case to consult God, if anything arose in the disputes of so great a multitude, which kept him at this business of judging from morning until evening? And yet, unless he consulted the Lord presiding over his own mind, and wisely attended to his eternal Law, he could not find what was most just to judge between the disputants.
QsHept.2.47.6
Iothor consilium dat genero suo Moysi.
Jethro gives counsel to his son-in-law Moses.
68. (18, 18-19) In eo quod Iothor consilium dat genero suo Moysi, ne occupatus iudiciis populi et ipse et populus consumatur consumptione intolerabili; prima quaestio est, cur hoc Deus famulum suum, cum quo ipse tanta et talia loquebatur, ab alienigena passus est admoneri. In quo Scriptura nos admonet, per quemlibet hominem detur consilium veritatis, non debere contemni. Videndum etiam ne forte ibi voluerit Deus ab alienigena admoneri Moysen, ubi et ipsum posset tentare superbia: sedebat enim iudiciaria sublimitate solus, universo populo stante. Nam hunc sensum indicat, cum ipse Iothor eos eligi iussit ad iudicandas causas populi, qui odissent superbiam (Cf. Ex 18, 21). Deinde quam sit observandum quod alibi Scriptura dicit: fili, ne in multis sint actus tui (Eccli 11, 10); satis et hic apparet. Deinde verba Iothor dantis consilium Moysi consideranda sunt: dicit enim: nunc itaque audi me, et consilium dabo tibi, et erit Deus tecum. Ubi mihi videtur significari, nimis intentum humanis actionibus animum, Deo quodammodo vacuari, quo fit tanto plenior, quanto in superna atque aeterna liberius extenditur.
68. (18, 18-19) In the matter of Jethro giving counsel to his son-in-law Moses, lest, occupied with the people's judgments, both he and the people be worn out with an unbearable wearing-out, the first question is why God allowed his servant—with whom he himself spoke such great and such things—to be admonished by a foreigner. In which Scripture admonishes us that the counsel of truth, by whatever man it be given, ought not to be despised. It must also be considered whether perhaps God willed Moses to be admonished by a foreigner in a matter in which pride might also tempt him: for he sat alone in judicial eminence, while the whole people stood. For this sense is indicated, since Jethro himself ordered that those be chosen to judge the people's cases who hated pride (See Exod 18:21). Then how much it is to be observed what Scripture says elsewhere: my son, let not your activities be in many things (Sir 11:10)—this appears well enough here too. Then the words of Jethro giving counsel to Moses are to be considered: for he says: now therefore listen to me, and I will give you counsel, and God will be with you. Here it seems to me to be signified that a mind too intent on human activities is in a manner emptied of God—whereby it becomes the fuller, the more freely it is stretched out toward heavenly and eternal things.
QsHept.2.47.6
Iothor ab ipso Moyse removit graves et periculosas occupationes.
Jethro removed grave and dangerous occupations from Moses himself.
69. (18, 19-21) Quod vero adiungit et dicit: esto tu populo quae ad Deum, et referes verba eorum ad Deum: et testaberis illis praecepta Dei et Legem eius; et demonstrabis illis vias in quibus ambulabunt in eis, et opera quae facient; cum populo universo haec agenda esse demonstrat. Non enim ait: "uniuscuiusque verba refer ad Deum," sed verba eorum, cum supra dixisset: esto tu populo quae ad Deum sunt. Post haec admonet ne singulorum negotia, quae inter se habent, deserantur, electis videlicet potentibus viris Deum colentibus, iustis, et qui oderint superbiam, quos constitueret super millenos, alios super centenos, alios super quinquagenos, alios super denos.
69. (18, 19-21) But what he further adds, saying: be you for the people the things that pertain to God, and you shall bring their words to God; and you shall testify to them the precepts of God and his Law; and you shall show them the ways in which they are to walk in them, and the works which they are to do; this he shows is to be done with the whole people. For he does not say: "bring the words of each one to God," but their words, when he had said above: be you for the people the things that pertain to God. After these things he admonishes that the affairs of individuals, which they have among themselves, not be neglected—powerful men, namely, having been chosen, men worshiping God, just, and who hate pride, whom he should set, some over thousands, others over hundreds, others over fifties, others over tens.
QsHept.2.47.6
Sic et ab ipso Moyse removit graves et periculosas occupationes, nec istos gravavit. Quandoquidem ipsi mille haberent unum super se, et sub illo haberent alios decem, et sub eis alios viginti, et sub his alios centum, ut vix aliquid ad singulos quosque praepositos perveniret, quod iudicare necesse haberent. Insinuatur hic etiam humilitatis exemplum, quod Moyses, cum quo loquebatur Deus, non fastidivit, neque contempsit alienigenae soceri sui consilium.
Thus he both removed grave and dangerous occupations from Moses himself, and did not burden these men. For the thousand themselves would have one over them, and under him others—ten; and under these others—twenty; and under these others—a hundred; so that scarcely anything would reach each of the individual overseers which they would need to judge. Here also an example of humility is suggested, in that Moses, with whom God spoke, did not disdain nor despise the counsel of his foreign father-in-law.
QsHept.2.47.6
Quamquam et ipse Iothor, cum Israelita non fuisset, utrum inter viros Deum verum colentes religioseque sapientes habendus sit, quemadmodum et Iob, cum ex ipso populo non fuisset, merito quaeritur: imo credibilius habetur. Ambigue quippe posita sunt verba, vel utrum sacrificaverit Deo vero in populo eius, quando vidit generum suum, vel utrum eum adoraverit ipse Moyses:
Although Jethro himself, since he was not an Israelite, is rightly asked whether he is to be counted among the men who worshiped the true God and were religiously wise—as Job too, since he was not from that people—rather, it is held the more credible. For the words are ambiguously set down, both as to whether he sacrificed to the true God among his people when he saw his son-in-law, and as to whether Moses himself worshiped him:
QsHept.2.47.6
quamquam de adoratione etiam si expresse positum esset, honor videretur socero redditus, eo modo quo solet hominibus honorificentiae causa exhiberi a Patribus; sicut de Abraham scriptum est, quod adoraverit filios Chet (Cf. Gen 23, 7). Quos [MISSING GREEK TEXT] autem dicat post "decuriones," non facile sciri potest; quoniam hoc nomen in nullo usu habemus, vel officiorum, vel magisteriorum. Nam quidam doctores interpretati sunt, ut intellegantur utique litterarum, qui introducant in litteras, sicut resonat Graecum vocabulum.
although, concerning the act of worship, even if it had been expressly stated, it would seem an honor rendered to the father-in-law, in the manner accustomed to be shown to men by the patriarchs for honor's sake; as it is written of Abraham that he bowed down to the sons of Heth (See Gen 23:7). But whom he means by [MISSING GREEK TEXT] after the "captains of tens" cannot easily be known, since we have this name in no use, either of offices or of teaching positions. For some have rendered it teachers, so that those of letters are understood, who introduce people to letters, as the Greek word sounds.
QsHept.2.47.6
Hic sane significatur quod ante Legem datam habuerint Hebraei litteras: quae quando coeperint esse, nescio utrum valeat indagari. Nonnullis enim videtur a primis hominibus eas coepisse, et perductas esse ad Noe, atque inde ad parentes Abrahae, et inde ad populum Israel: sed unde hoc probari possit, ignoro.
Here indeed it is signified that the Hebrews had letters before the Law was given: when these began to exist, I do not know whether it can be investigated. For to some it seems they began with the first men, and were carried down to Noah, and from there to the parents of Abraham, and from there to the people of Israel; but how this can be proved, I do not know.
QsHept.2.47.6
Quomodo significetur quinquagesimo die ab exitu Israel de Aegypto data lex, scripta digito Dei.
How it is signified that the Law, written by the finger of God, was given on the fiftieth day from Israel's exodus from Egypt.
70. (19, 1-3. 10-11) Mensis autem tertii exitus filiorum Israel de terra Aegypti hac die venerunt in eremum Sina, et profecti sunt ex Raphidin, et venerunt in eremum Sina, et applicuit Israel ibi contra montem, et Moyses ascendit in montem Dei, et vocavit eum Dominus de monte dicens: 'haec dices domui Iacob, et nuntiabis filiis Israel, et caetera.' Deinde paulo post: descende, et testare populo, et purifica illos hodie et cras, et lavent vestimenta, et sint parati in diem tertium. Tertia enim die descendet Dominus in montem Sina coram omni populo.
70. (19, 1-3. 10-11) And in the third month of the exodus of the children of Israel from the land of Egypt, on this day they came into the wilderness of Sinai; and they set out from Rephidim, and came into the wilderness of Sinai, and Israel encamped there over against the mountain, and Moses went up into the mountain of God, and the Lord called him from the mountain, saying: 'these things you shall say to the house of Jacob, and you shall announce to the children of Israel, and so forth.' Then a little after: go down, and testify to the people, and purify them today and tomorrow, and let them wash their garments, and let them be ready for the third day. For on the third day the Lord will come down upon Mount Sinai in the sight of all the people.
QsHept.2.47.6
Hoc die reperitur data Lex, quae in tabulis lapideis scripta est digito Dei, sicut consequentia docent (Cf. Ex 31, 18). Dies autem iste tertius apparet tertii mensis ab exitu Israel ex Aegypto. Ex die ergo quo Pascha fecerunt, id est, agnum immolaverunt et ederunt, qui fuit quartus decimus primi mensis (Cf. Ex 12, 6), usque ad istum quo Lex datur, dies quinquaginta numerantur: decem et septem scilicet primi mensis, reliqui ab ipso quarto decimo; deinde omnes triginta secundi mensis, qui fiunt quadraginta septem; et tertius tertii mensis, qui est a solemnitate occisi agni quinquagesimus. Ac per hoc in ista umbra futuri, secundum agni immolati diem festum, sicut quinquagesimo die Lex data est, quae conscripta est digito Dei: ita in ipsa veritate Novi Testamenti a festivitate agni immaculati Christi Iesu quinquaginta dies numerantur, ut Spiritus Sanctus de altissimis datus est (Cf. Act 2, 2-4). Digitum Dei autem esse Spiritum Sanctum, et supra iam diximus teste Evangelio (Cf. q. 2, 25).
On this day the Law is found to have been given, which was written on tablets of stone by the finger of God, as what follows shows (See Exod 31:18). And this third day appears to be of the third month from Israel's exodus from Egypt. From the day, then, on which they kept the Passover—that is, sacrificed and ate the lamb, which was the fourteenth of the first month (See Exod 12:6)—until this day on which the Law is given, fifty days are counted: namely seventeen of the first month, those remaining from the fourteenth itself; then all thirty of the second month, which make forty-seven; and the third day of the third month, which is the fiftieth from the solemnity of the slain lamb. And by this, in that shadow of the future, according to the feast day of the immolated lamb, just as the Law was given on the fiftieth day, which was written by the finger of God: so in the very truth of the New Testament, from the festival of the immaculate Lamb Christ Jesus, fifty days are counted, until the Holy Spirit was given from on high (See Acts 2:2-4). And that the finger of God is the Holy Spirit, we have already said above, with the Gospel as witness (See q. 2, 25).
QsHept.2.47.6
Quomodo decem praecepta legis dividenda sint.
How the ten precepts of the Law are to be divided.
71. 1. (20, 1-17) Quaeritur, decem praecepta Legis quemadmodum dividenda sint: utrum quatuor sint usque ad praeceptum de Sabbato, quae ad ipsum Deum pertinent; sex autem reliqua, quorum primum est: honora patrem et matrem, quae ad hominem pertinent: an potius illa tria sint, et ista septem. Qui enim dicunt illa quatuor esse, separant quod dictum est: non erunt tibi dii alii praeter me; ut aliud praeceptum sit: non facies tibi idolum, etc., ubi figmenta colenda prohibentur. Unum autem volunt esse: non concupisces uxorem proximi tui: non concupisces domum proximi tui, et omnia usque in finem.
71. 1. (20, 1-17) It is asked how the ten precepts of the Law are to be divided: whether there are four, down to the precept concerning the Sabbath, which pertain to God himself; and the remaining six, of which the first is, honor your father and mother, which pertain to man; or rather there are three of the former and seven of the latter. For those who say there are four of the former separate what was said: you shall have no other gods besides me; so that it is another precept, you shall not make for yourself an idol, etc., where the worship of images is forbidden. And they want this to be one: you shall not covet your neighbor's wife; you shall not covet your neighbor's house, and all the rest down to the end.
QsHept.2.47.6
Qui vero illa tria esse dicunt, et ista septem, unum volunt esse, quidquid de uno colendo Deo praecipitur, ne aliquid aliud praeter illum pro Deo colatur: haec autem extrema in duo dividunt; ut aliud sit: non concupisces uxorem proximi tui, aliud: non concupisces domum proximi tui. Decem tamen esse praecepta neutri ambigunt, quoniam hoc Scriptura testatur.
But those who say there are three of the former and seven of the latter want whatever is prescribed concerning worshiping the one God to be one—that nothing else besides him be worshiped as God; but they divide these last into two: so that it is one thing, you shall not covet your neighbor's wife, and another, you shall not covet your neighbor's house. Yet that there are ten precepts neither party doubts, since Scripture testifies this.
QsHept.2.47.6
71. 2. Mihi tamen videtur congruentius accipi tria illa, et ista septem, quia et Trinitatem videntur illa quae ad Deum pertinent insinuare diligentius intuentibus. Et revera quod dictum est: non erunt tibi dii alii praeter me, hoc ipsum perfectius explicatur cum prohibentur colenda figmenta. Concupiscentia porro uxoris alienae, et concupiscentia domus alienae, tantum in peccando differunt, ut illi quod dictum est: non concupisces domum proximi tui, adiuncta sint et alia dicente Scriptura, neque agrum eius, neque servum eius, neque ancillam eius, neque bovem eius, neque subiugale eius, neque omne pecus eius, neque quaecumque proximi tui sunt.
71. 2. To me, however, it seems more fitting to take three of the former and seven of the latter, because those that pertain to God also seem, to those who look more carefully, to suggest the Trinity. And in truth, what was said, you shall have no other gods besides me, is more fully explained when the worship of images is forbidden. Moreover, the coveting of another's wife and the coveting of another's house differ so much in the sinning, that to the words you shall not covet your neighbor's house there are joined the other things that Scripture says, nor his field, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his beast of burden, nor any of his cattle, nor whatever is your neighbor's.
QsHept.2.71.2
Discrevisse autem videtur concupiscentiam uxoris alienae a concupiscentia cuiuslibet rei alienae, quando utrumque sic coepit: non concupisces uxorem proximi tui: non concupisces domum proximi tui, et huic coepit caetera adiungere. Non autem cum dixisset: non concupisces uxorem proximi tui, huic connexuit alia dicens, neque domum eius, neque agrum eius, neque servum eius, et caetera: sed omnino apparent haec esse coniuncta quae uno praecepto videntur contineri, et discreta ab illo ubi uxor nominata est. Illud autem ubi dictum est: non erunt tibi dii alii praeter me, apparet huius rei diligentiorem exsecutionem esse in iis quae subiecta sunt. Quo enim pertinet: non facies tibi idolum, neque ullum simulacrum, quaecumque in coelo sunt sursum, et quaecumque in terra deorsum, et quaecumque in aqua sub terra; non adorabis ea, neque servies illis, nisi ad id quod dictum est: non erunt tibi dii alii praeter me?
But it seems to have distinguished the coveting of another's wife from the coveting of any other thing of another's, since it began both thus: you shall not covet your neighbor's wife; you shall not covet your neighbor's house, and to this latter it began to join the rest. For when it had said, you shall not covet your neighbor's wife, it did not connect to this the others, saying, nor his house, nor his field, nor his manservant, and the rest: but it altogether appears that these are joined together, which seem to be contained in one precept, and distinct from that where the wife is named. But that where it was said, you shall have no other gods besides me, appears to have its more careful working-out in the things that are subjoined. For to what does this pertain: you shall not make for yourself an idol, nor any likeness of whatever things are in heaven above, and whatever things are in the earth below, and whatever things are in the water under the earth; you shall not adore them, nor serve them, except to that which was said: you shall have no other gods besides me?
QsHept.2.71.2
71. 3. Sed rursum quaeritur quo differat: non furtum facies, ab eo quod paulo post de non concupiscendis proximi rebus praecipitur. Non quidem omnis qui rem proximi sui concupiscit furatur: sed si omnis qui furatur, rem proximi concupiscit, poterat in illa generalitate, ubi de non concupiscenda re proximi praecipitur, etiam illud quod ad furtum pertinet contineri. Similiter etiam quaeritur, quo differat quod dictum est: non moechaberis, ab eo quod paulo post dicitur: non concupisces uxorem proximi tui. In eo quippe quod dictum est: non moechaberis, poterat et illud intellegi.
71. 3. But again it is asked in what way you shall not steal differs from what is prescribed a little after concerning not coveting one's neighbor's things. Not, indeed, that everyone who covets his neighbor's thing steals; but if everyone who steals covets his neighbor's thing, then under that generality, where it is prescribed not to covet one's neighbor's thing, what pertains to theft too could be contained. Similarly it is also asked in what way you shall not commit adultery differs from what is said a little after: you shall not covet your neighbor's wife. For in what was said, you shall not commit adultery, that too could be understood.
QsHept.2.71.3
Nisi forte in illis duobus praeceptis, non moechandi et non furandi, ipsa opera notata sunt; in his vero extremis ipsa concupiscentia: quae tantum differunt, ut aliquando moechetur, qui non concupiscit uxorem proximi, cum alia aliqua causa illi miscetur; aliquando autem concupiscat, nec ei misceatur, poenam timens: et hoc fortasse Lex ostendere voluit, quod utraque peccata sint.
Unless perhaps in those two precepts, not committing adultery and not stealing, the acts themselves are noted; but in these last, the coveting itself: which differ so much that sometimes a man commits adultery who does not covet his neighbor's wife, when some other cause unites him to her; while sometimes he covets and yet is not united to her, fearing punishment: and this perhaps the Law wished to show, that both are sins.
QsHept.2.71.3
71. 4. Item quaeri solet utrum moechiae nomine etiam fornicatio teneatur. Hoc enim Graecum verbum est, quod iam Scriptura utitur pro Latino. Moechos tamen Graece nonnisi "adulteros" dicit. Sed utique ista Lex non solis viris in populo, verum etiam feminis data est. Neque enim quia dictum est: non concupisces uxorem proximi tui, nihil hic sibi praeceptum debet putare femina, et tamquam licite concupiscere virum proximae suae. Si ergo hic ex illo quod viro dictum est, intellegitur, quamvis non dictum sit, quod etiam ad feminam pertineat; quanto magis eo quod dictum est: non moechaberis, uterque sexus astringitur, cum et ipsum praeceptum potest referri ad utrumque, sicut: non occides, non furaberis, et quae alia similiter non expresso uno sexu utrique videntur sonare communiter?
71. 4. Likewise it is commonly asked whether fornication too is included under the name of adultery. For "adultery" (moechia) is a Greek word, which Scripture already uses in place of a Latin one. Yet in Greek moechos means only "adulterers." But surely this Law was given not only to the men among the people, but also to the women. For just because it was said, you shall not covet your neighbor's wife, a woman ought not to think that nothing is here prescribed to her, and that she may, as it were lawfully, covet her neighbor's husband. If, then, here from what was said to a man it is understood—though it was not said—that it pertains also to a woman, how much more by what was said, you shall not commit adultery, is each sex bound, since the precept itself can be referred to both, just as: you shall not kill, you shall not steal, and the others which likewise, with no one sex expressed, seem to speak to both in common?
QsHept.2.71.4
Tamen ubi unus exprimitur, honoratior utique exprimitur, id est masculinus, ut ex hoc intellegat etiam femina quid sibi praeceptum sit. Ac per hoc si femina moecha est, habens virum, concumbendo cum eo qui vir eius non est, etiamsi ille non habeat uxorem; profecto moechus est et vir habens uxorem, concumbendo cum ea quae uxor eius non est, etiamsi illa non habeat virum. Sed utrum, si faciat qui uxorem non habeat, vel femina quae virum non habet, praecepti huius transgressione teneantur, merito quaeritur. Si enim non tenentur, non est prohibita in Decalogo fornicatio, sed sola moechia, id est, adulterium: quamvis omnis moechia etiam fornicatio esse intellegitur, sicut loquuntur Scripturae. Dominus enim dicit in Evangelio: quicumque dimiserit uxorem suam, excepta causa fornicationis, facit eam moechari (Mt 5, 32). Hic utique fornicationem appellavit, si cum alio peccet quae virum habet, quod est moechia, id est, adulterium. Omnis ergo moechia etiam fornicatio in Scripturis dicitur.
Yet where one is expressed, it is surely the more honored that is expressed, that is, the masculine, so that from this the woman too may understand what is prescribed to her. And by this, if a woman who has a husband is an adulteress by lying with one who is not her husband, even if he have no wife; surely a man who has a wife is also an adulterer by lying with one who is not his wife, even if she have no husband. But whether, if one who has no wife does this, or a woman who has no husband, they are held by the transgression of this precept, is rightly asked. For if they are not held, fornication is not forbidden in the Decalogue, but only adultery; although all adultery is understood to be fornication too, as the Scriptures speak. For the Lord says in the Gospel: whoever puts away his wife, except for the cause of fornication, makes her commit adultery (Matt 5:32). Here he surely called it fornication, if she who has a husband sins with another, which is adultery. All adultery, therefore, is also called fornication in the Scriptures.
QsHept.2.71.4
Sed utrum etiam omnis fornicatio moechia dici possit, in eisdem Scripturis non mihi interim occurrit locutionis exemplum. Sed si non omnis fornicatio etiam moechia dici potest, ubi sit in Decalogo prohibita illa fornicatio, quam faciunt viri qui uxores non habent, cum feminis quae maritos non habent, utrum inveniri possit, ignoro. Sed si furti nomine bene intellegitur omnis illicita usurpatio rei alienae (non enim rapinam permisit qui furtum prohibuit; sed utique a parte totum intellegi voluit, quidquid illicite rerum proximi aufertur); profecto et nomine moechiae omnis illicitus concubitus, atque illorum membrorum non legitimus usus prohibitus debet intellegi.
But whether all fornication too can be called adultery, no example of such usage in those same Scriptures occurs to me for the moment. But if not all fornication can also be called adultery, where in the Decalogue that fornication is forbidden which men who have no wives commit with women who have no husbands, I do not know whether it can be found. But if under the name of theft is rightly understood every unlawful usurpation of another's property (for he who forbade theft did not permit robbery; but surely wished the whole to be understood from a part—whatever is unlawfully taken from a neighbor's goods); then surely under the name of adultery too every unlawful intercourse, and every unlawful use of those members, ought to be understood as forbidden.
QsHept.2.71.4
71. 5. Et quod dictum est: non occides, non putandum est fieri contra hoc praeceptum, quando Lex occidit, vel occidi aliquem Deus iubet. Ille enim facit qui iubet, quando ministerium negare non licet.
71. 5. And as for what was said, you shall not kill, it is not to be thought done against this precept when the Law kills, or when God commands someone to be killed. For he does it who commands, when it is not permitted to refuse the service.
QsHept.2.71.5
71. 6. In eo etiam quod dictum est: falsum testimonium non dices adversus proximum tuum, quaeri solet utrum prohibitum sit omne mendacium: ne forte non sit hoc praeceptum adversus eos qui dicunt tunc esse mentiendum quando id mendacium prodest alicui, et nihil obest ei cui mentiris. Tale quippe non est adversus proximum tuum, ut ideo videatur hoc addidisse Scriptura, quae posset breviter dicere: falsum testimonium non dices, sicut dixit: non occides, non moechaberis, non furaberis. Sed hinc magna quaestio est, nec a festinantibus commode explicari potest, quomodo accipiendum sit: perdes omnes qui loquuntur mendacium (Ps 5, 7); et: noli velle mentiri omne mendacium (Eccli 7, 14); et caetera huiusmodi.
71. 6. In what was also said, you shall not bear false witness against your neighbor, it is commonly asked whether every lie is forbidden: lest perhaps this precept be not against those who say that one may then lie, when the lie profits someone and does no harm to the one you lie to. For such a lie is not against your neighbor, so that Scripture seems to have added this for that reason—Scripture, which could have said briefly, you shall not bear false witness, as it said, you shall not kill, you shall not commit adultery, you shall not steal. But here there is a great question, which cannot be conveniently explained by those in haste, how this is to be taken: you will destroy all who speak a lie (Ps 5:7 (6)); and: be not willing to tell any lie at all (Sir 7:14); and other things of this kind.
QsHept.2.71.6
Quomodo ibidem populus dicatur vidisse vocem.
How the people there are said to have seen the voice.
72. (20, 18) Et omnis populus videbat vocem, et lampadas, et vocem tubae, et montem fumantem. Solet quaeri quomodo populus videbat vocem, cum vox non ad visum, sed potius ad auditum pertinere videatur. Sed sicut modo dixi: "videatur," de omnibus quae a me dicta sunt; sic, videre solet pro generali sensu poni, non solum corporis, verum etiam animi: unde et illud est: cum vidisset Iacob quia sunt escae in Aegypto (Gen 42, 1); unde utique absens erat. Quamquam nonnulli "videre" vocem nihil aliud esse arbitrati sunt quam "intellegere," qui visus mentis est.
72. (20, 18) And all the people saw the voice, and the lamps, and the sound of the trumpet, and the mountain smoking. It is commonly asked how the people saw the voice, since a voice seems to pertain not to sight but rather to hearing. But just as I said a moment ago "seems," of all that has been said by me; so "to see" is commonly used for the general faculty of perception, not only of the body but also of the mind: whence is that saying, when Jacob saw that there was food in Egypt (Gen 42:1)—from which he was surely absent. Although some have thought that "to see" a voice is nothing other than "to understand," which is the sight of the mind.
QsHept.2.71.6
Cum vero hic breviter dicendum esset quod populus videbat vocem et lampadas, et vocem tubae ac montem fumantem, quaestio maior oriretur quomodo audiebat lampadas et montem fumantem, quod pertinet ad sensum videndi. Nisi quis dicat, nec tam breviter dicendum fuisse; sed, ut totum diceretur, "audiebat vocem, et videbat lampadas, et audiebat vocem tubae, et videbat montem fumantem." Duo quippe genera vocis erant, et de nubibus, sicut tonitrua, et de tuba; si tamen ipsam dixit vocem quae de nubibus edebatur.
But since it had here to be said briefly that the people saw the voice and the lamps, and the sound of the trumpet and the mountain smoking, a greater question would arise as to how they heard the lamps and the smoking mountain, which pertains to the sense of sight. Unless someone should say that it ought not to have been said so briefly, but, that the whole might be said, "they heard the voice, and saw the lamps, and heard the sound of the trumpet, and saw the mountain smoking." For there were two kinds of sound, both from the clouds, like thunder, and from the trumpet; if indeed he called a "voice" that which was uttered from the clouds.
QsHept.2.71.6
Ac per hoc melius in iis quae ad sensum audiendi pertinebant, generalis sensus est positus, hoc est, videndi, cum breviter totum vellet Scriptura complecti, quam ut in iis quae pertinent ad videndi sensum, subintellegeretur auditus: quo more loqui non solemus. Nam: "vide quid sonet," solemus dicere: "audi quid luceat, non solemus."
And by this it was better, in those things that pertained to the sense of hearing, that the general faculty was put, that is, of sight, when Scripture wished to embrace the whole briefly, than that in those things which pertain to the sense of sight, hearing should be understood: a manner in which we are not accustomed to speak. For "see what it sounds like," we are accustomed to say: "hear what shines," we are not accustomed to say.
QsHept.2.71.6
Quomodo timorem ad V. Testamentum pertinere significatur.
How fear is signified to pertain to the Old Testament.
73. (20, 19) Loquere tu nobis, et non loquatur ad nos Deus, ne quando moriamur. Multum et solide significatur, ad Vetus Testamentum timorem potius pertinere, sicut ad Novum dilectionem: quamquam et in Vetere Novum lateat, et in Novo Vetus pateat. Quomodo autem tali populo tribuatur videre vocem Dei, si hoc "accipiendum" est intellegere, cum sibi loqui Deum timeant ne moriantur, non satis elucet.
73. (20, 19) Speak you to us, and let not God speak to us, lest we die. It is greatly and solidly signified that fear rather pertains to the Old Testament, as love to the New: although in the Old the New lies hidden, and in the New the Old lies open. But how it is granted to such a people to see the voice of God, if this is to be taken as "to understand," when they fear that God should speak to them lest they die, is not sufficiently clear.
QsHept.2.71.6
Quomodo Deus tentet.
How God tests.
74. (20, 20) Et dixit eis Moyses: 'constantes estote: propterea enim venit Deus ad vos, tentare vos ut sit timor eius in vobis, ne peccetis.' Sic illi cohibendi fuerant a peccatis, utique timendo ne poenas sensibiles paterentur; quia nondum poterant amare iustitiam: et in hoc erat illis tentatio a Domino, qua probabantur, ut appareret cuiusmodi essent; non ut Deo noti fierent, quem non latebant qualescumque essent, sed ut inter se ac sibimet. Multum tamen istis terroribus Testamenti Veteris differentia commendatur, quod etiam in Epistola ad Hebraeos apertissime dictum est (Cf. Hebr 12, 24-28).
74. (20, 20) And Moses said to them: 'be steadfast; for God has come to you for this, to test you, that the fear of him may be in you, lest you sin.' So they had to be restrained from sins, namely by fearing lest they suffer sensible punishments; because they could not yet love righteousness: and in this was for them a testing from the Lord, by which they were proved, so that it might appear what kind of people they were; not that they might become known to God, from whom they were not hidden, of whatever kind they were, but that they might be known among themselves and to themselves. Yet by these terrors the difference of the Old Testament is greatly commended, which is also stated most plainly in the Letter to the Hebrews (See Heb 12:24-28).
QsHept.2.71.6
Quomodo Deus in nebula erit.
How God will be in the cloud.
75. (20, 21) Moyses autem intravit in nebulam, ubi erat Deus: id est, ubi expressiora fiebant signa, quibus cognosceretur Deus. Nam quomodo in nebula erat, cui coeli coelorum non sufficiunt; nisi quemadmodum nusquam non est, qui in loco nullo est?
75. (20, 21) And Moses entered into the cloud, where God was: that is, where the more express signs were made by which God might be known. For how was he in a cloud, for whom the heaven of heavens does not suffice; unless in the same way as he is nowhere absent, who is in no place?
QsHept.2.71.6
Omnia simulacra prohibuntur.
All images are forbidden.
76. (20, 23) Non facietis vobis deos argenteos, et deos aureos non facietis vobis ipsis. Repetitur quod in primo praecepto inculcatum est; et ex diis argenteis et aureis utique omnia simulacra intelleguntur, sicut in illo etiam Psalmo: idola gentium argentum et aurum (Ps 113, 12; 134, 15).
76. (20, 23) You shall not make for yourselves gods of silver, and gods of gold you shall not make for yourselves. What was inculcated in the first precept is repeated; and by gods of silver and gold all images are surely understood, as also in that Psalm: the idols of the nations are silver and gold (Ps 115:4 (113); 135:15 (134)).
QsHept.2.71.6
De servo hebraeo praecipitur ut sex annos serviat et dimittatur liber gratis.
Concerning the Hebrew slave it is prescribed that he serve six years and be sent away free without payment.
77. (21, 2) Quae de servo Hebraeo praecipiuntur, ut sex annos serviat, et dimittatur liber gratis, ne servi Christiani hoc flagitarent a dominis suis, apostolica auctoritas iubet servos dominis suis esse subditos, ne nomen Dei et doctrina blasphemetur (Cf. Eph 6, 5; 1 Tim 6, 1). Illud enim ex hoc satis constat in mysterio praeceptum, quia et pertundi subula eius aurem ad postem praecepit Deus, qui libertatem illam recusasset (Cf. Ex 21, 6).
77. (21, 2) As for what is prescribed concerning the Hebrew slave—that he serve six years and be sent away free without payment—lest Christian slaves should demand this from their masters, apostolic authority commands slaves to be subject to their masters, lest the name of God and the teaching be blasphemed (See Eph 6:5; 1 Tim 6:1). For that this was prescribed as a mystery is sufficiently clear from this, that God commanded the ear of one who had refused that freedom to be pierced with an awl against the doorpost (See Exod 21:6).
QsHept.2.71.6
Quomodo verba quae de ancilla subduntur obscura sint et explanari debeant.
How the words that follow concerning the maidservant are obscure and need to be explained.
78. 1. (21, 7-11) Si quis autem vendiderit filiam suam famulam, non abibit ita ut recedunt ancillae. Quod si non placuerit domino suo, quam non annominavit eam, remunerabit eam. Genti autem exterae non est dominus vendere illam, quoniam sprevit in ea. Quod si filio annominaverit eam, secundum iustificationem filiarum faciet ei. Quod si aliam accipiet ei, quae opus sunt, et vestem, et conversationem eius non fraudabit. Si autem tria haec non fecerit ei, exibit gratis sine pretio. Obscurissimum istum locum inusitata verba locutionesque fecerunt, ita ut interpretes nostri quemadmodum eum explicarent, pene non invenirent. In ipso quoque graeco eloquio multum obscurum est quod hic dicitur. Tamen quid videatur, ut potero, aperiam.
78. 1. (21, 7-11) But if anyone sells his daughter as a servant, she shall not go away as the maidservants depart. But if she does not please her master, who has not betrothed her, he shall recompense her. But it is not for the master to sell her to a foreign nation, since he has spurned her. But if he betroths her to his son, he shall deal with her according to the right of daughters. But if he takes another for him, he shall not defraud her of what is needful, and clothing, and her companionship. But if he does not do these three things for her, she shall go out free without price. Unusual words and expressions have made this passage most obscure, so that our translators almost did not find how to explain it. In the Greek diction itself, too, what is said here is very obscure. Yet I will, as I can, set forth what seems to be the case.
QsHept.2.71.6
78. 2. Si quis autem, inquit, vendiderit filiam suam famulam, id est ut sit famula, quam Graeci vocant οἰκέτης: non abibit ita ut recedunt ancillae, intellegendum est, non sic recedet, quomodo recedunt ancillae Hebraeae post sex annos. Eam quippe oportet etiam in femina Hebraea Legem datam intellegi, quae servatur in maribus.
78. 2. But if anyone, it says, sells his daughter as a servant, that is, to be a servant, whom the Greeks call oiketes: she shall not go away as the maidservants depart, it is to be understood, she shall not depart as the Hebrew maidservants depart after six years. For one must understand that in the Hebrew woman too the Law was given which is observed in the males.
QsHept.2.71.6
Cur ergo ista non ita recedet, nisi quia in illo famulatu intellegitur humiliata, quod ei se dominus miscuerit? Hoc quippe in consequentibus utcumque clarescit. Sequitur enim et dicit: quod si non placuerit domino suo, quam non annominavit eam, id est non eam fecit uxorem: remunerabit eam, hoc est, quod supra dixit, non abibit ita ut recedunt ancillae. Iustum est quippe aliquid accipere pro eo quod humiliata est; quia non ei se ita miscuit, ut faceret uxorem, id est, ut annominaret eam sibi.
Why, then, will she not depart so, unless because in that servitude she is understood to have been humbled, in that her master had intercourse with her? For this becomes somewhat clear in what follows. For it continues and says: but if she does not please her master, who has not betrothed her, that is, did not make her his wife: he shall recompense her, this is what he said above, she shall not go away as the maidservants depart. For it is just that she receive something for the fact that she was humbled; because he had intercourse with her not in such a way as to make her his wife, that is, to betroth her to himself.
QsHept.2.71.6
Hoc autem quod diximus, remunerabit eam, quidam interpretes dixerunt, redimet eam. Quod si in Graeco dictum esset ἀπολυτρώσεται, scriptum esset sicut scriptum est: et ipse redimet Israel (Ps 129, 8); nam et scriptum est ἀπολυτρώσεται. In hoc autem loco legitur ἀπολυτρώσει, ubi intellegitur quod accipit magis aliquid, quam pro ea datur ut redimatur. Cui enim dabit dominus eius, ut redimat quam ipse famulam possidet? Genti autem exterae non est dominus vendere illam, quia sprevit in ea: id est, non quia sprevit in ea, ideo dominus est vendere illam, id est in tantum ei dominabitur, ut etiam exterae genti eam licite vendat. Hoc est autem sprevit in ea, quod est "sprevit in eam": "sprevit eam" autem, hoc est "humiliavit" eam, id est concumbendo nec uxorem faciendo. Dixit autem Graece ἠθέτησεν, quod nos diximus sprevit, quo verbo Scriptura utitur apud Ieremiam: sicut spernit mulier eum cui commiscetur (Ier 3, 20).
But what we have rendered, he shall recompense her, some translators have rendered, he shall redeem her. But if in the Greek it had been said apolytrosetai, it would have been written as it is written: and he himself will redeem Israel (Ps 130:8 (129)); for there too it is written apolytrosetai. But in this place is read apolytrosei, where it is understood that he receives something, rather than that something is given for her that she may be redeemed. For to whom will her master give, that he may redeem her whom he himself possesses as a servant? But it is not for the master to sell her to a foreign nation, since he has spurned her: that is, not "because he has spurned her, therefore it is for the master to sell her"—that is, he will so far have dominion over her as even to sell her lawfully to a foreign nation. For this is the meaning of he has spurned her—that is, "spurned her"; and "to spurn her" means to have "humbled" her, that is, by lying with her and not making her his wife. He said in Greek ethetesen, which we rendered he has spurned, a word which Scripture uses in Jeremiah: as a woman spurns him with whom she is joined (Jer 3:20).
QsHept.2.71.6
78. 3. Deinde sequitur et dicit: quod si filio annominaverit eam, secundum iustificationem filiarum faciet ei. Hic iam apparere incipit quemadmodum supra dixerit, quam non annominaverit eam. Nam quid est aliud, si filio annominaverit eam, nisi "filio coniunxerit eam uxorem"? quandoquidem dicit, secundum iustificationem filiarum faciet ei, id est, "ut sic tradat tamquam filiam," dotem scilicet apponens ei. Deinde adiungit: quod si aliam accipiet ei, id est non istam deputaverit uxorem filio suo, sed ei aliam accipiat: quae opus sunt, et vestem et conversationem eius non fraudabit; dabit ei simili Lege, quae competunt, quoniam non mansit uxor filio eius, quemadmodum ei daret, si eam sibi non annominasset, et tamen concumbendo humiliasset.
78. 3. Then it follows and says: but if he betroths her to his son, he shall deal with her according to the right of daughters. Here it begins to appear how he said above, whom he has not betrothed. For what else is if he betroths her to his son, but "if he joins her as a wife to his son"? Since indeed he says, he shall deal with her according to the right of daughters, that is, "so as to give her away as a daughter," providing her, namely, with a dowry. Then he adds: but if he takes another for him, that is, does not reckon this one as a wife for his son, but takes another for him: he shall not defraud her of what is needful, and clothing, and her companionship; he shall give her, by a like Law, what is fitting, since she did not remain a wife to his son, just as he would give her, if he had not betrothed her to himself, and yet had humbled her by lying with her.
QsHept.2.78.3
Quod autem nos diximus, conversationem non fraudabit, Graecus habet ὁμιλία, id est, locutionem, quo nomine intellegitur Scriptura honestius appellare concubitum. Quid est autem: concubitum non fraudabit, nisi pro "concubitu mercedem dabit"? Namque apud Danielem contra Susannam falsum testimonium dicentes seniores: venit, inquiunt, ad eam adolescens, qui erat in latenti absconditus, et concubuit cum ea (Dan 13, 37). Daniel autem de hoc ipso interrogans, ait: sub qua arbore vidistis eos colloquentes? (Dan 13, 58): quod illi dixerant, concubuit cum ea.
But what we have rendered, he shall not defraud her of her companionship, the Greek has homilia, that is, conversation, by which name Scripture is understood to call intercourse more decently. But what is he shall not defraud her of intercourse, but "he shall give a payment for the intercourse"? For in Daniel the elders, bearing false witness against Susanna, say: a young man, who was hidden in concealment, came to her, and lay with her (Dan 13:37). But Daniel, questioning about this very thing, says: under what tree did you see them conversing? (Dan 13:58): where they had said, he lay with her.
QsHept.2.78.3
Deinde alterum arguens atque convincens dixit: semen Chanaan, et non Iuda, species delectavit te, et illa concupiscentia evertit cor tuum: sic enim faciebatis filiabus Israel, sed illae timentes acquiescebant vobis (Dan 13, 56-57). Graecus autem habet: ὡμίλουσαν ὑμῖν, quod posset Latine verbum e verbo dici: loquebantur vobis: quo significaretur concubitus. Nam ubi dicitur: sub qua arbore comprehendistis eos, Graecus habet: comprehendistis eos colloquentes invicem: et illic significatur concubitus.
Then, accusing and convicting the other, he said: the seed of Canaan, and not of Judah, the beauty deceived you, and that desire perverted your heart: for so you used to do to the daughters of Israel, but they, fearing, complied with you (Dan 13:56-57). But the Greek has homiloun hymin, which could be said in Latin word for word, they conversed with you: by which intercourse is signified. For where it is said, under what tree did you seize them, the Greek has, you seized them conversing with each other: and there too intercourse is signified.
QsHept.2.78.3
78. 4. Quod ergo de hac de qua agitur adiungit Scriptura, et dicit: si autem tria haec non fecerit ei, exibit gratis, hoc intellegitur: "si eam ipse concubitu non humiliaverit, neque filio suo coniunxerit, neque alia a filio suo ducta istam eiecerit, abibit gratis, id est sufficiet ei non teneri in servitute. Abibit enim nihil accipiens, ut servus Hebraeus. Non enim licet domino eius copulare illam viro non Hebraeo, quam non licet exterae genti tradi. Si autem servo Hebraeo eam copulaverit, hoc utique intellegitur, quod cum eo gratis exibit, nequaquam a marito separata."
78. 4. So what Scripture adds concerning this woman of whom it treats, saying: but if he does not do these three things for her, she shall go out free, is understood thus: "if he himself has not humbled her by intercourse, nor joined her to his son, nor, having brought another for his son, cast this one out, she shall go away free, that is, it shall suffice for her not to be held in servitude. For she shall go away receiving nothing, like a Hebrew slave. For it is not lawful for her master to join her to a non-Hebrew man, she whom it is not lawful to hand over to a foreign nation. But if he joins her to a Hebrew slave, this surely is understood, that she shall go out with him free, in no way separated from her husband."
QsHept.2.78.4
Deus nonnisi iuste occidit, homo autem pena dignus.
God kills only justly, but a man is worthy of punishment.
79. (21, 12-13) Si quis percusserit aliquem, et mortuus fuerit, morte moriatur. Qui autem nolens, sed Deus tradidit in manus eius, dabo tibi locum in quem fugiat. Quaeritur hoc quomodo dictum sit: si autem nolens, sed Deus tradidit in manus eius; quasi etsi volens occiderit, posset occidere, nisi Deus traderet in manus eius. Intellegitur ergo, tantummodo Deum fecisse, cum quisque occiditur a nolente: et pro hoc quod tantummodo Deus id fecit, dictum est, sed Deus tradidit in manus eius. Cum vero volens occidit, et ipse occidit, et Deus tradidit in manus eius.
79. (21, 12-13) If anyone strikes someone, and he dies, let him die the death. But he who did it unwillingly, but God delivered him into his hands—I will give you a place to which he may flee. It is asked how this is said: but he who did it unwillingly, but God delivered him into his hands; as though, even if he killed willingly, he could not kill, unless God delivered into his hands. It is understood, therefore, that God alone did it, when someone is killed by one who is unwilling: and for this, that God alone did it, it is said, but God delivered him into his hands. But when one kills willingly, both he himself kills, and God delivered into his hands.
QsHept.2.78.4
Hoc ergo interest, quod illic tantum Deus fecit: hic autem et Deus et homo, propter voluntatem facientis; sed non sicut Deus homo. Deus enim nonnisi iuste, homo autem poena dignus: non quia illum occidit quem Deus nollet occidi, sed quia per iniquitatem. Non enim ministerium Deo iubenti praebuit, sed suae malignae cupiditati servivit. In uno igitur eodemque facto et Deus de occulta aequitate laudatur, et homo de propria iniquitate punitur. Non enim quia Deus proprio Filio non pepercit, sed pro nobis omnibus tradidit illum (Cf. Rom 8, 32), ideo Iudas excusatus est, qui eumdem ad mortem tradidit Christum (Cf. Mt 26, 48).
This, then, is the difference: that there God alone did it; but here both God and man, on account of the will of the one acting; yet not in the way that God did, so the man. For God acts only justly, but the man is worthy of punishment: not because he killed one whom God would not have killed, but because he did it through iniquity. For he did not render a service to God commanding, but served his own malignant desire. In one and the same deed, therefore, both God is praised for his hidden equity, and the man is punished for his own iniquity. For not because God did not spare his own Son, but delivered him up for us all (See Rom 8:32), was Judas thereby excused, who delivered up that same Christ to death (See Matt 26:48).
QsHept.2.78.4
Utrum quod in utero formatum adhuc est, animatum posset intellegi.
Whether what is still being formed in the womb could be understood as animate.
80. (21, 22-25) Si autem litigabunt duo viri, et percusserint mulierem in utero habentem, et exierit infans eius nondum formatus; detrimentum patietur, quantum indixerit vir mulieris, et dabit cum postulatione. Mihi videtur significationis alicuius causa dici haec, magis quam Scripturam circa huiusmodi facta occupatam. Nam si illud attenderet, ne praegnans mulier percussa in abortum compelleretur, non poneret duos litigantes viros, cum possit et ab uno hoc admitti, qui cum ipsa muliere litigaverit, vel etiam non litigaverit, sed alienae posteritati nocere volendo id fecerit. Quod vero non formatum puerperium noluit ad homicidium pertinere, profecto nec hominem deputavit quod tale in utero geritur.
80. (21, 22-25) But if two men quarrel, and strike a woman who is with child, and her infant comes forth not yet formed; he shall suffer a penalty, as much as the woman's husband shall impose, and he shall pay upon demand. It seems to me that these things are said for the sake of some signification, rather than that Scripture is occupied with deeds of this kind. For if it were attending to this, that a pregnant woman, when struck, not be driven to abortion, it would not have set down two quarreling men, since this can be committed also by one, who has quarreled with the woman herself, or even has not quarreled, but did it by wishing to harm another's posterity. But that he did not wish an unformed offspring to pertain to homicide, surely he did not reckon as a human being what is carried in the womb in such a state.
QsHept.2.78.4
Hic de anima quaestio solet agitari, utrum quod formatum non est, ne animatum quidem possit intellegi, et ideo non sit homicidium, quia nec examinatum dici potest, si adhuc animam non habebat. Sequitur enim et dicit: si autem formatum fuerit, dabit animam pro anima. Ubi quid aliud intellegitur, nisi, "et ipse morietur"? Nam hoc et in caeteris ex hac occasione iam praecipit: oculum pro oculo, dentem pro dente, manum pro manu, pedem pro pede, combustionem pro combustione, vulnus pro vulnere, livorem pro livore: talionis videlicet aequitate.
Here a question concerning the soul is commonly raised, whether what is not formed cannot even be understood as animate, and therefore it is not homicide, because it cannot be called killed, if it did not yet have a soul. For it continues and says: but if it is formed, he shall give soul for soul. Where what else is understood, but "and he himself shall die"? For from this occasion he now prescribes this in the rest too: eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burning for burning, wound for wound, bruise for bruise: by the equity, namely, of retaliation.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quae Lex ideo constituit, ut demonstraret quae vindicta debeatur. Nisi enim per Legem sciretur quid vindictae deberetur, unde sciretur quid venia relaxaret, ut dici posset: dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris (Mt 6, 12)? Debitores igitur Lege monstrantur, ut quando ignoscitur appareat quid dimittatur. Neque enim debita dimitteremus, nisi quid nobis deberetur Lege indice disceremus. Si ergo illud informe puerperium iam quidem fuerit, sed adhuc quodammodo informiter animatum (quoniam magna de anima quaestio non est praecipitanda indiscussae temeritate sententiae), ideo Lex noluit ad homicidium pertinere, quia nondum dici potest anima viva in eo corpore quod sensu caret, si talis est in carne nondum formata, et ideo nondum sensibus praedita.
Which Law established this in order to show what penalty is owed. For unless through the Law it were known what penalty was owed, how would it be known what pardon remits, so that it could be said: forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors (Matt 6:12)? Debtors, therefore, are shown by the Law, so that when pardon is granted, it may appear what is remitted. For we would not remit debts, unless we learned, with the Law as indicator, what was owed to us. If, then, that formless offspring already existed indeed, but was as yet in some manner formlessly animate (since the great question concerning the soul is not to be hurried by the rashness of an unexamined opinion), the Law therefore did not wish it to pertain to homicide, because a living soul cannot yet be said to be in that body which lacks sensation, if such a soul is in flesh not yet formed, and therefore not yet endowed with senses.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod autem dixit: et dabit cum postulatione quod maritus mulieris, informi excluso, dandum constituerit, non est in promptu intellegere: Ἀξίωμα quippe, quod Graecus habet, pluribus modis intellegitur, et tolerabilius cum postulatione dictum est, quam si aliud diceretur. Fortassis enim postulabit ut det, ut eo modo satis Deo faciat, etiamsi maritus mulierve non expetat.
But what he said, and he shall pay upon demand, which he established was to be paid by the woman's husband when the formless offspring was expelled, is not easy to understand: for axioma, which the Greek has, is understood in several ways, and it was said upon demand more tolerably than if something else were said. For perhaps he will demand that he pay, so that in that way he may make sufficient satisfaction to God, even if the husband or wife does not require it.
QsHept.2.78.4
Ad iustitiam pertinet ut animal hominibus noxium perimatur.
It pertains to justice that an animal harmful to men be destroyed.
81. (21, 28) Si autem cornu percusserit taurus virum aut mulierem, et mortuus fuerit, lapidibus lapidabitur taurus, et non manducabuntur carnes eius; dominus autem tauri innocens erit. Ad iustitiam pertinet ut animal hominibus noxium perimatur, et quod de tauro positum est, a parte totum intellegendum est, quidquid in pecoribus usui humano subditis infestum est hominibus. Sed si necesse est occidi, numquid lapidari? Quid interest enim animal, quod auferendum est, qua morte auferatur? Deinde quod addidit, carnibus eius non esse vescendum, quo pertinet, nisi omnia ista significent aliquid, quod Scriptura maxime solet intueri?
81. (21, 28) But if an ox gores a man or a woman with its horn, and he dies, the ox shall be stoned with stones, and its flesh shall not be eaten; but the owner of the ox shall be innocent. It pertains to justice that an animal harmful to men be destroyed; and what is set down about the ox is to be understood as the whole from a part—whatever among the animals subject to human use is dangerous to men. But if it is necessary that it be killed, why stoned? For what difference does it make to an animal, which is to be removed, by what death it is removed? Then what he added, that its flesh is not to be eaten, to what does it pertain, unless all these things signify something, which Scripture is especially accustomed to regard?
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo accipiendum sit quod dicitur de tauro percutiendo.
How what is said about the ox being struck is to be taken.
82. (21, 35) Si autem cornu percusserit alicuius taurus taurum proximi, et mortuus fuerit, vendent taurum vivum, et partientur pretium eius, et taurum qui mortuus fuerit dispertientur. Numquid in solo tauro haec iustificatio servanda est, et non de omni pecori in tali casu? Proinde a parte totum et hoc intellegendum est: sed hoc de carnibus occisi pecoris fieri non potest, quae non vescuntur.
82. (21, 35) But if someone's ox gores his neighbor's ox with its horn, and it dies, they shall sell the live ox, and divide its price, and they shall divide the ox that died. Is this rule of justice to be observed in the ox alone, and not concerning every animal in such a case? Accordingly this too is to be understood as the whole from a part: but this cannot be done with the flesh of the slain animal, which is not eaten.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod pro vitulo uno quinque reddantur.
That for one calf five are to be repaid.
83. (22, 1) Quae iustificatio est ut pro vitulo uno quinque reddantur, pro ove autem quatuor, nisi aliquid significare intellegatur?
83. (22, 1) What rule of justice is it that for one calf five are repaid, but for a sheep four, unless it is understood to signify something?
QsHept.2.78.4
Non pertinet ad homicidium, si fur nocturnus occiditur.
It does not pertain to homicide if a nocturnal thief is killed.
84. (22, 2-3) Si autem perfodiens inventus fuerit fur, et percussus mortuus fuerit, non est illi homicidium. Si autem orietur sol super eum, reus est; pro morte morietur. Intellegitur ergo tunc non pertinere ad homicidium, si fur nocturnus occiditur: si autem diurnus, pertinere. Hoc est enim quod ait, si orietur sol super eum. Poterat quippe discerni quod ad furandum, non ad occidendum venisset, et ideo non deberet occidi. Hoc et in legibus antiquis saecularibus, quibus tamen ista est antiquior, invenitur, impune occidi nocturnum furem quoquo modo, diurnum autem si se telo defenderit: iam enim plus est quam fur (Cf. CICERONE, Pro Milone 9; Pro Tullio 50).
84. (22, 2-3) But if a thief is found breaking in, and being struck dies, it is not homicide for him. But if the sun rises upon him, he is guilty; he shall die for death. It is understood, therefore, that it does not then pertain to homicide if a nocturnal thief is killed; but if a daytime one, it does pertain. For this is what it says, if the sun rises upon him. For it could be discerned that he had come to steal, not to kill, and therefore ought not to be killed. This is found also in the ancient secular laws—than which, however, this is more ancient—that a nocturnal thief may be killed with impunity in any manner, but a daytime one if he defends himself with a weapon: for then he is more than a thief See Cicero, Pro Milone 9; Pro Tullio 50..
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo quis per Deum convictus dicatur.
How someone is said to be convicted by God.
85. (22, 9) Quid est, qui convictus fuerit per Deum, restituet duplo; nisi quia vult Deus aliquando signo dato prodere peierantem?
85. (22, 9) What is, he who is convicted by God shall restore double; unless because God sometimes wishes, by a sign given, to betray the perjurer?
QsHept.2.78.4
De eo quod dixit: Deos non maledices.
On what he said: You shall not curse gods.
86. (22, 28) Deos non maledices. Quaeritur quos dixerit deos; utrum principes qui iudicant populum, sicut dictum est de Moyse, quod datus fuerat deus Pharaoni (Cf. Ex 7, 1): ut per expositionem sit dictum quod sequitur, velut ostendendo quos dixerit deos, ubi ait: et principem populi tui non maledices: quod Graecus habet, non dices male.
86. (22, 28) You shall not curse gods. It is asked whom he called gods; whether the princes who judge the people, as it was said of Moses that he had been given as a god to Pharaoh (See Exod 7:1): so that what follows was said by way of explanation, as though showing whom he called gods, where he says: and you shall not curse the prince of your people: which the Greek has as, you shall not speak evil.
QsHept.2.78.4
An secundum illud accipiendum est, quod Apostolus ait: nam etsi sunt qui dicuntur dii, sive in coelo, sive in terra, sicuti sunt dii multi et domini multi (1 Cor 8, 5); addendo enim, sicuti sunt, deos intellegi voluit, qui digne etiam dicuntur: ita sane ut quae dicitur Graece λατρεία, et interpretatur Latine servitus, sed ea quae ad religionem pertinere intellegitur, non debeatur nisi uni Deo vero, qui nobis est Deus? Illi autem qui dicuntur "dii," etiam si qui sunt qui merito dicuntur, prohibiti sunt maledici, non iussi sunt sacrificiis vel ullis latriae obsequiis honorari.
Or is it to be taken according to that which the Apostle says: for although there are those that are called gods, whether in heaven or on earth, as there are many gods and many lords (1 Cor 8:5); for by adding, as there are, he wished those to be understood as gods who are even worthily so called: yet so, indeed, that what is called in Greek latreia, and is rendered in Latin service—but that which is understood to pertain to religion—is owed only to the one true God, who is God to us? But those who are called "gods," even if there are any who are rightly so called, are forbidden to be cursed; they are not commanded to be honored with sacrifices or any observances of latria.
QsHept.2.78.4
De verbis: Non eris cum pluribus in malitia.
On the words: You shall not be with the many in malice.
87. (23, 2) Non eris cum pluribus in malitia. Ne se inde quisquam defendat, quia cum pluribus fecit, aut ideo putet non esse peccatum.
87. (23, 2) You shall not be with the many in malice. Lest anyone excuse himself on the ground that he did it with the many, or for that reason think it is not a sin.
QsHept.2.78.4
Bona est misericordia, sed non debet esse contra iudicium.
Mercy is good, but it ought not to be against judgment.
88. (23, 3) Et pauperis non misereberis in iudicio. Nisi addidisset, in iudicio, magna esset quaestio. Sed intellegendum esset, etiam si scriptum non esset. Supra enim dixerat: non apponeris cum multitudine, declinare cum pluribus, ut declines iudicium (Ex 23, 2): ac per hoc: et pauperis non misereberis, posset intellegi, in iudicio. Sed cum additum est, nulla quaestio est hoc esse praeceptum, ne forte cum iudicamus, videamus iustitiam esse pro divite contra pauperem, et nobis recte facere videamur si contra iustitiam pauperi faveamus causa misericordiae. Bona est ergo misericordia, sed non debet esse contra iudicium. Iudicium sane illud appellat Scriptura, quod iustum est. Ne quis autem propter istam sententiam Deum putaret misericordiam prohibere, quod sequitur, opportunissime sequitur: si autem obviaveris bovi inimici tui, aut subiugali eius, errantibus, reducens reddes ei (Ex 23, 4): ut scias non te prohibitum facere misericordiam, fac etiam erga inimicos tuos, cum potestas est a iudicando libera (Cf. C. adv. Legis et Proph. 1, 17, 35); non enim cum reducis errantem bovem inimici tui et reddis, inter aliquos iudex resides.
88. (23, 3) And you shall not show pity to a poor man in judgment. Had he not added, in judgment, it would be a great question. But it would have to be understood, even if it were not written. For above he had said: you shall not join with the multitude to turn aside with the many, so as to pervert judgment (Exod 23:2): and by this, and you shall not show pity to a poor man, could be understood, in judgment. But since it was added, there is no question that this is prescribed, lest perhaps when we judge we see that justice is for the rich against the poor, and we seem to ourselves to do rightly if, against justice, we favor the poor man for the sake of mercy. Mercy, then, is good, but it ought not to be against judgment. And by "judgment" Scripture means that which is just. But lest anyone, on account of this statement, should think God forbids mercy, what follows very fittingly follows: but if you come upon your enemy's ox, or his beast of burden, straying, leading it back you shall restore it to him (Exod 23:4): so that you may know you are not forbidden to do mercy—do it even toward your enemies, when the power is free from judging See Answer to an Enemy of the Law and the Prophets 1.17.35.; for when you lead back your enemy's straying ox and restore it, you do not sit as judge among any parties.
QsHept.2.78.4
De verbis: Sex annis seminabis terram tuam et colliges fructum eius.
On the words: For six years you shall sow your land and gather its fruit.
89. (23, 10-11) Sex annis seminabis terram tuam, et colliges fructum eius; septimo autem anno remissionem facies, et requiem dabis illi: et edent pauperes gentis tuae; quae autem superabunt edent ferae bestiae. Sic facies vineam tuam et olivetum tuum. Quaeri potest quid colligant pauperes, si septimo anno ita parcit terrae, ut nec seminetur quidem. Non enim ad vineam et olivetum pertinet quod dictum est: edent pauperes gentis tuae; quia de terra non seminata nihil possunt sumere, ubi segetes nasci non possunt: de vinea enim et oliveto postea dicit similiter esse faciendum; ac per hoc illud de arvis intellegitur, quae frumentis serviunt.
89. (23, 10-11) For six years you shall sow your land, and gather its fruit; but in the seventh year you shall make a release, and give it rest; and the poor of your nation shall eat, and what is left over the wild beasts shall eat. So you shall do with your vineyard and your olive grove. It can be asked what the poor gather, if in the seventh year he so spares the land that it is not even sown. For what was said, the poor of your nation shall eat, does not pertain to the vineyard and olive grove; because from unsown land they can take nothing, where crops cannot grow: for of the vineyard and olive grove he afterward says it is to be done likewise; and by this, that saying is understood of the fields that serve for grain.
QsHept.2.78.4
An sic accipiendum: sex annis seminabis terram tuam, et colliges fructus eius, hoc est: sex annis seminabis, et colliges; septimo vero non colliges, ut intellegatur seminabis, etiamsi dictum non est: ut ad sex annos seminare et colligere pertineat, ad septimum vero dimittere quod fuerit seminatum? Nam quid inde habebunt pauperes, quorum residuum etiam feris bestiis dedit, eis videlicet quae illis frugibus vesci possint, sicut sunt apri, et cervi, et si quid huiusmodi?
Or is it to be taken thus: for six years you shall sow your land, and gather its fruits, that is, for six years you shall sow and gather; but in the seventh you shall not gather, so that you shall sow is understood even though it is not said: so that to the six years pertains sowing and gathering, but to the seventh, leaving what has been sown? For what will the poor have from it, whose leavings he gave even to the wild beasts—those, namely, which can feed on such crops, as are boars and stags, and any of this kind?
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod tamen non diceretur, nisi alicuius significationis gratia. Nam si quod attinet ad praecepta quae hominibus data sunt, de bobus cura non est Deo (1 Cor 9, 9); quod non sic intellegitur, tamquam non ipse pascat ea quae nec seminant, nec metunt, neque congregant in horreum (Mt 6, 26), sed quia ei curae non est praecepto monere hominem, quomodo bovi suo consulat: quanto minus ei cura est de feris bestiis praecipere, quomodo illis ab hominibus consulatur, cum eas ipse pascat divitiis naturae usquequaque fructiferae, qui eas etiam per alios sex annos pascit, cum colliguntur quae seminantur?
This, however, would not be said except for the sake of some signification. For if, as concerns the precepts that were given to men, God has no care for oxen (1 Cor 9:9)—which is not so understood as though he himself does not feed those things which neither sow, nor reap, nor gather into barns (Matt 6:26), but because he has no care to admonish a man by precept how he should provide for his ox: how much less has he care to prescribe concerning the wild beasts, how they are to be provided for by men, since he himself feeds them by the riches of a nature everywhere fruitful—he who feeds them also through the other six years, when what is sown is gathered?
QsHept.2.78.4
De verbis: Non coques agnum in lacte matris suae.
On the words: You shall not boil a lamb in its mother's milk.
90. (23, 19) Non coques agnum in lacte matris suae. Quomodo intellegatur ad verborum proprietatem nescio utrum possit reperiri. Si enim alicuius significationis causa prohibitum acceperimus agnum in lacte coqui, nullus usus est ita coquendi. Si autem in diebus quibus lactatur, quis hoc habuit unquam Iudaeorum in observatione, ut agnum non coqueret, nisi cum desisteret sugere? Quid est autem in lacte matris suae; quasi posset, etiamsi hoc intellegeretur, sine huius praecepti transgressione coqui, si eo nato mortua matre eius, ab ove alia lactaretur? cum alicuius profecto rei significandae causa esse praeceptum nemo ambigat. Sed etiam illa quae possunt observantia factitari, non sine causa ita praecepta sunt; significant enim aliquid. Hoc vero quomodo observetur ad proprietatem verborum aut non est, aut non elucet.
90. (23, 19) You shall not boil a lamb in its mother's milk. How it is to be understood according to the proper sense of the words, I do not know whether it can be found out. For if we take it that boiling a lamb in milk is forbidden for the sake of some signification, there is no use in boiling it so. But if it means in the days when it is suckled, who among the Jews ever held this in observance, that he should not boil a lamb except when it had ceased to suck? And what is in its mother's milk; as though, even if this were understood, it could be boiled without transgression of this precept, if, its mother having died when it was born, it were suckled by another ewe? Since no one doubts that the precept is surely for the sake of signifying something. But even those things which can be carried out in observance were not prescribed so without cause; for they signify something. But how this is to be observed according to the proper sense of the words either does not exist, or is not clear.
QsHept.2.78.4
Intellectum tamen de Christo approbo, quod hac prophetia praedictus est non occidendus a Iudaeis infans, quando Herodes quaerens eum ut occideret, non invenit (Cf. Mt 2, 13-15); ut coques quod dictum est, pertineat ad ignem passionis, hoc est, tribulationem. Unde dicitur: vasa figuli probat fornax, et homines iustos tentatio tribulationis (Eccli 27, 6). Quia ergo non est tunc infans passus, cum quaerente Herode huiusmodi periculum imminere videretur, praedictum est his verbis: non coques agnum in lacte matris suae.
Yet I approve the understanding concerning Christ, that by this prophecy it was foretold that the infant would not be killed by the Jews, when Herod, seeking him to kill him, did not find him (See Matt 2:13-15); so that you shall boil, which was said, pertains to the fire of suffering, that is, tribulation. Whence it is said: the furnace tests the potter's vessels, and the testing of tribulation tests just men (Sir 27:6 (5)). Because, then, the infant did not then suffer, when by Herod's seeking such a danger seemed to threaten, it was foretold in these words: you shall not boil a lamb in its mother's milk.
QsHept.2.78.4
Illud quoque forsitan non absurdum est, quod alii dicunt, id esse praeceptum per Prophetam, ne se boni Israelitae sociarent malis Iudaeis, a quibus Christus passus est tamquam agnus in lacte matris suae, id est, eo tempore quo conceptus est. Dicuntur enim feminae ex quo conceperint, lac colligere: illo autem mense conceptum et passum esse Christum, et Paschae observatio, et dies Ecclesiis notissimus nativitatis eius ostendit. Qui enim mense nono natus est octavo calendas ianuarias, profecto mense primo conceptus est circa octavum calendas aprilis, quod tempus etiam Passionis eius fuit in lacte matris suae, hoc est, in diebus matris suae.
That too is perhaps not absurd which others say, that this was prescribed through the prophet, lest good Israelites associate themselves with evil Jews, by whom Christ suffered as a lamb in its mother's milk, that is, at that time when he was conceived. For females are said, from the time they have conceived, to gather milk: and that Christ was both conceived and suffered in that month, both the observance of the Passover and the day most well known to the churches of his nativity show. For he who was born in the ninth month on the eighth day before the kalends of January was surely conceived in the first month about the eighth day before the kalends of April, which time was also that of his Passion, in his mother's milk, that is, in the days of his mother.
QsHept.2.78.4
De quo dictum sit: Ecce ego mitto angelum meum.
Of whom it was said: Behold, I send my angel.
91. (23, 20-21) Ecce ego mitto angelum meum ante faciem tuam, ut servet te in via, ut inducat te in terram quam paravi tibi. Attende tibi, et exaudi eum, ne non credas illi: nihil enim subtrahet tibi; nomen enim meum est super eum. Hoc de illo nimirum intellegitur, cui nomen mutatum est, ut Iesus vocaretur: ipse quippe introduxit populum in terram promissionis.
91. (23, 20-21) Behold, I send my angel before your face, to keep you on the way, to bring you into the land which I have prepared for you. Attend to yourself, and hear him, lest you not believe him; for he will withhold nothing from you, for my name is upon him. This is surely understood of him whose name was changed, that he should be called Jesus: for he it was who brought the people into the land of promise.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo accipiendae sint promissiones.
How the promises are to be taken.
92. (23, 25-27) Et servies Domino Deo tuo; et benedicam panem tuum, et vinum tuum, et aquam tuam, et avertam infirmitatem a vobis. Non erit qui non generet, neque sterilis super terram tuam. Numerum dierum tuorum replebo. Et timorem mittam qui te antecedat; et amentes faciam omnes gentes in quas tu intrabis, etc. Quamvis istae promissiones possint et spiritaliter intellegi, tamen cum secundum temporalem hominum felicitatem intelleguntur, ad Vetus Testamentum pertinent: ubi quamquam praecepta, exceptis his quae in sacramento aliquid significant, eadem ad mores bonos pertinentia reperiantur, promissiones tamen carnales atque terrenae sunt. Unde in Psalmo septuagesimo secundo pene lapsos et effusos gressus suos homo Dei dicit, cum zelaret in peccatoribus pacem peccatorum intuens (Cf. Ps 72, 2).
92. (23, 25-27) And you shall serve the Lord your God; and I will bless your bread, and your wine, and your water, and I will turn away sickness from you. There shall be none who does not bear, nor barren upon your land. I will fill up the number of your days. And I will send fear to go before you; and I will make distraught all the nations into which you will enter, etc. Although these promises can be understood also spiritually, yet when they are understood according to the temporal happiness of men, they pertain to the Old Testament: where, although the precepts—except those which signify something in a mystery—are found to be the same, pertaining to good morals, yet the promises are carnal and earthly. Whence in Psalm 73 (72) the man of God says that his steps had nearly slipped and been poured out, when he was envious, beholding the peace of sinners (See Ps 73:2 (72)).
QsHept.2.78.4
Ea quippe cernebat abundare impiis, quae ipse secundum Testamentum Vetus exspectabat a Domino Deo, cui hac mercede serviebat. Et cum hinc ei subrepere coepisset sensus impius, quod Deum non curare existimaret humana, correptum se dicit, dum auctoritatem sanctorum non est ausus improbare, et incoepit cognoscere, et ait: hoc labor est ante me, donec introeam in sanctuarium Dei, et intellegam in novissima (Ps 72, 16-17). Ibi enim praemia dabuntur ad Novum pertinentia Testamentum, quae impii non accipient: et poenae tunc futurae sunt impiorum, quas nullus piorum sensurus est.
For he saw the ungodly abound in those things which he himself, according to the Old Testament, awaited from the Lord God, whom he served for this reward. And when from this an ungodly thought had begun to steal upon him, in that he supposed God did not care for human things, he says he was corrected, while he did not dare to disapprove the authority of the saints, and he began to know, and says: this is a labor before me, until I enter into the sanctuary of God, and understand in the last things (Ps 73:16-17 (72)). For there will be given the rewards pertaining to the New Testament, which the ungodly will not receive: and then there will be the punishments of the ungodly, which none of the godly will feel.
QsHept.2.78.4
De vespis quid intellegendum sit.
What is to be understood concerning the wasps.
93. (23, 28) Et mittam vespas ante te, et eiiciet Amorrhaeos, Evaeos, Chananaeos, et Chettaeos a te. Quaeritur de his vespis quid intellegendum sit. Nam et promittit hoc Deus, et liber Sapientiae dicit impletum, ubi ait: et misit antecessores exercitus sui vespas (Sap 12, 8).
93. (23, 28) And I will send wasps before you, and they shall drive out the Amorites, the Hivites, the Canaanites, and the Hittites from before you. It is asked what is to be understood concerning these wasps. For God both promises this, and the book of Wisdom says it was fulfilled, where it says: and he sent wasps as forerunners of his army (Wis 12:8).
QsHept.2.78.4
Non autem legimus factum, neque Moysi temporibus, neque sub Iesu Nave, neque sub iudicibus, neque sub regibus. Ac per hoc vespae istae aculei timoris intellegendi sunt fortasse, quibus agitabantur memoratae gentes, ut cederent filiis Israel. Deus enim loquitur, in cuius sermone si figurate aliquid dicatur, quod ad proprietatem non sit impletum, non impedit historiae fidem, in qua perspicitur veritas narrationis. Sicut nec evangelistarum narratio secundum proprietatem impeditur, si aliquid a Christo dicitur figurate.
But we do not read that it was done, neither in the times of Moses, nor under Joshua son of Nun, nor under the judges, nor under the kings. And by this, these wasps are perhaps to be understood as the stings of fear, by which the aforementioned nations were driven, so that they yielded to the children of Israel. For God is speaking, in whose discourse, if something is said figuratively which was not fulfilled according to the proper sense, it does not impede the trustworthiness of the history, in which the truth of the narration is perceived. Just as neither is the narration of the evangelists impeded as to its proper sense, if something is said by Christ figuratively.
QsHept.2.78.4
Latria debetur nonnisi Deo tanquam Deo.
Latria is owed only to God as God.
94. (23, 33) Si servieris diis eorum, erunt tibi offendiculum. Hic Graecus habet δουλεύσῃς, non λατρεύσῃς. Unde intellegitur, quia et δουλεία debetur Deo tamquam Domino, vero λατρεία nonnisi Deo tamquam Deo.
94. (23, 33) If you serve their gods, they will be a stumbling block to you. Here the Greek has douleuses, not latreuses. Whence it is understood that douleia too is owed to God as Lord, but latreia only to God as God.
QsHept.2.78.4
Iustificationes intelleguntur quae datae sunt populo ad observandum.
Those are understood as ordinances of justice which were given to the people to observe.
95. (24, 1-3) Et Moysi dixit: ascende ad Dominum tu, et Aaron, et Nadab, et Abiud, et septuaginta seniorum Israel: et adorabunt a longe Dominum; et accedet Moyses solus ad Dominum, ipsi autem non accedent: populus autem non ascendet cum illis. Introiit autem Moyses, et narravit populo omnia verba Dei et iustificationes. Respondit autem omnis populus voce una dicentes: 'omnia verba quae locutus est Dominus, faciemus, et audiemus.' Usque ad hunc locum Scripturae iustificationes intelleguntur quae datae sunt populo ad observandum. Incipiunt autem quantum ipsa verba Scripturae indicant, unde hoc nomen iustificationum exorsum est ab illo servo Hebraeo cui auris ad postem pertunditur (Cf. Ex 21, 6). In quibus omnibus iustificationibus considerandum est, quae inde ad agendam vitam et morum bonorum conservationem duci possint. Multa quippe in eis sunt sacramenta significantia potius aliquid, quam vitam nostram instruentia. Iustificationes (Cf. Ex 21, 1) sane Latini interpretes eas esse dixerunt, quae Graeci δικαιώματα appellant.
95. (24, 1-3) And to Moses he said: go up to the Lord, you, and Aaron, and Nadab, and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel; and they shall worship the Lord from afar; and Moses alone shall draw near to the Lord, but they shall not draw near; but the people shall not go up with them. And Moses went in, and recounted to the people all the words of God and the ordinances of justice. And all the people answered with one voice, saying: 'all the words which the Lord has spoken we will do, and we will hear.' Up to this place of Scripture are understood the ordinances of justice which were given to the people to observe. And they begin, as the very words of Scripture indicate, where this name of "ordinances of justice" took its start, from that Hebrew slave whose ear is pierced against the doorpost (See Exod 21:6). In all which ordinances of justice it is to be considered what among them can be drawn toward the leading of life and the keeping of good morals. For there are many things in them that are mysteries signifying something, rather than instructing our life. The Latin translators called ordinances of justice (See Exod 21:1) those which the Greeks call dikaiomata.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quae sit ratio ordinis in verbis: faciemus et audiemus.
What is the reason for the order in the words: We will do and we will hear.
96. (24, 3) Notandum est quod iterum populus ita respondet: omnia verba quae locutus est Dominus faciemus, et audiemus; cum videatur ordo postulare ut diceretur, "audiemus, et faciemus." Sed mirum nisi aliquis sensus hic latet. Nam si audiemus, pro eo positum est quod est intellegemus, prius oportet verbis Dei reddere faciendi servitutem, ut ad intellegentiam earum rerum quae ipso praecipiente fiunt, merito devotionis, qua non contemptae, sed factae sunt, ipse perducat. Sed videndum est, utrum iste populus illi filio similis inveniatur qui patri iubenti dixit: ibo in vineam, et non iit (Mt 21, 30). Gentes enim quae Dominum penitus contempserunt, postea per unius obedientiam iustificatae, quae non sectabantur iustitiam, apprehenderunt iustitiam (Rom 9, 30).
96. (24, 3) It is to be noted that the people again answers thus: all the words which the Lord has spoken we will do, and we will hear; when the order would seem to require that it be said, "we will hear, and we will do." But it would be strange if some sense did not lie hidden here. For if we will hear is put for "we will understand," it is fitting first to render to the words of God the service of doing, so that to the understanding of those things which are done at his command he may himself lead them, by the merit of the devotion by which the commands were not despised, but done. But it is to be seen whether this people is found like that son who said to his commanding father: I will go into the vineyard, and went not (Matt 21:30). For the nations, which utterly despised the Lord, afterward justified through the obedience of one—those who did not pursue righteousness—laid hold of righteousness (Rom 9:30).
QsHept.2.78.4
Moyses aedificavit altare sub monte.
Moses built an altar under the mountain.
97. (24, 4) Notandum quod Moyses aedificavit altare sub monte, et duodecim lapides in duodecim tribus Israel. Intellegitur enim ex duodecim lapidibus altare aedificatum, significasse ipsum populum esse altare Dei, sicut est templum Dei (Cf. 2 Cor 6, 16).
97. (24, 4) It is to be noted that Moses built an altar under the mountain, and twelve stones for the twelve tribes of Israel. For it is understood that the altar built from twelve stones signified that the people itself is the altar of God, as it is the temple of God (See 2 Cor 6:16).
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo dicatur: Et immolaverunt hostiam salutaris.
How it is said: And they sacrificed a victim of salvation.
98. (24, 5) Et immolaverunt hostiam salutaris Deo. Non dixit, "hostiam salutarem," sed, hostiam salutaris; quod Graecus habet [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. Unde in Psalmo: calicem, inquit, salutaris accipiam (Ps 115, 4): non dixit, "calicem salutarem." Ubi videndum est, ne forte ille significetur, de quo dixit Simeon: quoniam viderunt oculi mei salutare tuum (Lc 2, 30). Hunc enim et Psalmus commendat ubi legitur: bene nuntiate diem ex die salutare eius (Ps 95, 2). Quid est enim aliud, si diligentius attendamus, quod ait diem ex die, nisi "lumen ex lumine," hoc est "Deum ex Deo," quod est unigenitus Filius?
98. (24, 5) And they sacrificed a victim of salvation to God. He did not say "a salutary victim," but a victim of salvation; which the Greek has as [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. Whence in the Psalm it says: I will take the cup of salvation (Ps 116:13 (115)): he did not say "the salutary cup." Where it is to be seen whether perhaps he is signified, of whom Simeon said: for my eyes have seen your salvation (Luke 2:30). For the Psalm too commends him where it is read: declare well day after day his salvation (Ps 96:2 (95)). For what else is it, if we attend more carefully, that he says day from day, but "light from light," that is, "God from God," which is the only-begotten Son?
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo Moyses primum sacrificasse legatur Deo post exitum de Aegypto.
How Moses is read to have first sacrificed to God after the exodus from Egypt.
99. (24, 6-7) Sumens autem Moyses dimidiam partem sanguinis, infudit in craterem, et partem reliquam sanguinis affudit ad altare: et accipiens librum Testamenti recitavit in aures populi. Notandum est, nunc primum sacrificasse Moysen evidenter Scripturam dicere, ex quo ex Aegypto eductus est populus. Primo enim de Iothor dictum erat socero eius, quamvis cum aliqua ambiguitate, quod immolaverit Deo (Cf. Ex 18, 12). Et advertendum librum Testamenti cum sanguine hostiae recitari, in quo libro illas iustificationes conscriptas debemus accipere. Nam decalogum Legis in tabulis lapideis fuisse conscriptum postea manifestum est.
99. (24, 6-7) And Moses, taking half the blood, poured it into a bowl, and the remaining part of the blood he poured out at the altar; and taking the book of the Testament, he read it in the ears of the people. It is to be noted that Scripture now plainly says Moses sacrificed for the first time, from the time the people was led out of Egypt. For first it had been said of Jethro his father-in-law, though with some ambiguity, that he sacrificed to God (See Exod 18:12). And it is to be observed that the book of the Testament is read with the blood of the victim, in which book we ought to take those ordinances of justice to be written. For that the decalogue of the Law was written on tablets of stone is afterward manifest.
QsHept.2.78.4
Iterum de verbis: Faciemus et audiemus.
Again on the words: We will do and we will hear.
100. (24, 7) Et dixerunt: 'omnia quaecumque locutus est Dominus, faciemus, et audiemus.' Non aliter respondent ecce iam tertio.
100. (24, 7) And they said: 'all things whatever the Lord has spoken, we will do, and we will hear.' They answer no differently—behold, now for the third time.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod Deus (spiritus enim est) nullo loco continetur.
That God (for he is spirit) is contained in no place.
101. (24, 9) Et ascendit Moyses, et Aaron, et Nadab, et Abiud, et septuaginta seniorum Israel: et viderunt locum ubi steterat ibi Deus Israel. Constat inter eos qui recte intellegunt, nullo Deum contineri loco, nec aliquo velut situ corporis membra ponere, sicuti est nostri corporis, sedere, iacere, stare, et si quid huiusmodi est. Haec enim non sunt nisi corporum, Deus autem spiritus est (Cf. Io 4, 24). Quod ergo se ostendit specie corporali vel signis corporaliter expressis, non substantia eius apparet, qua est ipse quod est, sed assumptio formarum visibilium eius omnipotentiae subiacet.
101. (24, 9) And Moses went up, and Aaron, and Nadab, and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel; and they saw the place where the God of Israel had stood. It is agreed among those who understand rightly that God is contained in no place, nor sets his members in any posture of the body, as is the case with our body—to sit, to lie, to stand, and whatever is of this kind. For these belong only to bodies, but God is spirit (See John 4:24). So when he shows himself in a bodily appearance or in signs bodily expressed, it is not his substance that appears, by which he himself is what he is, but the assuming of visible forms is subject to his omnipotence.
QsHept.2.78.4
Qui sint electi.
Who the elect are.
102. (24, 10-11) Et de electis Israel non dissonuit nec unus: et apparuerunt in loco Dei, et manducaverunt, et biberunt. Quis dubitet illos quos nominatim expressit, et septuaginta seniores, nunc appellatos electos Israel? qui procul dubio personam gerebant eorum qui electi sunt in populo Dei. Non enim omnium est fides (2 Thess 3, 2): et novit Dominus qui sunt eius. In magna autem domo sunt alia vasa in honorem, alia in contumeliam (Cf. 2 Tim 2, 20). Quoniam ergo quos ante praescivit, et praedestinavit; quos autem praedestinavit, illos et vocavit; quos autem vocavit, ipsos et iustificavit; quos autem iustificavit, ipsos et glorificavit (Rom 8, 29-30): profecto de electis Israel non dissonuit nec unus.
102. (24, 10-11) And of the elect of Israel not one was discordant; and they appeared in the place of God, and ate, and drank. Who would doubt that those whom he expressed by name, and the seventy elders, are now called the elect of Israel?—who without doubt bore the person of those who are elect among the people of God. For not all have faith (2 Thess 3:2): and the Lord knows those who are his. But in a great house there are some vessels for honor, others for dishonor (See 2 Tim 2:20). Since, then, those whom he foreknew, he also predestined; and those whom he predestined, them he also called; and those whom he called, them he also justified; and those whom he justified, them he also glorified (Rom 8:29-30): surely of the elect of Israel not one was discordant.
QsHept.2.78.4
Significantur autem quaternario numero in Moyse et Aaron et Nadab et Abiud, propter quatuor Evangelia, et totius orbis, qui in quatuor partes dividitur, promissionem: et septuaginta de senioribus Israel, numero scilicet septenario decuplato, qui pertinet ad significandum Spiritum Sanctum. Sapphiro autem significatur vita coelestis, maxime quia dictum est, sicut aspectus firmamenti. Firmamentum autem coelum appellari quis nesciat? Et forma lateris in eodem sapphiro quadraturam ipsam, vel stabilitatem, vel eiusdem quaternarii numeri sacramentum figurat.
And they are signified by the number four in Moses and Aaron and Nadab and Abihu, on account of the four Gospels, and the promise of the whole world, which is divided into four parts: and the seventy of the elders of Israel, by the number seven multiplied tenfold, which pertains to signifying the Holy Spirit. But by the sapphire is signified the heavenly life, especially because it was said, like the appearance of the firmament. And who does not know that the firmament is called heaven? And the form of a tile in the same sapphire figures the squareness itself, or stability, or the mystery of that same number four.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod autem manducant et bibunt in loco Dei, suavitatem saturitatemque significat in illo regno aeternitatis. Beati enim qui esuriunt et sitiunt iustitiam; quoniam ipsi saturabuntur (Mt 5, 6). Unde et Dominus dicit venturos multos (quos utique, nisi electos, praescitos, praedestinatos, vocatos, iustificatos, glorificatos?), et recubituros cum Abraham et Isaac et Iacob in regno coelorum (Mt 7, 11). Nam et alio loco ipse hoc promittit fidelibus suis, quod faciat eos recumbere, et transeat, et ministret eis (Lc 12, 37).
But that they eat and drink in the place of God signifies the sweetness and fullness in that kingdom of eternity. For blessed are those who hunger and thirst for righteousness, for they shall be filled (Matt 5:6). Whence the Lord too says that many will come (whom indeed, but the elect, the foreknown, the predestined, the called, the justified, the glorified?), and will recline with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob in the kingdom of heaven (Matt 8:11). For in another place too he himself promises this to his faithful, that he will make them recline, and will pass by and minister to them (Luke 12:37).
QsHept.2.78.4
Iesu Nave, non antea commemoratus, cum Moyse apparet.
Joshua son of Nun, not mentioned before, appears with Moses.
103. (24, 13) Quid sibi vult quod Iesus Nave, non commemoratus in illis quatuor, subito cum Moyse apparet, et cum illo ascendit in montem ad accipiendas tabulas Legis; et subito rursus idem Iesus absconditur, id est tacetur; et Moyses accepit Legem in duabus tabulis, et cum eo iterum apparet? An forte significat Novum Testamentum nomine Iesu, et absconditum esse in Lege, et aliquando apparere intellegentibus? Quod vero Iesus iam vocatur, cum in libro Numerorum quando id nomen acceperit Scriptura testetur, cum iam prope esset ut terram promissionis intrarent (Cf. Num 13, 17), per prolepsim, hoc est per praeoccupationem anticipat Scriptura quod postea factum est. Omnia quippe ista posteaquam facta sunt, scripta sunt; ac per hoc quando factum est quod modo commemoratur, nondum vocabatur Iesus, sed quando scriptum est iam hoc vocabatur.
103. (24, 13) What does it mean that Joshua son of Nun, not mentioned among those four, suddenly appears with Moses, and goes up with him into the mountain to receive the tablets of the Law; and suddenly the same Joshua is again hidden, that is, passed over in silence; and Moses received the Law on two tablets, and again Joshua appears with him? Or does it perhaps signify the New Testament by the name of Joshua, and that it is hidden in the Law, and at times appears to those who understand? But that he is now called Joshua, when Scripture testifies in the book of Numbers that he received that name when they were already near to entering the land of promise (See Num 13:17), Scripture by prolepsis, that is, by anticipation, anticipates what was done afterward. For all these things were written after they were done; and by this, when what is now mentioned was done, he was not yet called Joshua, but when it was written he was already so called.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quae sint cymantia aurea versatilia in circuitu.
What the golden moldings, turned all around, are.
104. (25, 11-12) Et facies in ea cymatia aurea versatilia in circuitu. Cymatia dixit, quae in quadratura exstant per quatuor partes, sicut mensae quadrae fieri solent. Nec quod ait versatilia, "mobilia" debemus accipere. Fixa sunt enim, sicut dixi mensas habere solitas: sed versatilia dixit, "tortilia," quae Graece [MISSING GREEK TEXT] vocantur vel "canalibus," sicut sunt columnae tortiles; aut implicatis duabus virgulis in modum restis, sicut etiam torques fieri solent. Quod autem ait: et fabricabis illi quatuor annulos aureos, et impones super quatuor latera; duos annulos in latus unum, et duos annulos in latus secundum; ad quatuor angulos occurrunt quatuor annuli singuli in singulis, et per angulorum numerum fit ut quod in duobus lateribus ponitur, in omnibus quatuor ponatur. Unus enim angulus duobus lateribus communis est: alioquin non occurrit ut bini annuli ponantur per quatuor latera, cum sint quatuor annuli; octo quippe esse debuerunt, si aliter intellegimus, quam quod dixi fieri numero angulorum. Ad hoc enim annuli in angulis ponuntur, quo inducantur subportatoria vel gestatoria, quibus arca a quatuor hominibus hinc atque inde portetur.
104. (25, 11-12) And you shall make on it golden moldings, turned all around. He called moldings those things that project on the squared edge along the four sides, as square tables are usually made. Nor should we take what he says, turned, as "movable." For they are fixed, as I said tables are accustomed to have: but he said turned meaning "twisted," which in Greek are called [MISSING GREEK TEXT] or "channeled," as twisted columns are; or formed of two little rods interwoven in the manner of a rope, as torques too are accustomed to be made. But what he says: and you shall make for it four golden rings, and set them upon the four sides; two rings on one side, and two rings on the second side; at the four corners four rings come together, one at each, and by the number of the corners it comes about that what is placed on two sides is placed on all four. For one corner is common to two sides: otherwise it does not come out that two rings each are placed along four sides, since there are four rings; for there would have had to be eight, if we understand it otherwise than that it comes about by the number of corners, as I said. For the rings are placed at the corners for this purpose, that the carrying-poles or bearing-poles may be inserted, by which the ark may be carried by four men on this side and that.
QsHept.2.78.4
De propitiatorio quod imponitur super arcam.
On the propitiatory which is placed over the ark.
105. (25, 17-20) Propitiatorium quid dicat superimponendum super arcam (Cf. Ex 25, 21), quaeri solet: sed cum aureum fieri iubeat, eiusque longitudinem et latitudinem tantam exprimat, quanta et ipsius arcae dicta est, procul dubio velut tabulam auream tantae formae fieri praecipit, qua tegeretur arca; ita ut in ipso propitiatorio essent duo cherubim, hinc atque inde alterutrum attendentes, ita ut vultus eorum in propitiatorium essent, et pennis suis obumbrarent propitiatorium: quod magnum est sacramentum. Aurum quippe significat sapientiam, arca significat secretum Dei. In arca iussa sunt poni Lex, et manna, et virga Aaron: in Lege praecepta sunt, virga potestas significatur, manna gratia; quia nisi cum gratia non est potestas praecepta faciendi. Verumtamen quia Lex a quovis proficiente non ex omni parte completur, propitiatorium est desuper. Ad hoc enim opus est ut propitius sit Deus, et ideo desuper ponitur, quia superexsultat misericordia iudicio (Iac 2, 13). Duo vero Cherubim pennis suis obumbrant propitiatorium, id est, honorant velando; quoniam mysteria ista ibi sunt: et invicem se attendunt, quia consonant; duo quippe ibi Testamenta figurantur: et vultus eorum sunt in propitiatorium, quia misericordiam Dei, in qua una spes est, valde commendant. Denique hinc se promisit locuturum Deus ad Moysen de medio cherubim desursum propitiatorii (Cf. Ex 25, 22).
105. (25, 17-20) What he calls the propitiatory, to be placed over the ark (See Exod 25:21), is commonly asked: but since he orders it to be made of gold, and expresses its length and breadth as great as that of the ark itself was said to be, without doubt he prescribes that a kind of golden plate of such a form be made, by which the ark would be covered; so that on the propitiatory itself there would be two cherubim, on this side and that attending to each other, so that their faces would be toward the propitiatory, and with their wings they would overshadow the propitiatory: which is a great mystery. For gold signifies wisdom, the ark signifies the secret of God. In the ark were commanded to be placed the Law, and the manna, and the rod of Aaron: in the Law are the precepts, by the rod power is signified, by the manna grace; because power to do the precepts does not exist except with grace. Nevertheless, because the Law is not fulfilled in every part by anyone making progress, the propitiatory is above. For there is need that God be propitious, and therefore it is placed above, because mercy exults over judgment (Jas 2:13). But the two cherubim with their wings overshadow the propitiatory, that is, honor it by veiling; since these mysteries are there: and they attend to each other, because they are in accord; for two Testaments are figured there: and their faces are toward the propitiatory, because they greatly commend the mercy of God, in which alone is hope. Finally, from here God promised he would speak to Moses, from the midst of the cherubim, from above the propitiatory (See Exod 25:22).
QsHept.2.78.4
Porro si creatura rationalis in multitudine scientiae, quoniam hanc interpretationem habent Cherubim, duobus ipsis animalibus significatur; ideo duo sunt, ut societatem caritatis commendent; ideo pennis suis propitiatorium obumbrant, quia Deo non sibi tribuunt pennas suas, id est, Deum honorant virtutibus, quibus praestant: et vultus eorum non sunt nisi in propitiatorium, quia cuicumque profectui ad multitudinem scientiae spes non est, nisi in Dei misericordia.
Furthermore, if the rational creature, in the multitude of knowledge—since the cherubim have this interpretation—is signified by those two living creatures; they are two for this reason, that they may commend the fellowship of love; with their wings they overshadow the propitiatory for this reason, because they attribute their wings to God, not to themselves, that is, they honor God by the virtues in which they excel: and their faces are only toward the propitiatory, because for whatever progress toward the multitude of knowledge there is no hope, except in the mercy of God.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo accipiendi sint annuli.
How the rings are to be taken.
106. (25, 27) Quod ait: erunt annuli in thecis subportatoriis ad tollendam mensam, hoc intellegendum est, quod annuli essent velut thecae subportatoriorum; id est, quo subportatoria tamquam in thecas inducantur. Erunt quippe in thecis, ita dictum est, tamquam diceretur: "erunt pro thecis."
106. (25, 27) What he says: the rings shall be on the sheaths of the carrying-poles for lifting the table, is to be understood thus, that the rings would be as it were sheaths of the carrying-poles; that is, into which the carrying-poles are inserted as into sheaths. For they shall be on the sheaths is so said as if it were said: "they shall be for sheaths."
QsHept.2.78.4
Quae sit ratio ut tabernaculum fieri iubeatur decem aulaeorum.
What is the reason that the tabernacle is ordered to be made of ten curtains.
107. (26, 1-2) Decem aulaeorum iubet fieri tabernaculum, cum sit decalogus Legis. Aulaea vero significant latitudinem, propter facilitatem. Caritas quippe plenitudo Legis est (Rom 13, 10): et nonnisi caritati sunt praecepta facilia: unde ipsa dilatatio commendatur, cum dicitur: dilatasti gressus meos subtus me, et non sunt infirmata vestigia mea (Ps 17, 37). Sed quoniam ista dilatatio per gratiam fit Dei; caritas enim Dei diffusa est in cordibus nostris, non per nos ipsos, sed per Spiritum Sanctum qui datus est nobis (Rom 5, 5); ideo hic mystice ipse numerus etiam commendatur, qui pertinet etiam ad Spiritum Sanctum, per quem Lex possit impleri. Dicitur enim aulaeum longitudinem habere debere in cubitis viginti octo. Iste autem numerus, quia per septenarium dividendus est, significavit, cum dicit latitudinem aulaei in cubitis quatuor. Quater enim septem fiunt viginti octo. Et est etiam iste numerus perfectus; quia sicut senarius, suis partibus constat. Quod vero tam saepe dicit: cherubim facies ea opere textoris, quid aliud quam in his omnibus multitudinem scientiae commendat, quod interpretatur cherubim?
107. (26, 1-2) He orders the tabernacle to be made of ten curtains, since the decalogue of the Law has ten. The curtains signify breadth, on account of ease. For love is the fullness of the Law (Rom 13:10): and the precepts are easy only to love: whence this very enlargement is commended, when it is said: you have enlarged my steps under me, and my footsteps have not been weakened (Ps 18:36 (17)). But since this enlargement comes about through the grace of God—for the love of God is poured out in our hearts, not through ourselves, but through the Holy Spirit who has been given to us (Rom 5:5)—therefore the number itself is here also mystically commended, which pertains also to the Holy Spirit, through whom the Law can be fulfilled. For it is said that the curtain ought to have a length of twenty-eight cubits. And this number, because it is to be divided by seven, it signified when it says the breadth of the curtain is four cubits. For four times seven make twenty-eight. And this number too is perfect; for, like the number six, it is composed of its parts. But what he says so often, you shall make on them cherubim by the weaver's work, what else does it commend in all these things but the multitude of knowledge, which is the interpretation of cherubim?
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo et in qua significatione morali praecipiuntur fieri super tabernaculum vela capillacia.
How, and in what moral signification, hair-cloth coverings are commanded to be made over the tabernacle.
108. (26, 7) Et facies vela capillacia operire super tabernaculum; undecim vela facies ea. Quae capillacia vela sunt id est cilicina, undecim dicuntur esse. In peccatis quippe transgressio est. Transgressio vero undenario numero significatur, quoniam transgreditur denarium, hoc est Legem (Cf. Gal 3, 19): ideo ipsa undecim per septenarium multiplicata, faciunt septuaginta septem; ubi significavit Dominus universam remissionem peccatorum, dicens: non solum septies, verum etiam septuagies septies (Mt 18, 22): quot generationes reperiuntur, cum Lucas a Baptismo Domini enumerans sursum versus ascendit, et pervenit per Adam usque ad Deum (Cf. Lc 3, 23-38). Ad hoc enim fit significatio peccatorum in his velis, ut per confessionem exprimantur, et per gratiam quae data est Ecclesiae aboleantur, hoc est tegantur: unde dicitur: beati quorum remissae sunt iniquitates, et quorum tecta sunt peccata (Ps 31, 1). Deinde iubet ea vela cooperiri pellibus arietinis rubricatis. Aries autem rubricatus, cui non occurrat Christus passione cruentatus? Significantur his etiam martyres sancti, quorum orationibus propitiatur Deus peccatis populi sui. Ipsis denique superiaciuntur pelles hyacinthinae, ut significetur vita aeterna viriditate, tamquam vigore perpetuo.
108. (26, 7) And you shall make hair-cloth coverings to cover over the tabernacle; eleven coverings you shall make of them. These hair-cloth coverings—that is, of sackcloth—are said to be eleven. For in sins there is transgression. And transgression is signified by the number eleven, since it transgresses ten, that is, the Law (See Gal 3:19): therefore these eleven, multiplied by seven, make seventy-seven; where the Lord signified the universal remission of sins, saying: not only seven times, but even seventy times seven (Matt 18:22): as many generations as are found when Luke, counting from the Lord's Baptism, ascends upward, and arrives through Adam all the way to God (See Luke 3:23-38). For the signification of sins is made in these coverings to this end, that through confession they may be expressed, and through the grace that has been given to the Church may be abolished, that is, covered: whence it is said: blessed are those whose iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered (Ps 32:1 (31)). Then he orders these coverings to be covered with rams' skins dyed red. And a ram dyed red—to whom does Christ not occur, made bloody by his Passion? By these too the holy martyrs are signified, by whose prayers God is made propitious to the sins of his people. Finally, hyacinth-colored skins are thrown over these, that eternal life may be signified by greenness, as by a perpetual vigor.
QsHept.2.78.4
De duobus anconibus.
On the two brackets.
109. (26, 17) Facies duos anconiscos columnae uni consistentes ex adverso: hoc est, unum hinc, et unum inde, de lateribus columnae. Anconiscos autem dicit, quos vulgo vocamus ancones, sicut sunt in columnis cellarum vinariarum, quibus incumbunt ligna quae "cupas" ferunt. Ducta est autem similitudo verbi a cubitis, ubi flectuntur manus, quibus incumbunt recumbentes, qui [MISSING GREEK TEXT] Graece vocantur.
109. (26, 17) You shall make two little brackets for each board, standing over against each other: that is, one on this side and one on that, on the sides of the board. He says little brackets, which we commonly call brackets, such as are in the columns of wine cellars, on which rest the timbers that bear the casks. The likeness of the word is drawn from the elbows (cubiti), where the arms are bent, on which those who recline lean, who in Greek are called [MISSING GREEK TEXT].
QsHept.2.78.4
De basibus columnarum duabus.
On the two bases of the columns.
110. (26, 21) Bases columnarum duas uni. Bases non eas tantum videtur dicere Scriptura, quibus columnae ab imo fulciuntur; sed etiam superiores, quae capitella nos dicimus. Ideo dicit, duas bases columnae uni in ambas partes eius. Nam quae sunt ambae partes, nisi inferior et superior?
110. (26, 21) Two bases for each column. Scripture seems to call "bases" not only those by which the columns are supported from below, but also the upper ones, which we call capitals. Therefore it says, two bases for each column on both its parts. For what are both parts, but the lower and the upper?
QsHept.2.78.4
De octo columnis et basibus earum sedecim.
On the eight columns and their sixteen bases.
111. (26, 25) Quod octo columnas et bases earum sexdecim secundum supradictam rationem a posterioribus tabernaculi Scriptura dicit, cum superius sex dixerit (Cf. Ex 26, 22), intellegitur annumeratis duabus angularibus octo fieri.
111. (26, 25) That Scripture says there are eight columns and sixteen bases for them, according to the above reasoning, at the rear of the tabernacle, when above it had said six (See Exod 26:22), it is understood that, with the two corner ones counted in, they make eight.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quae sit differentia inter sanctum et sanctum sanctorum.
What is the difference between the holy place and the holy of holies.
112. (26, 33) Et dividet vobis velamen inter medium sanctum, et inter medium Sanctum Sanctorum: id est, ut inter sanctum et Sanctum Sanctorum sit hoc velamen, de quo nunc loquitur, in quatuor columnis extentum. De hac differentia inter sanctum et Sanctum Sanctorum ad Hebraeos Epistola loquitur (Cf. Hebr 9, 1-12); quia ubi Arca testimonii, ibi Sanctum Sanctorum, hoc est, intus ultra velum: foris autem mensa et candelabrum, et caetera quae paulo ante dixit quemadmodum fierent, sancta dicta sunt, et non Sancta Sanctorum.
112. (26, 33) And the veil shall divide for you between the midst of the holy place, and the midst of the Holy of Holies: that is, that between the holy place and the Holy of Holies there should be this veil, of which he now speaks, stretched on four columns. Of this difference between the holy place and the Holy of Holies the Letter to the Hebrews speaks (See Heb 9:1-12); because where the Ark of the testimony is, there is the Holy of Holies, that is, within, beyond the veil: but outside, the table and the lampstand, and the other things which he said a little before how they were to be made, were called holy, and not Holy of Holies.
QsHept.2.78.4
Et significatur foris Vetus Testamentum, intus autem Novum, cum sit utrumque in lectione Veteris Testamenti, et expressum operibus, et significatione figuratum. Ac per hoc in sanctis figura est figurae, quia figura est Veteris Testamenti: in Sanctis autem Sanctorum figura est ipsius veritatis, quia figura est Novi Testamenti. Totum quippe Vetus Testamentum in his rebus et celebrationibus, quae ita observanda praecipiuntur, figura est.
And outside is signified the Old Testament, but within the New, since both are in the reading of the Old Testament, both expressed in works and figured by signification. And by this, in the holy places there is a figure of a figure, because it is a figure of the Old Testament: but in the Holy of Holies there is a figure of the truth itself, because it is a figure of the New Testament. For the whole Old Testament, in these things and celebrations which are prescribed to be observed in this way, is a figure.
QsHept.2.78.4
Cur praecipitur altare fieri trium cubitorum in altitudine.
Why the altar is commanded to be made three cubits in height.
113. (27, 1-2) De altari quaeritur quomodo tribus cubitis altum esse voluerit, cum tanta fere sit staturae hominis altitudo. Quomodo ergo ministrabatur altari, cum gradus habere altare alio loco prohibeat? Ne pudenda, inquit, tua reveles super illud (Ex 20, 26). Sed illic dicebat de altari quod terra vel lapidibus construendum esset, ubi gradus ipsi coaedificati ad corpus altaris utique pertinerent: nunc vero de tabulis fieri altare praecipit, quo si apponeretur ad horam ministrationis aliquid ubi staret minister altaris, et peracto ministerio tolleretur, ad corpus altaris non utique pertineret. Item quaeritur quomodo super altare ligneum sacrificium quod inferebatur, posset incendi; praesertim quia concavum fieri iubet, et craticulam deponi usque ad medium eius, id est medium concavitatis eius, opere factum reticulato.
113. (27, 1-2) Concerning the altar it is asked how he wished it to be three cubits high, since that is nearly the height of a man's stature. How, then, was the altar served, when in another place he forbids the altar to have steps? Lest, he says, you uncover your nakedness upon it (Exod 20:26). But there he was speaking of an altar that was to be constructed of earth or stones, where the steps themselves, built together with it, would surely pertain to the body of the altar: but now he prescribes that the altar be made of boards, so that, if something were set up at it for the hour of ministration where the minister of the altar might stand, and were removed when the ministry was completed, it would not pertain to the body of the altar. Likewise it is asked how the sacrifice that was offered could be burned upon a wooden altar; especially since he orders it to be made hollow, and a grating to be set down to the middle of it, that is, the middle of its hollow, made in latticework.
QsHept.2.78.4
An quoniam dixit: et facies cornua in quatuor angulos, ex seipso erunt cornua, et teges illa aeramento, non ad sola cornua referendum est quod ait, teges illa aeramento, sed ad omnia de quibus loquebatur, de altari fabricando praecipiens?
Or, since he said: and you shall make horns on the four corners, the horns shall be of it, and you shall cover them with bronze, is what he says, you shall cover them with bronze, to be referred not to the horns alone, but to all the things of which he was speaking, in prescribing concerning the making of the altar?
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod per spiritum intellectus et per stolas cum cornibus intellegatur.
That the spirit of understanding is meant, and what is understood by the robes with the horns.
114. 1. (28, 3) Et tu loquere omnibus sapientibus mente, quos replevi spiritu intellectus: quidem Graecus habet αἰσθήσεως, quem Latine sensum, non "intellectum" dicere solemus; sed Scriptura de sensu interiore, quem intellectum vocamus, sic loqui solet, sicuti est ad Hebraeos: perfectorum est autem solidus cibus, eorum qui per habitum exercitatos habent sensus ad discernendum bonum et malum (Hebr 5, 14). Ibi enim quod posuit sensus, Graecus habet αἴσθησις. Quem ergo istum spiritum, nisi Spiritum Sanctum debemus accipere?
114. 1. (28, 3) And you, speak to all the wise in mind, whom I have filled with the spirit of understanding: indeed the Greek has aistheseos, which in Latin we are accustomed to call sense, not "understanding"; but Scripture is accustomed to speak thus of the interior sense, which we call understanding, as it is in Hebrews: but solid food is for the perfect, for those who by habit have their senses exercised to discern good and evil (Heb 5:14). For there, where it put senses, the Greek has aisthesis. What spirit, then, ought we to take this to be, but the Holy Spirit?
QsHept.2.78.4
114. 2. (28, 4) Et stolae quas facient, pectoralem, humeralem, et tunicam talarem, et tunicam cum corymbis. Has appellatas stolas esse et caetera, cum superius unam stolam faciendam proposuisset, notandum est. Tunicam vero cum corymbis honestius putarunt Latini interpretes dici, quam si dicerent cum cirris, qui bene dispositi ornamento esse vestibus solent.
114. 2. (28, 4) And the robes which they shall make, the breastpiece, the shoulder-piece, and the ankle-length tunic, and the tunic with clusters. It is to be noted that these are called robes, and the rest, when above he had proposed that one robe be made. But the Latin translators thought it more decent to say tunic with clusters than if they said with tassels, which, when well arranged, are accustomed to be an ornament to garments.
QsHept.2.78.4
De aspidiscas in veste sacerdotali.
On the little shields in the priestly vestment.
115. (28, 14. 16. 9-10) Aspidiscas in veste sacerdotali quas dicat? utrum scutulas, quae a scuto Latine appellantur, quia et Graeci scutum appellant ἀσπίδα? an vero aspidiscas propter diligenter colligandum dicit ab aspide serpente, sicut etiam muraenae appellantur?
115. (28, 14. 16. 9-10) What does he call little shields in the priestly vestment? Are they the small disks, which are called in Latin from the shield (scutum), since the Greeks too call a shield aspis? Or does he say little shields (aspidiscae), from the asp serpent, on account of their being carefully fastened together, just as murenae too are so named?
QsHept.2.78.4
Spithamis autem longitudo, et spithamis latitudo: Latini quidam interpretati sunt, "mensuram extentae palmae a fine pollicis usque ad finem digiti minimi."
The length a span, and the breadth a span: some Latin translators rendered, "the measure of an extended palm from the end of the thumb to the end of the little finger."
QsHept.2.78.4
Item quod dicitur: sumes duos lapides onychinos, et sculpes in eis nomina filiorum Israel; sex nomina in lapide uno, et sex reliqua in altero, iuxta ordinem nativitatis eorum (Ex 28, 9-10), an intellegendum, ut lapides sint de nominibus filiorum Israel secundum nativitates eorum, id est secundum ordinem quo nati sunt?
Likewise, as for what is said: you shall take two onyx stones, and engrave on them the names of the children of Israel; six names on one stone, and the six remaining on the other, according to the order of their birth (Exod 28:9-10), is it to be understood that the stones are to bear the names of the children of Israel according to their births, that is, according to the order in which they were born?
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo rationale vocetur propter inopiam linguae.
How it is called the "rational" on account of the poverty of the language.
116. (28, 22) Et facies super rationale fimbrias complectentes opus catenatum de auro puro. Quod Latini rationale interpretati sunt, inopia linguae fecit. Graecus enim habet λόγιον, non λογικόν. Rationale autem illud solemus appellare, quod Graeci dicunt λογικόν. Sed quoniam λόγος in Graeca lingua ambiguum est, utrum "verbum" significet, an "rationem," quia utriusque rei nomen est; ubi putatum est a "verbo" dictum λογιον, "eloquium" nostri interpretati sunt: nam quod habemus: eloquia Domini, eloquia casta (Ps 11, 7), Graeci habent λόγια; hic vero in veste sacerdotali, quod ex auro et hyacintho et purpura et cocco duplici torto et bysso duplici torta fieri praeceptum est quadratum duplex, quod esset in pectore sacerdotis, et vocaretur λόγιον, incertum utrum a "ratione" an a "verbo" ductum fuerit, interpretes nostri magis a "ratione" dictum putantes rationale appellaverunt.
116. (28, 22) And you shall make upon the rational fringes, surrounding it, a chained work of pure gold. What the Latins rendered rational the poverty of the language brought about. For the Greek has logion, not logikon. But we are accustomed to call "rational" that which the Greeks call logikon. But since logos in the Greek language is ambiguous, whether it signifies "word" or "reason," because it is the name of both things; where logion was thought to be derived from "word," our translators rendered it "oracle": for what we have, the words of the Lord, chaste words (Ps 12:6 (11)), the Greeks have as logia; but here in the priestly vestment, that which was prescribed to be made of gold and hyacinth and purple and twice-twisted scarlet and twice-twisted fine linen, a double square, which was to be on the priest's breast, and to be called logion—it being uncertain whether it was derived from "reason" or from "word"—our translators, thinking it rather derived from "reason," called it rational.
QsHept.2.78.4
Ubi iubetur ponere super rationale demostratio et veritas.
Where it is commanded to place upon the rational the manifestation and the truth.
117. (28, 30) Et impones super rationale iudicii demonstrationem et veritatem. Quid sibi hoc velit, vel in quali re vel metallo poneretur super rationale demonstratio et veritas, quoniam talia dicit fieri in veste sacerdotis, quae corporaliter fiunt, invenire difficile est. Fabulantur tamen quidam lapidem fuisse, cuius color, sive ad adversa, sive ad prospera mutaretur quando sacerdos intrabat in sancta: et hoc esse quod ait: et afferet Aaron iudicia filiorum Israel super pectus; ostendens videlicet in illa demonstratione et veritate, quid de illis iudicaverit Dominus. Quamquam possit intellegi demonstrationem et veritatem litteris impositam super [MISSING GREEK TEXT].
117. (28, 30) And you shall place upon the rational of judgment the manifestation and the truth. What this means, or on what kind of object or metal the manifestation and truth were to be placed upon the rational—since he says such things are made in the priest's vestment, which are made bodily—is difficult to find. Yet some relate as a tale that there was a stone whose color would change, either toward adverse or toward favorable things, when the priest entered the holy places: and that this is what he says: and Aaron shall bear the judgments of the children of Israel upon his breast; showing, namely, in that manifestation and truth, what the Lord had judged concerning them. Although manifestation and truth can be understood as set in letters upon the [MISSING GREEK TEXT].
QsHept.2.78.4
De tunicae talaris et peristomi confectione.
On the making of the ankle-length tunic and the neck-opening.
QsHept.2.78.4
118. (28, 31) Et facies tunicam talarem hyacinthinam; id est, usque ad talos dependentem. Et erit peristomium ex ea medium, id est, qua caput eiiciatur: hoc est enim quod Graeci dicunt περιστόμιον. Oram habens in circuitu peristomii, opus textoris, commissuram contextam; id est, ne ipsa ora extrinsecus assuatur: hoc videtur dicere, commissuram contextam. Unde etiam addidit, ex ipsa, ut ne rumpatur; id est, ut ex se ipsa sit ipsa ora contexta cum veste.
118. (28, 31) And you shall make an ankle-length tunic of hyacinth; that is, hanging down to the ankles. And there shall be a neck-opening in the middle of it, that is, through which the head is put out: for this is what the Greeks call peristomion. Having a border around the neck-opening, the weaver's work, a woven seam; that is, lest the border itself be sewn on from outside: this he seems to mean by a woven seam. Whence he also added, of itself, that it be not torn; that is, that the border itself be woven of itself together with the garment.
QsHept.2.78.4
Vox Aaron intrantis et exeuntis in sanctum.
The sound of Aaron entering and going out of the holy place.
119. (28, 35) Et erit Aaron cum coeperit fungi sacerdotio, audietur vox eius intranti in sanctum in conspectu Domini et exeunti, ut non moriatur: intrantis et exeuntis vocem de tintinnabulis dixit audiri, tantumque ibi pondus observationis posuit, ut diceret, ne moriatur.
119. (28, 35) And it shall be, when Aaron begins to perform the priestly office, his sound shall be heard as he enters the holy place in the sight of the Lord and as he goes out, that he may not die: he said that the sound of one entering and going out is heard from the little bells, and he set such weight of observance upon it that he said, lest he die.
QsHept.2.78.4
Testimonia ergo quaedam significari voluit in veste sacerdotali, qua utique significatur Ecclesia, per haec tintinnabula, ut nota sit conversatio sacerdotis: sicut Apostolus dicit: circa omnes teipsum bonorum operum praebens exemplum (Tit 2, 7); aut illud: quae audisti a me per multos testes, haec eadem commenda fidelibus, et iis qui idonei sunt et alios docere (2 Tim 2, 2). An quid aliud? magnum tamen est, quidquid illud est. Intranti autem et exeunti, "pro intrantis et exeuntis"; locutio est. Vox pro "sonitu"; nam tintinnabulorum magis sonus quam vox est.
He wished, therefore, that certain testimonies be signified in the priestly vestment—by which the Church is surely signified—through these little bells, so that the conduct of the priest may be known: as the Apostle says: showing yourself in all things an example of good works (Titus 2:7); or that other: the things which you have heard from me through many witnesses, these same things entrust to faithful men, who will be fit to teach others also (2 Tim 2:2). Or something else? Yet it is something great, whatever it is. But to one entering and going out, for "of one entering and going out"; it is a manner of speech. Voice for "sound"; for of little bells it is rather a sound than a voice.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo ibidem sanctitas Domini formari iubeatur in lamina aurea.
How there the holiness of the Lord is commanded to be formed on a golden plate.
120. (28, 36-38) Et facies laminam auream puram, et formabis in ea deformationem signi, sanctitatem Domini; et impones illud super hyacinthum duplicem tortam; et erit super mitram: secundum inspectum mitrae erit; et erit supra frontem Aaron. Et auferet Aaron peccata sanctorum quaecumque sanctificabunt filii Israel, omnis dati sanctorum eorum.
120. (28, 36-38) And you shall make a plate of pure gold, and you shall form on it the shaping of a sign, the holiness of the Lord; and you shall place it upon a twice-twisted hyacinth; and it shall be upon the mitre; according to the front of the mitre it shall be; and it shall be over the forehead of Aaron. And Aaron shall take away the sins of the holy things, whatever the children of Israel shall sanctify, of every gift of their holy things.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo formetur in lamina sanctitas Domini, non video, nisi aliquibus litteris, quas quidam quatuor esse dicunt Hebraeas, quod τετραγράμματον, ut Graeci appellant, nomen Dei ineffabile credunt fuisse, vel esse adhuc usque. Sed quaelibet sint, vel quomodolibet se habeant illae litterae, ut dixi, sanctitatem Domini, vel sanctificationem, si hoc magis dicendum est, quod graecus habet , nonnisi litteris in auro formari potuisse crediderim. Ibi autem dicit sacerdotem sanctorum auferre peccata: quaecumque sanctificabunt, inquit, filii Israel omnis dati sanctorum eorum: quod arbitror dictum in eis sacrificiis quae offerunt pro peccatis suis; ut non sanctorum hominum intellegamus, sed sanctorum ab eo quod sunt sancta quae offeruntur pro peccatis.
How the holiness of the Lord is to be formed on the plate, I do not see, except by certain letters, which some say are four Hebrew ones—for they believe that the ineffable name of God, which the Greeks call tetragrammaton, was, or even still is. But whatever those letters may be, or however they may stand, as I said, I would believe that the holiness of the Lord, or the sanctification, if this is rather to be said, which the Greek has, could be formed only by letters in the gold. But there he says that the priest takes away the sins of the holy things: whatever, he says, the children of Israel shall sanctify, of every gift of their holy things: which I think is said of those sacrifices which they offer for their sins; so that we understand not holy men, but holy things, from the fact that the things which are offered for sins are holy.
QsHept.2.78.4
Cum ergo de lamina dixisset, adiunxit atque ait: et auferet Aaron peccata sanctorum, quaecumque sanctificabunt filii Israel omnis dati sanctorum eorum: id est, sacerdos auferet quaecumque offerunt pro peccatis suis, quae dicuntur et sancta, quia sanctificantur, et peccata, quia pro peccatis offeruntur; sicut multis locis hoc ipsum evidenter Scriptura commemorat. Quod autem adiungit et dicit: et erit super frontem Aaron semper acceptum illis in conspectu Domini, ad laminam illam revertitur; in qua intellegitur frontis ornamentum, fiducia bonae vitae, quam qui vere perfecteque, non significatione, sed veritate sacerdos habet, solus potest auferre peccata, nec habet necessitatem offerre pro suis.
When, then, he had spoken of the plate, he added and said: and Aaron shall take away the sins of the holy things, whatever the children of Israel shall sanctify, of every gift of their holy things: that is, the priest shall take away whatever they offer for their sins, which are called both holy things, because they are sanctified, and sins, because they are offered for sins; as in many places Scripture plainly records this very thing. But what he adds and says: and it shall be over the forehead of Aaron always, accepted for them in the sight of the Lord, returns to that plate; in which is understood the ornament of the forehead, the confidence of a good life, which he who truly and perfectly—not by signification, but by truth—is a priest can alone take away sins, nor has he need to offer for his own.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo praecipiatur ut manus Aaron et filiorum eius impleantur.
How it is commanded that the hands of Aaron and his sons be filled.
121. (28, 41) De Aaron et filiis Aaron cum praeciperet, loquens ad Moysen, quomodo vestirentur, et ungerentur, quid est quod ait: et implebis manus eorum, ut sacerdotio fungantur mihi? An forte muneribus, quae offerenda sunt Deo?
121. (28, 41) When he was prescribing concerning Aaron and the sons of Aaron, speaking to Moses, how they were to be clothed and anointed, what does it mean that he says: and you shall fill their hands, that they may perform the priestly office for me? Is it perhaps with the gifts that are to be offered to God?
QsHept.2.78.4
Femoralia linea praecipiuntur tegere turpitudinem sacerdotum.
Linen breeches are prescribed to cover the priests' shame.
122. (28, 42) Et facies eis femoralia linea tegere turpitudinem corporis eorum; a lumbis usque ad femora erunt. Cum vestis tanta cooperiat totum corpus, quid est quod ait: femoralia facies linea tegere turpitudinem corporis eorum, quasi apparere posset tanta desuper veste adhibita? Nisi quia signum esse voluit in hoc castitatis vel continentiae: quae ideo per indumentum significatur, ut non a seipso habita, sed data intellegatur.
122. (28, 42) And you shall make for them linen breeches to cover the shame of their body; they shall be from the loins to the thighs. Since the garment covers the whole body so fully, what does it mean that he says: you shall make linen breeches to cover the shame of their body, as though it could appear when so great a garment was applied over it? Unless because he wished there to be in this a sign of chastity or continence: which is therefore signified by a covering, that it may be understood as not had from oneself, but given.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid significetur per cidaras.
What is signified by the headdresses.
123. (29, 8-9) Cum de filiis Aaron loqueretur: et indues eos, inquit, tunicas, et cinges eos zonis, et circumdabis eis cidaras. Quam dicat cidarim vel cidaras, quoniam non est interpretatum, nec in usu modo est, ignoratur: puto tamen non esse capitis tegumen, ut nonnulli putaverunt. Neque enim diceret, circumdabis eis, nisi tale aliquid esset, quod non capiti, sed corpori usui esset.
123. (29, 8-9) When he was speaking of the sons of Aaron: and you shall clothe them, he says, with tunics, and gird them with girdles, and put headdresses about them. What he calls a headdress or headdresses, since it was not translated, nor is it now in use, is unknown: yet I think it is not a covering of the head, as some have thought. For he would not say, you shall put them about them, unless it were something of such a kind as would be of use not to the head, but to the body.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo sacerdotium filiorum Aaron dicatur sempiternum.
How the priesthood of the sons of Aaron is called everlasting.
124. (29, 9) Et erit illis sacerdotium mihi in sempiternum. Quomodo dicat in sempiternum, de his significativis rebus, superius saepe diximus. Nam utique mutatum est hoc sacerdotium, ut illud esset in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedec, non secundum ordinem Aaron. Ibi enim et iuratio, et nulla Dei poenitudo, qua significetur mutatio. Iuravit enim Dominus, et non poenitebit eum: 'tu es,' inquit, 'sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedec (Ps 109, 4).' De ordine autem Aaron dictum est quidem in sempiternum, vel propter tempus non praeceptum quousque observaretur, vel quod res significaret aeternas: nusquam est tamen dictum de sacerdotio Aaron, quia iuravit Dominus et non poenitebit eum. Et ideo dictum est in illo sacerdotio secundum ordinem Melchisedec: non poenitebit eum, ut significaretur, quia de sacerdotio Aaron poenituit eum, id est, mutavit illud.
124. (29, 9) And the priesthood shall be theirs for me forever. How he says forever, concerning these significative things, we have often said above. For this priesthood was surely changed, so that the other might be forever according to the order of Melchizedek, not according to the order of Aaron. For there are both an oath, and no repentance of God by which a change might be signified. For the Lord swore, and will not repent: 'you are,' he says, 'a priest forever according to the order of Melchizedek (Ps 110:4 (109)).' But of the order of Aaron it was indeed said forever, either on account of the time, not prescribed, for which it should be observed, or because it signified eternal things: yet nowhere was it said of the priesthood of Aaron that the Lord swore and will not repent. And therefore it was said in that priesthood according to the order of Melchizedek: he will not repent, that it might be signified that of the priesthood of Aaron he did repent, that is, he changed it.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid per manus Aaron significetur.
What is signified by the hands of Aaron.
125. (29, 9) Quid est: et consummabis manus Aaron, et manus filiorum eius? An per manus potestatem significavit, ut aliquid etiam ipsi consecrare possent: potestas autem ipsa sanctificatione consummabatur, qua praecepti sunt sanctificari a Moyse?
125. (29, 9) What is: and you shall consummate the hands of Aaron, and the hands of his sons? Did he perhaps signify power by the hands, so that they too could consecrate something? And that power was consummated by the very sanctification by which they were commanded to be sanctified by Moses?
QsHept.2.78.4
Unde supra dictum sit consummandas esse manus eorum.
Why it was said above that their hands were to be consummated.
126. (29, 10) Et adduces vitulum ad ostium tabernaculi testimonii, et superimponent Aaron et filii eius manus suas super caput vituli in conspectu Domini. Ecce unde supra dictum est, consummandas esse manus eorum, id est, perficiendam potestatem, ut etiam ipsi sanctificarent, quod modo fit, cum ponunt manus suas super vitulum immolandum.
126. (29, 10) And you shall bring the calf to the door of the tabernacle of the testimony, and Aaron and his sons shall lay their hands upon the head of the calf in the sight of the Lord. Behold whence it was said above that their hands were to be consummated, that is, their power perfected, so that they too might sanctify, which is now done, when they lay their hands upon the calf to be immolated.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid odor Dei vocetur.
What is called the odor of God.
127. (29, 18) Quod odor suavitatis Domino saepe dicitur sacrificium de victimis pecorum in Scripturis Sanctis, non utique Deus odore fumi illius delectatur; sed tantum illud quod his significatur spiritaliter Deum delectat cum spiritaliter exhibetur, quoniam ipse odor Dei spiritaliter intellegitur. Non enim sicut nos odorem corporeis naribus ducit. Sicut ergo ille olefacit, sic ista significant.
127. (29, 18) That a sacrifice of animal victims is often called in the Holy Scriptures an odor of sweetness to the Lord does not mean that God is delighted by the odor of that smoke; but only that what is spiritually signified by these things delights God when it is spiritually offered, since the very odor of God is understood spiritually. For he does not draw in odor by bodily nostrils as we do. As, then, he smells, so these things signify.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo pectusculum dicatur Aaron.
How the breast is said to belong to Aaron.
128. (29, 26) Et sumes pectusculum de ariete consummationis, quod est Aaron; id est, huius Aaron. Hoc enim pertinere voluit ad summum sacerdotem.
128. (29, 26) And you shall take the breast from the ram of consummation, which is Aaron's; that is, this Aaron's. For he wished this to pertain to the high priest.
QsHept.2.78.4
De pectusculo et brachio victimarum.
On the breast and the shoulder of the victims.
129. 1. (29, 28) Et erit Aaron et filiis eius legitimum aeternum a filiis Israel: cum diceret de pectusculo et brachio victimarum. More illo ergo aeternum dixit, quem saepe supra commemoravimus.
129. 1. (29, 28) And it shall be for Aaron and his sons an everlasting ordinance from the children of Israel: when he was speaking of the breast and shoulder of the victims. So he said everlasting in that manner which we have often mentioned above.
QsHept.2.78.4
De stola sancti.
On the robe of the holy place.
129. 2. (29, 29-30) Et stola sancti, quae est Aaron, erit filiis eius post eum, ungere eos in ipsis, et consummare manus eorum. Septem diebus vestiet se ea sacerdos qui successerit ei de filiis eius, qui intrabit in tabernaculum testimonii deservire in sanctis. Haec verba multas quaestiones habent. Nam primum hic notandum est, quomodo cum stolam dixerit sancti, postea pluraliter dicit ungere eos in ipsis, tamquam in stolis. Nam et supra multas stolas eas dixerat, quibus una constaret (Cf. Ex 28, 4 e q. 2, 114, 2).
129. 2. (29, 29-30) And the robe of the holy place, which is Aaron's, shall be his sons' after him, to anoint them in them, and to consummate their hands. Seven days the priest who succeeds him from among his sons, who will enter into the tabernacle of the testimony to serve in the holy places, shall clothe himself with them. These words have many questions. For first it is to be noted here how, when he has said the robe of the holy place, he afterward says in the plural to anoint them in them, as though in robes. For above too he had called them many robes, of which one was composed (See Exod 28:4 and q. 2.114.2).
QsHept.2.78.4
Quamquam ambiguum sit utrum in ipsis ab eo quod sunt ipsa genere neutro, quaecumque sunt quibus illa stola completur, id est vestis sacerdotalis: quod magis putandum est, ex eo quod in consequentibus dicit: septem diebus vestiet se ea sacerdos qui successerit ei; ea scilicet omnia quae commemoravit, cum vestem sacerdotalem describeret. Repetivit sane quod supra dixerat: consummare manus eorum: unde quid mihi videretur exposui (Cf. q. 2, 125 a proposito di Ex 29, 9). Quod vero ait: septem diebus vestiet se ea sacerdos, numquid aliis diebus se non vestiet? Sed illis septem continuis intellegi voluit, quibus eius sacerdotium quodammodo dedicatur, atque hebdomadis est in eius inchoatione festivitas.
Although it is ambiguous whether in them is from the fact that they are themselves of the neuter gender—whatever things they are by which that robe is completed, that is, the priestly garment: which is rather to be thought, from the fact that in what follows he says: seven days the priest who succeeds him shall clothe himself with them; namely all those things which he mentioned when he was describing the priestly garment. He repeated, indeed, what he had said above: to consummate their hands: whence I have set forth what seems to me (See q. 2.125 on Exod 29:9). But what he says: seven days the priest shall clothe himself with them, will he not clothe himself on other days? But he wished it to be understood as those seven continuous days, in which his priesthood is in a manner dedicated, and there is a festival of a week at its beginning.
QsHept.2.78.4
Successorem autem Aaron eum dicit, qui intrat in tabernaculum testimonii, deservire in sanctis: eum scilicet significans, qui non poterat esse nisi unus, non quales erant et filii Aaron cum vivo patre suo, sed qualis successor ipsius Aaron. Quomodo ergo proprium dicit huius unius esse, intrare in tabernaculum testimonii, deservire in sanctis, cum et illa quae sunt extra velum, quo velantur sancta sanctorum, sancta appellentur, et tabernaculum testimonii etiam illud vocetur, ubi sunt sancta, id est mensa et candelabrum: ubi cum deserviant et sequentes sacerdotes ad mensam et candelabrum et ipsum altare, quomodo unum dicit successorem Aaron, qui intret in tabernaculum testimonii deservire in sanctis? Si enim dixisset: "deservire in Sanctis Sanctorum," nulla esset quaestio. Ad haec enim, ubi est Arca testimonii, solus unus intrabat summus sacerdos: quod etiam in Epistola ad Hebraeos diligentissime commendatur.
And he calls the successor of Aaron him who enters into the tabernacle of the testimony, to serve in the holy places: signifying, namely, him who could not be but one—not such as were the sons of Aaron while their father was living, but such as the successor of Aaron himself. How, then, does he say it is proper to this one alone, to enter into the tabernacle of the testimony, to serve in the holy places, when even those things which are outside the veil, by which the holy of holies are veiled, are called holy, and that too where the holy things are—that is, the table and the lampstand—is called the tabernacle of the testimony: when, since the succeeding priests too serve at the table and lampstand and the altar itself, how does he say there is one successor of Aaron, who enters into the tabernacle of the testimony to serve in the holy places? For if he had said, "to serve in the Holy of Holies," there would be no question. For to these, where the Ark of the testimony is, one alone, the high priest, entered: which is also very carefully commended in the Letter to the Hebrews.
QsHept.2.78.4
Nisi forte eo ipso quod unum dicit intrare in tabernaculum testimonii, deservire in sanctis, non vult utique intellegi, nisi in sanctis sanctorum; quia et ipsa utique sancta appellantur. Non enim omnia quae sancta sunt, etiam sancta sanctorum dici possunt: illa vero quae sunt sancta sanctorum, procul dubio utique sancta sunt. Unus autem iste qui semel in anno intrabat in sancta sanctorum, quoniam Dominum Christum significabat, apertissime supradicta ad Hebraeos Epistola commendatur (Cf. Hebr 9, 7-11).
Unless perhaps by the very fact that he says one enters into the tabernacle of the testimony, to serve in the holy places, he surely does not wish it to be understood except in the holy of holies; since these too are surely called holy. For not all things that are holy can also be called holy of holies: but those which are holy of holies are without doubt surely holy. And that this one, who once a year entered into the holy of holies, since he signified the Lord Christ, is most plainly commended in the aforesaid Letter to the Hebrews (See Heb 9:7-11).
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod autem praefiguratum est in Sancto Sanctorum, ut super arcam quae Legem habebat, esset propitiatorium, ubi Dei misericordia significari intellegenda est, qua propitius fit eorum peccatis qui Legem non implent; hoc mihi videtur etiam in ipsa veste sacerdotis significari: nam et ipsa quid aliud quam Ecclesiae sacramenta significat? Quod [MISSING GREEK TEXT] in id est rationali in pectore sacerdotis posito iudicia constituit, in lamina vero sanctificationem et ablationem peccatorum: tamquam rationale sit in pectore simile arcae in qua Lex erat, et lamina illa in fronte, simile propitiatorio quod super arcam erat, et ut utrobique servaretur quod scriptum est: superexsultat misericordia iudicio (Iac 2, 13).
But what was prefigured in the Holy of Holies—that over the ark which held the Law there should be the propitiatory, where the mercy of God is to be understood as signified, by which he is made propitious to the sins of those who do not fulfill the Law—this seems to me to be signified also in the priest's vestment itself: for what else does it signify but the mysteries of the Church? In that he set the judgments in the [MISSING GREEK TEXT], that is, the rational placed on the priest's breast, but the sanctification and taking away of sins in the plate: as though the rational on the breast were like the ark in which the Law was, and that plate on the forehead like the propitiatory which was over the ark, and so that in both places what is written might be kept: mercy exults over judgment (Jas 2:13).
QsHept.2.78.4
Purificatio et sanctificatio altaris septem diebus.
The purification and sanctification of the altar for seven days.
130. (29, 37) Quid est quod purificatum et sanctificatum altare septem diebus dicit quod Sanctum Sancti erit? Altare non quidem dicit Sanctum Sanctorum, sicut est illud quod velo separatur, ubi est arca testimonii: verumtamen et hoc altare extra velum positum, per sanctificationem septem dierum dicit potius, quam per unctionem fieri Sanctum Sancti. Et addit: omnis qui tetigerit altare, sanctificabitur.
130. (29, 37) What does it mean that he says the altar, purified and sanctified for seven days, shall be a Holy of the holy? He does not indeed call the altar a Holy of Holies, like that which is separated by a veil, where the ark of the testimony is: nevertheless this altar too, placed outside the veil, he says becomes a Holy of the holy rather through the sanctification of seven days than through the anointing. And he adds: everyone who touches the altar shall be sanctified.
QsHept.2.78.4
De annulis altaris incensi.
On the rings of the altar of incense.
131. (30, 3-4) Cum de annulis loqueretur altaris incensi, quod altare non inaerari, sed inaurari iussit: et duos annulos aureos puros facies, inquit, sub tortili corona eius, in duo latera facies in duobus lateribus: quoniam Graecus habet εἰς τὰ δύο κλίτη ποιήσεις ἐν τοῖς δυσὶ πλευροῖς: Nam κλίτη "latera" sunt, et πλευρά "latera" sunt. Unde quidam Latini sic interpretati sunt: in duas partes facies in duobus lateribus. Non autem ait Graecus μέρη, quod est partes, sed κλίτη, quod latera. Nam hoc verbum est in illo Psalmo, ubi scriptum est: uxor tua sicut vinea fertilis in lateribus domus tuae (Ps 127, 3). Ac per hoc tantum casus interest, quia prius accusativum, post vero ablativum posuit: in duo latera facies, in duobus lateribus. Quis autem sit sensus difficile est assequi; nisi forte, ut solet Scriptura amare ellipsim, ut aliquid desit et subaudiatur, etiam hic subaudiatur: "erunt": ut iste sit sensus: "in duo latera facies, in duobus lateribus erunt"; id est, "ad duo latera facies annulos, quoniam in duobus lateribus erunt."
131. (30, 3-4) When he was speaking of the rings of the altar of incense, which altar he ordered not to be overlaid with bronze, but with gold: and you shall make two pure golden rings, he says, under its twisted crown, on the two sides you shall make them on the two flanks: since the Greek has eis ta dyo klite poieseis en tois dysi pleurois. For klite are "sides," and pleura are "sides." Whence some Latins rendered thus: on the two parts you shall make them on the two sides. But the Greek does not say mere, which is "parts," but klite, which is "sides." For this word is in that Psalm, where it is written: your wife like a fruitful vine on the sides of your house (Ps 128:3 (127)). And by this only the case differs, since first he put the accusative, but afterward the ablative: on the two sides you shall make them, on the two sides. But what the sense is, is difficult to attain; unless perhaps, as Scripture is accustomed to love ellipsis, so that something is lacking and is to be understood, here too "they shall be" is to be understood: so that this is the sense: "on the two sides you shall make them, on the two sides they shall be"; that is, "you shall make the rings at the two sides, since they shall be on the two sides."
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid sit et arcus amitibus.
What "and they shall be arches for the carrying-poles" is.
132. (30, 4) Et erunt arcus amitibus ita ut tollatur illud in eis. Quos annulos dixerat, arcus dicit. Annulos quippe pro "rotundis ansis" posuit. Et quid est aliud annulus vel circulus, nisi undique arcus? Ideo quidam nolentes arcu dicere, thecas interpretati sunt, quibus amites inducerentur, dicentes: et erunt thecae amitibus; quasi Graecus hoc non posset dicere, cum etiam thecae Graecum verbum sit: dixit autem [MISSING GREEK TEXT], quod arcus interpretatur.
132. (30, 4) And they shall be arches for the carrying-poles, so that it may be lifted by them. What he had called rings, he calls arches. For he put rings for "round handles." And what else is a ring or circle, but an arch on every side? Therefore some, unwilling to say arch, rendered it sheaths, into which the carrying-poles would be inserted, saying: and there shall be sheaths for the carrying-poles; as though the Greek could not say this, since sheaths too is a Greek word: but he said [MISSING GREEK TEXT], which is rendered arches.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo intellegendum sit incensum continuationis.
How the incense of continuation is to be understood.
133. (30, 8. 10) Incendet super illud incensum continuationis in conspectu Domini in progenies eorum. Continuationis incensum dicit, quod continuatim fieret, id est, nullo die praetermitteretur. Cum de altari praeciperet incensi, id est, in quo incensum tantum poneretur, non holocaustum, non sacrificium, non libatio; praedixerat idipsum incensum quotidie poni debere: nunc autem dicit: et depropitiabit Aaron vel exorabit, super cornua eius semel in anno de sanguine purificationis delictorum <depropitiationis>. Depropitiationis, ab eo quod est depropitiatio, quae Graece dicitur ἐξιλασμός.
133. (30, 8. 10) He shall burn upon it the incense of continuation in the sight of the Lord throughout their generations. He says incense of continuation, which would be done continuously, that is, omitted on no day. When he was prescribing concerning the altar of incense—that is, on which only incense was placed, not holocaust, not sacrifice, not libation—he had foretold that this very incense ought to be placed daily: but now he says: and Aaron shall make propitiation or shall entreat upon its horns once a year with the blood of the purification of offenses, of propitiation. Of propitiation, from that which is propitiation, which in Greek is called exilasmos.
QsHept.2.78.4
Unde et intellegendum est, hoc quod semel in anno iubet fieri ad propitiandum Deum super cornua altaris incensi, id est ut de sanguine purificationis delictorum, victimarum scilicet quae offeruntur pro delictis, semel in anno tangantur cornua altaris incensi, non pertinere ad illam appositionem incensi, quam quotidie fieri iusserat. Illa enim fiebat aromatibus, non sanguine; et quotidie, non semel in anno.
Whence it is also to be understood that this, which he orders to be done once a year for propitiating God upon the horns of the altar of incense—that is, that with the blood of the purification of offenses, namely of the victims which are offered for offenses, the horns of the altar of incense be touched once a year—does not pertain to that placing of incense which he had ordered to be done daily. For that was done with aromatic spices, not with blood; and daily, not once a year.
QsHept.2.78.4
Non ergo sumus intellecturi, semel in anno intrare sacerdotem solere in sanctum sanctorum, sed semel in anno cum sanguine: et quotidie quidem solere intrare sine sanguine, causa incensi imponendi; cum sanguine autem semel in anno: maxime quia sequitur et dicit: semel in anno purificabit illud; Sanctum Sanctorum est Domino. Non ergo semel in anno ponet illic incensum, quod quotidie fieri iussum est; sed semel in anno purificabit illud, quod cum sanguine fieri praeceptum est. Et post hoc adiungit: Sanctum sanctorum est Domino: ac per hoc si Sanctum Sanctorum non extra, sed intra velum erat; etiam illud profecto altare de quo nunc agitur, quod poni iussit contra velum, intrinsecus iussit.
We are not, therefore, to understand that the priest was accustomed to enter the holy of holies once a year, but once a year with blood: and daily indeed he was accustomed to enter without blood, for the sake of placing incense; but with blood once a year: especially because it continues and says: once a year he shall purify it; it is a Holy of Holies to the Lord. Not, therefore, once a year will he place there the incense, which was ordered to be done daily; but once a year he will purify it, which was prescribed to be done with blood. And after this he adds: it is a Holy of Holies to the Lord: and by this, if the Holy of Holies was not outside but within the veil; surely that altar too, of which we now treat, which he ordered to be placed over against the veil, he ordered to be within.
QsHept.2.78.4
De computatione filiorum Israel.
On the numbering of the children of Israel.
134. (30, 12) Quid est quod ait: si acceperis computationem filiorum Israel in visitatione eorum; nisi quia iubet eos aliquando visitari et computari, id est numerari? Quod in David propterea vindicatum intellegendum est, quia Deus non iusserat (Cf. 2 Reg 24).
134. (30, 12) What does it mean that he says: if you take the reckoning of the children of Israel in their visitation; unless because he orders them at some time to be visited and reckoned, that is, numbered? Which in David is to be understood as having been punished for this reason, because God had not ordered it (See 2 Sam 24).
QsHept.2.78.4
De eo quod unguento chrismatis omnia iussit ungi.
On the fact that he ordered all things to be anointed with the ointment of chrism.
135. (30, 26-33) Advertendum est etiam et notandum quemadmodum unguento chrismatis omnia iussit ungi, tabernaculum scilicet et ea quae in illo erant, et deinde erunt Sancta Sanctorum. Omnia scilicet cum fuerint uncta, erunt Sancta Sanctorum. Quid igitur distabit iam inter illa interiora, quae velo teguntur, et caetera, si omnia cum uncta fuerint erunt Sancta Sanctorum, diligentius requirendum: haec tamen notanda credidimus.
135. (30, 26-33) It is also to be observed and noted how he ordered all things to be anointed with the ointment of chrism, namely the tabernacle and the things that were in it, and then they shall be a Holy of Holies. All things, namely, when they have been anointed, shall be a Holy of Holies. What, then, will now be the difference between those inner things, which are covered by the veil, and the rest, if all things, when they have been anointed, shall be a Holy of Holies, is to be inquired into more carefully: yet we believed these things were to be noted.
QsHept.2.78.4
Ubi etiam meminerimus, quod sicut de illo altari sacrificiorum, quod post unctionem appellari voluit Sanctum Sancti, continuo dictum est: omnis qui tangit illud, sanctificabitur (Ex 29, 37): ita de omnibus postea, quae de illo unguento uncta, dicta sunt Sancta Sanctorum, eadem sententia subsecuta est, ut diceretur: omnis qui tangit ea, sanctificabitur.
Where let us also remember that, just as of that altar of sacrifices, which after the anointing he wished to be called a Holy of the holy, it was immediately said: everyone who touches it shall be sanctified (Exod 29:37): so of all the things afterward which, anointed with that ointment, were called a Holy of Holies, the same statement followed, so that it was said: everyone who touches them shall be sanctified.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod duobus modis intellegi potest; sive tangendo sanctificabitur, sive sanctificabitur ut ei liceat tangere: si tamen non licebat tangere populo tabernaculum, quando afferebant hostias, vel quaecumque ab eis allata offerebantur Deo. Nam consequenter non solis sacerdotibus neque solis Levitis dicendum admonet, quod ait ad Moysen: et filiis Israel loqueris dicens: utique filii Israel totus ille populus erat; iubet autem illis dici: oleum linitio unctionis, sanctum erit hoc vobis in progenies vestras: super carnem hominis non linietur, et secundum compositionem hanc non facietis vobis ipsis similiter. Sanctum est, et sanctificatio erit vobis. Quicumque fecerit similiter, et quicumque dabit de eo exterae nationi, interibit de populo suo.
Which can be understood in two ways; either he shall be sanctified by touching, or he shall be sanctified so that it may be lawful for him to touch: if indeed it was not lawful for the people to touch the tabernacle, when they brought victims, or whatever was brought by them and offered to God. For consequently he admonishes that what he says to Moses is to be said not to the priests alone nor to the Levites alone: and you shall speak to the children of Israel, saying: surely the children of Israel were that whole people; and he orders it to be said to them: the oil of the anointing-balm, this shall be holy to you throughout your generations; it shall not be smeared upon the flesh of a man, and according to this composition you shall not make for yourselves the like. It is holy, and it shall be a sanctification to you. Whoever makes the like, and whoever gives of it to a foreign nation, shall perish from his people.
QsHept.2.78.4
Iubet igitur non solis sacerdotibus, sed universo populo Israel, ut non faciant tale unguentum in usus humanos. Hoc est enim quod ait, super carnem hominis non linietur. Prohibet ergo simile fieri in usus suos, et interitum minatur si quisquam similiter fecerit, id est, unguentum ad usus suos simile confecerit, vel cuiquam hinc dederit exterae nationi. Ac per hoc quod ait: sanctificatio erit vobis, cum hoc populo Israel universo dici iubeat, non video quid intellegam, nisi quia licebat eis, quando veniebant cum suis quisque muneribus, tangere tabernaculum; et tangendo sanctificabantur propter illud oleum, quo cuncta peruncta sunt; et hinc dictum: omnis qui tangit sanctificabitur: non tamen sic quemadmodum sacerdotes, qui etiam ut sacerdotio fungerentur, ungebantur ex illo.
He orders, therefore, not the priests alone, but the whole people of Israel, not to make such ointment for human uses. For this is what he says, it shall not be smeared upon the flesh of a man. He forbids, then, that the like be made for their own uses, and threatens destruction if anyone makes the like, that is, prepares an ointment like it for his own uses, or gives of it to anyone of a foreign nation. And by this, what he says: it shall be a sanctification to you, since he orders this to be said to the whole people of Israel, I do not see what I should understand, except that it was lawful for them, when each came with his own gifts, to touch the tabernacle; and by touching they were sanctified on account of that oil with which all things were anointed; and hence it was said: everyone who touches shall be sanctified: yet not in the way the priests were, who were also anointed from it so that they might perform the priestly office.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid sit opus unguentarii.
What the work of a perfumer is.
136. (30, 34) Quod praecepit quibus aromatibus fiat thymiama, id est incensum, et dicit unguentario more coctum opus unguentarii: non ideo putare debemus unguentum fieri, id est unde aliquid ungatur, sed ut dictum est thymiama, vel incensum quod imponatur illi altari incensi, ubi non licebat sacrificari, et erat intus in Sancto Sanctorum.
136. (30, 34) When he prescribed with what aromatic spices the thymiama, that is, incense, is to be made, and says, in the manner of a perfumer, compounded, the work of a perfumer: we ought not for that reason to think that an ointment is being made, that is, something with which to anoint, but, as was said, thymiama, or incense, which is to be placed on that altar of incense, where it was not lawful to sacrifice, and which was within in the Holy of Holies.
QsHept.2.78.4
De discrimina inter altare incensi et tabernaculum testimonii.
On the distinction between the altar of incense and the tabernacle of the testimony.
137. (30, 36) Et concides de illis minutum, et pones contra testimonia, unde innotescam tibi inde. Sanctum Sanctorum erit vobis incensum. Ecce iterum hoc incensum, quia intus ponebatur in altari incensi quod intus erat, sanctum sanctorum dicitur: et tabernaculum testimonii proprie dicitur illud ipsum interius ubi arca erat, adhibita sane differentia cum ait: unde innotescam tibi inde. Sic enim dixerat primum de propitiatorio, quod utique intus est, id est, intra velum super arcam.
137. (30, 36) And you shall grind some of them fine, and you shall place it over against the testimonies, whence I will make myself known to you from there. The incense shall be a Holy of Holies to you. Behold, again this incense, because it was placed within on the altar of incense which was within, is called a holy of holies: and the tabernacle of the testimony is properly called that very inner part where the ark was, with a distinction surely applied when he says: whence I will make myself known to you from there. For so he had said first of the propitiatory, which is surely within, that is, within the veil, over the ark.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo spiritu Beseleel architecta repletus dicitur.
How Bezalel the architect is said to be filled with the spirit.
138. (31, 2-3) Quid est quod Beseleel cum iuberet adhiberi operibus tabernaculi faciendis, dixit eum se replevisse spiritu divino sapientiae, et intellectus, et scientiae in omni opere, excogitare, et architectonari, etc.? Utrum Spiritus Sancti muneri etiam ista opera tribuenda sunt, quae pertinere ad opificium videntur? an et hoc significative dictum est, ut ea pertineant ad divinum spiritum sapientiae, et intellectus, et scientiae, quae his rebus significantur? Tamen etiam hic cum spiritu repletus dicatur iste divino sapientiae, et intellectus, et scientiae, nondum legitur Spiritus Sanctus.
138. (31, 2-3) What does it mean that, when he ordered Bezalel to be employed for the works of making the tabernacle, he said he had filled him with the divine spirit of wisdom, and understanding, and knowledge in every work, to devise and to do architectural work, etc.? Are these works too, which seem to pertain to craftsmanship, to be attributed to the gift of the Holy Spirit? Or is this too said significatively, so that those things pertain to the divine spirit of wisdom, and understanding, and knowledge which are signified by these things? Yet here too, although this man is said to be filled with the divine spirit of wisdom, and understanding, and knowledge, the Holy Spirit is not yet read of.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid sibi velit quod de sabbato observando praeciperet.
What he means by what he prescribed concerning observing the Sabbath.
139. (31, 16-17) Quid sibi vult, quod cum de Sabbato observando praeciperet, ait: Testamentum aeternum in me et filiis Israel; non ait, "inter me et filios Israel"? An quia sabbatum requiem significat, et requies nobis non est nisi in illo? Nam profecto filios Israel universum populum suum dicit, id est, semen Abraham: et est Israel secundum carnem, et secundum spiritum. Nam si Israel non esset dicendus, nisi ex genere carnis, non diceret Apostolus: videte Israel secundum carnem (1 Cor 10, 18): ubi profecto significat esse Israel secundum spiritum qui in abscondito Iudaeus est et circumcisione cordis (Cf. Rom 2, 29).
139. (31, 16-17) What does he mean, when prescribing concerning observing the Sabbath, by saying: an everlasting covenant in me and the children of Israel; he does not say, "between me and the children of Israel"? Is it because the Sabbath signifies rest, and there is no rest for us except in him? For surely by the children of Israel he means his whole people, that is, the seed of Abraham: and there is an Israel according to the flesh, and according to the spirit. For if "Israel" were not to be said except from the lineage of the flesh, the Apostle would not say: see Israel according to the flesh (1 Cor 10:18): where surely he signifies that there is an Israel according to the spirit, he who is a Jew in secret, and by the circumcision of the heart (See Rom 2:29).
QsHept.2.78.4
Sic ergo melius fortasse distinguitur: Testamentum aeternum in me; ut deinde alius sensus sit, et filiis Israel signum est aeternum, id est, aeternae rei signum: quomodo petra erat Christus, quia petra significabat Christum (1 Cor 10, 4). Non ergo ita iungendum est: Testamentum aeternum in me et filiis Israel, tamquam in Deo et filiis Israel sit hoc testamentum; sed Testamentum aeternum in me, quia in illo promissa est requies aeterna; et filiis Israel signum est aeternum, quia filii Israel acceperunt observandum signum, quo requies significatur aeterna veris Israelitis, hoc est filiis promissionis (Cf. Gal 4, 28) et visuris Deum facie ad faciem sicuti est (Cf. 1 Io 3, 2).
So, then, it is perhaps better distinguished thus: an everlasting covenant in me; so that then there is another sense, and to the children of Israel it is an everlasting sign, that is, a sign of an eternal thing: as the rock was Christ, because the rock signified Christ (1 Cor 10:4). It is not, then, to be joined thus: an everlasting covenant in me and the children of Israel, as though this covenant were in God and the children of Israel; but an everlasting covenant in me, because in him eternal rest was promised; and to the children of Israel it is an everlasting sign, because the children of Israel received a sign to be observed, by which eternal rest is signified to the true Israelites, that is, to the children of the promise (See Gal 4:28), who will see God face to face as he is (See 1 John 3:2).
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo dantur Moysi tantum duae tabulae lapideae.
How only two tablets of stone are given to Moses.
140. (31, 18) Et dedit Moysi statim ut cessavit loqui ad eum, in monte Sina, duas tabulas testimonii, tabulas lapideas scriptas digito Dei. Cum tam multa locutus sit Deus, duae tamen tabulae dantur Moysi lapideae, quae dicuntur tabulae testimonii futurae in Arca. Nimirum omnia caetera quae praecepit Deus ex illis decem praeceptis, quae duabus tabulis conscripta sunt, pendere intelleguntur, si diligenter quaerantur et bene intellegantur: quomodo haec ipsa rursus decem praecepta ex duobus illis, dilectione scilicet Dei et proximi, in quibus tota Lex pendet et Prophetae (Mt 22, 40).
140. (31, 18) And he gave to Moses, as soon as he ceased to speak to him on Mount Sinai, two tablets of the testimony, tablets of stone written by the finger of God. Although God spoke so many things, yet two tablets of stone are given to Moses, which are called tablets of the testimony, to be in the Ark. Surely all the other things which God prescribed are understood to depend on those ten precepts, which were written on the two tablets, if they are carefully inquired into and well understood: just as these ten precepts themselves in turn depend on those two, namely the love of God and of neighbor, on which the whole Law depends, and the Prophets (Matt 22:40).
QsHept.2.78.4
De eo quod iubet Aaron inaures demi.
On the fact that he orders Aaron to take off the earrings.
141. (32, 2) Quod iubet Aaron inaures demi ab auribus uxorum atque filiarum, unde illis faceret deos, non absurde intellegitur difficilia praecipere voluisse, ut hoc modo eos ab illa intentione revocaret: factum tamen illud ipsum difficile ut esset aurum ad faciendum idolum, propter eos notandum putavi, qui contristantur, si quid tale propter vitam aeternam divinitus fieri, vel aequo animo tolerari iubeatur.
141. (32, 2) That Aaron orders the earrings to be taken off from the ears of the wives and daughters, from which he might make gods for them, is not absurdly understood to mean that he wished to prescribe difficult things, that in this way he might recall them from that intention: yet that very thing was made difficult—that there should be gold for making the idol—I have thought worthy of note on account of those who are saddened, if anything of the kind is divinely ordered to be done, or to be borne with equanimity, for the sake of eternal life.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid fecerit de vitulo populus.
What the people did with the calf.
142. (32, 8) Dominus indicans Moysi quid fecerit de vitulo populus, hoc est de idolo quod ex auro suo fecerant, dicit eos dixisse: hi dii tui, Israel, qui te eduxerunt de terra Aegypti. Quod eos dixisse non legitur, sed animum eorum hunc fuisse Deus ostendit. Horum quippe verborum gerebant in corde sententiam, quae Deum latere non poterat.
142. (32, 8) The Lord, indicating to Moses what the people did with the calf, that is, with the idol which they had made from their gold, says that they said: these are your gods, O Israel, who led you out of the land of Egypt. Which they are not read to have said, but God showed that their mind was this. For they bore in their heart the meaning of these words, which could not be hidden from God.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid per malitiam intellegatur.
What is understood by "malice."
143. (32, 14) Et propitiatus est Dominus de malitia quam dixit facere populo suo. Malitiam hic poenam intellegi voluit, sicuti est: aestimata est malitia exitus illorum (Sap 3, 2). Secundum hanc dicitur bonum et malum a Deo (Cf. Eccli 11, 14), non secundum malitiam qua homines mali sunt. Malus enim Deus non est; sed malis ingerit mala, quia iustus est.
143. (32, 14) And the Lord was made propitious concerning the malice which he said he would do to his people. Here he wished "malice" to be understood as punishment, as it is: their departure was reckoned a malice (Wis 3:2). According to this, good and evil are said to be from God (See Sir 11:14), not according to the malice by which men are evil. For God is not evil; but he brings evils upon the evil, because he is just.
QsHept.2.78.4
De eo quod iratus Moyses tabulas testimonii fregerit.
On the fact that Moses, angry, broke the tablets of the testimony.
144. (32, 19-20) Iratus quidem Moyses videtur tabulas testimonii digito Dei scriptas collisisse atque fregisse; magno tamen mysterio figurata est iteratio Testamenti, quoniam Vetus fuerat abolendum, et constituendum Novum. Notandum sane quanta pro populo ad Deum supplicatione laboraverit, qui tam severus in eos vindicando exstitit. Quod autem in ignem missum vitulum fusilem contrivit, et in aquam sparsit, quam populo potum dedit, quid nobis videatur significare, iam alibi scripsimus in opere contra Faustum Manichaeum.
144. (32, 19-20) Moses, angry, indeed seems to have dashed down and broken the tablets of the testimony written by the finger of God; yet by a great mystery the repetition of the Testament was figured, since the Old was to be abolished, and the New established. It is to be noted, surely, with how great a supplication he labored to God for the people, he who showed himself so severe in punishing them. But what we think the calf—which, cast molten into the fire, he ground to powder and scattered into water, which he gave the people to drink—signifies, we have already written elsewhere, in the work against Faustus the Manichee.
QsHept.2.78.4
De eo quod dicit Aaron ad Moysen.
On what Aaron says to Moses.
145. (32, 24) Et dederunt mihi, et misi in ignem, et exiit vitulus hic. Compendio locutus est, non dicens quod ipse formaverit, ut exiret vitulus fusilis? an excusationis causa timendo mentitus est, tamquam ipse in ignem periturum aurum proiecerit, atque ipso non id agente forma vituli exierit? Quod ideo non est credendum hoc eum animo dixisse, quia nec latere Moysen posset quid esset in viro, cum quo Deus loquebatur, et fratrem de mendacio non redarguit.
145. (32, 24) And they gave it to me, and I cast it into the fire, and this calf came out. Did he speak in shorthand, not saying that he himself formed it, so that a molten calf came out? Or, for the sake of excuse, did he lie out of fear, as though he had thrown the gold into the fire to perish, and, without his bringing it about, the form of a calf came out? That he did not say this with such a mind is not to be believed, both because what was in the man with whom God spoke could not be hidden from Moses, and because he did not rebuke his brother for lying.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo Aaron dicatur populum dissipasse cum ipsi petierint.
How Aaron is said to have scattered the people when they themselves asked for it.
146. (32, 25) Et cum vidisset Moyses populum, quia dissipatus est, dissipavit enim eos Aaron, ut in gaudium venirent adversariis suis. Notandum est quemadmodum illud totum mali quod populus fecit, ipsi Aaron tribuatur, quod eis consenserit ad faciendum quod male petierant. Magis enim dictum est, dissipavit eos Aaron, quoniam cessit eis, quam dissipaverunt se ipsi qui tantum malum flagitaverunt.
146. (32, 25) And when Moses had seen the people, that they were scattered—for Aaron had scattered them—so that they became a joy to their adversaries. It is to be noted how that whole evil which the people did is attributed to Aaron himself, because he consented to them in doing what they had wickedly asked. For it is rather said, Aaron scattered them, since he yielded to them, than that they scattered themselves who demanded so great an evil.
QsHept.2.78.4
Moyses populum sic diligebat, ut pro eo illa verba Deo funderet.
Moses so loved the people that for them he poured out those words to God.
147. (32, 31-32) Cum Moyses dicit ad Deum: precor, peccavit populus iste peccatum magnum, et fecerunt sibi deos aureos, et nunc siquidem remittis illis peccatum illorum, remitte; sin autem, dele me de libro tuo quem scripsisti: securus quidem hoc dixit, ut a consequentibus ratiocinatio concludatur; id est, ut quia Deus Moysen non deleret de libro suo, populo peccatum illud remitteret. Verumtamen advertendum est quantum malum in illo peccato perspexerit Moyses, quod tanta caede crediderit expiandum, qui eos sic diligebat, ut pro eis illa verba Deo funderet.
147. (32, 31-32) When Moses says to God: I beseech you, this people has sinned a great sin, and they have made for themselves gods of gold; and now, if indeed you forgive them their sin, forgive it; but if not, blot me out of your book which you have written: he said this securely, so that the reasoning might be concluded from what follows; that is, that since God would not blot Moses out of his book, he would forgive the people that sin. Nevertheless it is to be noted how great an evil Moses perceived in that sin, in that he believed it had to be expiated by so great a slaughter—he who loved them so that for them he poured out those words to God.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quaeritur cur in Aaron vindicta nulla processerit.
It is asked why no punishment proceeded against Aaron.
148. (32, 35) Merito quaeritur, cum superius populum dissipasse dictus sit Aaron, cur in ipsum vindicta nulla processerit, neque cum Moyses interfici iussit omnem qui Levitis euntibus ad portam et redeuntibus occurrisset armatis (Cf. Ex 32, 26-28), neque cum postea factum est quod Scriptura dicit: et percussit Dominus populum propter facturam vituli, quem fecit Aaron: maxime quia et hic hoc idem repetendo inculcatum est. Non enim dictum est: et percussit Dominus populum propter facturam vituli, quem fecerunt, sed, quem fecit Aaron: et tamen non est percussus Aaron; quin etiam illud quod de sacerdotio eius ante peccatum eius Deus praecipiebat, impletum est. Sed iussit et ipsum et filios ablui (Cf. Ex 40, 12); et sic ordinati sunt in sacerdotio.
148. (32, 35) It is rightly asked why, since Aaron was said above to have scattered the people, no punishment proceeded against him—neither when Moses ordered everyone to be killed who, as the Levites went armed to the gate and back, met them (See Ex 32:26–28), nor when afterward there came about what Scripture says: and the Lord struck the people on account of the making of the calf, which Aaron made: especially because here too this same thing was inculcated by repetition. For it was not said: and the Lord struck the people on account of the making of the calf, which they made, but, which Aaron made: and yet Aaron was not struck; indeed, even that which God prescribed concerning his priesthood before his sin was fulfilled. But he ordered both him and his sons to be washed (See Ex 40:12); and so they were ordained in the priesthood.
QsHept.2.78.4
Ita novit ille cui parcat usque ad commutationem in melius; et cui parcat ad tempus, quamvis eum praescierit in melius non mutari; et cui non parcat ut mutetur in melius, et cui non parcat, ita ut nec mutationem eius exspectet: et totum hoc ad id redit, quod Apostolus dicit exclamans: quam inscrutabilia sunt iudicia eius, et investigabiles viae eius (Rom 11, 33).
Thus he knows whom he spares unto a change for the better; and whom he spares for a time, although he has foreknown that he will not be changed for the better; and whom he does not spare so that he may be changed for the better; and whom he does not spare, so that he does not even await his change: and all this comes back to that which the Apostle says, exclaiming: how inscrutable are his judgments, and how unsearchable his ways (Rom 11:33).
QsHept.2.78.4
De verbis: Vade, ascende hinc tu et populus tuus quem eduxisti de terra Aegypti.
On the words: Go, go up from here, you and your people whom you led out of the land of Egypt.
149. (33, 1) Vade ascende hinc, tu et populus tuus, quem eduxisti de terra Aegypti. Deus iratus dicere videtur, tu et populus tuus, quem eduxisti; alioquin dixisset, "tu et populus meus, quem eduxi de terra Aegypti": sed illi quando idolum poposcerunt, ita locuti sunt: Moyses enim hic homo qui eduxit nos de terra Aegypti, non scimus quid factum sit ei (Ex 32, 1. 23); liberationem suam in homine constituendo defecerant. Hoc eis modo replicatur cum dicitur, tu et populus tuus, quem eduxisti de terra Aegypti: quod illis est crimini, non Moysi. Non enim aliud volebat Moyses, nisi ut non in illo, sed in Domino spem ponerent, et Domini misericordia se cum gratiarum actione crederent ab illa servitute liberatos: cuius tamen apud Deum tamquam fidelissimi famuli tantum erat meritum per illius gratiam, ut ei diceret Deus: sine me, et iratus ira conteram eos (Ex 32, 10).
149. (33, 1) Go up from here, you and your people, whom you led out of the land of Egypt. God, angry, seems to say, you and your people, whom you led out; otherwise he would have said, "you and my people, whom I led out of the land of Egypt": but they, when they demanded the idol, spoke thus: for this Moses, the man who led us out of the land of Egypt, we do not know what has become of him (Ex 32:1, 23); they had set their liberation in a man whom they were establishing. This is now thrown back at them when it is said, you and your people, whom you led out of the land of Egypt: which is a charge against them, not against Moses. For Moses wished nothing other than that they should set their hope not in him, but in the Lord, and should believe themselves freed from that slavery by the Lord's mercy, with thanksgiving: whose merit, however, with God, as of a most faithful servant, was so great through his grace, that God said to him: let me alone, and in the anger of my wrath I will destroy them (Ex 32:10).
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod utrum iubentis sit cum ait: sine me, an quasi petentis, utrumque videtur absurdum. Nam et si iubebat Deus, inobedienter famulus non parebat; et Deum hoc a servo velut pro beneficio petere non decebat, cum praesertim posset eos etiam illo nolente conterere. Ille itaque ibi sensus in promptu est, quod his verbis significavit Deus plurimum apud se prodesse illi populo, quia sic ab illo viro diligebantur, quem sic Dominus diligebat; ut eo modo admoneremur, cum merita nostra nos gravant ne diligamur a Deo, relevari nos apud eum illorum meritis posse quos diligit.
But whether this belongs to one commanding when he says, let me alone, or as it were to one asking, both seem absurd. For if God was commanding, the servant disobediently did not obey; and it was not fitting for God to ask this of a servant as for a favor, especially since he could destroy them even against his will. So that sense there is at hand, that by these words God signified that this people availed very much with him, because they were so loved by that man whom the Lord so loved; so that we might be admonished in this way, that when our own merits weigh us down so that we are not loved by God, we can be relieved before him by the merits of those whom he loves.
QsHept.2.78.4
Nam cum ab Omnipotente dicitur homini: sine me, et conteram eos, quid aliud dicitur quam: "contererem eos, nisi diligerentur abs te"? Ita ergo dictum est: sine me, ac si diceretur: "noli eos diligere, et conteram eos; quia ne id faciam dilectio tua in illos intercedit mihi." Obtemperandum autem esset Domino dicenti: "noli eos diligere," si hoc iubendo dixisset, et non potius admonendo et exprimendo quid illum ab eorum supplicio revocaret: nec tamen etiam illo intercedente sine flagello disciplinae populum dereliquit. Nescio quo enim modo, ut sic eos diligeret ipse Moyses, Deus illos occultius diligebat, qui manifeste voce terrebat.
For when it is said by the Almighty to a man: let me alone, and I will destroy them, what else is said but: "I would destroy them, unless they were loved by you"? So, then, let me alone was said, as if it were said: "do not love them, and I will destroy them; for your love toward them intercedes with me, lest I do it." But the Lord saying, "do not love them," would have to be obeyed, if he had said this by commanding, and not rather by admonishing and expressing what recalled him from their punishment: nor yet, even with him interceding, did he leave the people without the scourge of discipline. For somehow, in order that Moses himself might so love them, God loved them more secretly, who openly terrified them by his voice.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo Dominus quasi plus misericordiae in angelo qui populum ducat, quam in se esse significet.
How the Lord signifies that there is, as it were, more mercy in the angel who is to lead the people than in himself.
150. (33, 1-3) Ubi dicit Deus ad Moysen: vade, ascende hinc, tu et populus tuus, quem eduxisti de terra Aegypti, in terram quam iuravi Abraham, Isaac, et Iacob, dicens: 'semini vestro dabo eam'; continuo tamquam ad ipsum Moysen adhuc loquatur, occulta conversione, quae graece dicitur, iam ad ipsum populum loquitur dicens: et simul mittam angelum meum ante te, et eiiciet Chananaeum, et Amorrhaeum, et Chettaeum, et Pheresaeum, et Gergesaeum, et Evaeum, et Iebusaeum; et introducet te in terram fluentem lac et mel. Non enim ascendam tecum, quoniam populus dura cervice es, ut non deleam te in via.
150. (33, 1-3) Where God says to Moses: go, go up from here, you and your people, whom you led out of the land of Egypt, into the land which I swore to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, saying: 'to your seed I will give it'; immediately, as though he were still speaking to Moses himself, by a hidden turn, which in Greek is so called, he now speaks to the people themselves, saying: and I will send my angel before you at the same time, and he will drive out the Canaanite, and the Amorite, and the Hittite, and the Perizzite, and the Girgashite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite; and he will bring you into a land flowing with milk and honey. For I will not go up with you, since you are a people of a stiff neck, lest I destroy you on the way.
QsHept.2.78.4
Magna sacramenti et mira profunditas, tamquam misericordiam maiorem posset angelus habere quam Dominus, qui populo durae cervicis parceret; cui Deus, si cum illis esset, ipse non parceret: et tamen etiam per angelum suum, se quodammodo ab eis absente, qui nusquam esse absens potest, implere se dicit quod patribus eorum iuravit; tamquam et hic ostendens hoc se ideo facere, quia illis patribus iustis promisit, non quod isti digni essent. Quid ergo significavit, nisi forte ideo se non esse cum eis, quia dura cervice sunt; quia non eum propitium et salubrem, nisi humilitas et pietas capit? Esse autem Deum cum durae cervicis hominibus, nihil est aliud quam vindicando adesse atque puniendo: unde cum eo modo malis non adest, parcendo facit; quo pertinet illud quod dicitur: averte faciem tuam a peccatis meis (Ps 50, 11): quia si advertit, evertit. Sicut enim fluit cera a facie ignis, sic pereunt peccatores a facie Dei (Ps 67, 3).
A great and wonderful depth of mystery, as though the angel could have greater mercy than the Lord, who would spare a people of a stiff neck; whom God, if he were with them, would himself not spare: and yet even through his angel, himself in a manner absent from them—he who can be absent nowhere—he says he fulfills what he swore to their fathers; as though here too showing that he does this because he promised it to those just fathers, not because these men were worthy. What, then, did he signify, unless perhaps that he is not with them because they are of a stiff neck; because only humility and piety can receive him as propitious and salutary? But for God to be with men of a stiff neck is nothing other than to be present in punishing and chastising: whence, when in this way he is not present to the evil, he does it by sparing; to which pertains that which is said: turn away your face from my sins (Ps 51 (50):9): because if he turns toward, he overturns. For as wax melts before the face of the fire, so the sinners perish before the face of God (Ps 68 (67):2).
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo Moyses volens manifeste seu scienter videre Deum, duplicem se habere amorem significat.
How Moses, wishing to see God manifestly or knowingly, signifies that he has a twofold love.
151. (33, 12-13) Et dixit Moyses ad Dominum: 'ecce tu mihi dicis: 'deduc populum hunc.' Tu autem non demonstrasti mihi quem simul mittas mecum. Tu autem dixisti mihi: 'scio te prae omnibus, et gratiam habes apud me.' Si ergo inveni gratiam in conspectu tuo, ostende mihi temetipsum, manifeste ut videam te, ut sim inveniens gratiam ante te, et ut sciam quia populus tuus est gens haec.' Quod habet Graecus γνωστῶς, hoc quidam Latini interpretati sunt, manifeste, cum Scriptura non dixerit φανερῶς. Potuit ergo fortasse aptius dici: si inveni gratiam in conspectu tuo, ostende mihi temetipsum, scienter ut videam te: quibus verbis satis ostendit Moyses, quod non ita videbat Deum in illa tanta familiaritate conspectus, ut desiderabat videre; quoniam illae omnes visiones Dei, quae mortalium praebebantur aspectibus, et ex quibus fiebat sonus, quo mortalis attingeretur auditus, sic exhibebantur, assumpta sicut Deus volebat, specie qua volebat, ut non in eis ipsa ullo sensu corporis sentiretur divina natura, quae invisibilis ubique tota est, et nullo continetur loco.
151. (33, 12-13) And Moses said to the Lord: 'behold, you say to me: 'lead this people.' But you have not shown me whom you will send with me. But you said to me: 'I know you above all, and you have favor with me.' If, then, I have found favor in your sight, show me yourself, manifestly, that I may see you, that I may be one finding favor before you, and that I may know that this nation is your people.' What the Greek has as gnostos, some Latins rendered manifestly, when Scripture did not say phaneros. So it could perhaps have been more aptly said: if I have found favor in your sight, show me yourself, that I may see you knowingly: by which words Moses sufficiently shows that he did not so see God in that great familiarity of converse as he desired to see him; since all those visions of God which were offered to the gazes of mortals, and from which there came a sound by which mortal hearing might be touched, were so displayed—a form being assumed as God willed, the form he willed—that in them the divine nature itself was perceived by no bodily sense, which is invisible, everywhere whole, and contained in no place.
QsHept.2.78.4
Et quia in duobus praeceptis, hoc est dilectionis Dei et proximi, tota Lex pendet (Mt 7, 12), ideo Moyses in utroque suum desiderium demonstrabat: in dilectione scilicet Dei, ubi ait: si inveni gratiam in conspectu tuo, ostende mihi temetipsum, manifeste ut videam te, ut sim inveniens gratiam in conspectu tuo; in dilectione autem proximi, ubi ait: et ut sciam quia populus tuus est gens haec.
And because on two precepts, that is, of the love of God and of neighbor, the whole Law depends (Matt 22:40), therefore Moses showed his desire in both: in the love of God, namely, where he says: if I have found favor in your sight, show me yourself, manifestly, that I may see you, that I may be one finding favor in your sight; but in the love of neighbor, where he says: and that I may know that this nation is your people.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quid sit quod dicit Deus ad Moysen.
What it means that God says to Moses.
152. (33, 17) Quid est quod dicit Deus ad Moysen: quoniam scio te prae omnibus? numquid Deus plus aliqua scit, et aliqua minus? An secundum quod dicitur quibusdam in Evangelio: non novi vos (Mt 25, 12)? Secundum hanc enim scientiam, qua Deus dicitur scire quae illi placent, nescire quae displicent, non quia ignorat ea, sed quia non approbat, sicut ars recte dicitur nescire vitia, cum probet vitia; prae omnibus Deus Moysen sciebat, quia Deo prae omnibus Moyses placebat.
152. (33, 17) What does it mean that God says to Moses: since I know you above all? Does God know some things more, and some things less? Or is it according to what is said to certain ones in the Gospel: I do not know you (Matt 25:12)? For according to this knowledge, by which God is said to know what pleases him, and not to know what displeases him—not because he is ignorant of these, but because he does not approve, just as an art is rightly said not to know faults, though it knows faults—God knew Moses above all, because Moses pleased God above all.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quod prius ipse Moyses dixerit Deo.
That Moses himself first said this to God.
153. (33, 12. 17) Notandum estne, quod prius ipse Moyses dixerat Deo: dixisti mihi: 'scio te prae omnibus'; quod illi Deus posteaquam hoc ipse Deo dixit, legitur dixisse, ante autem non legitur; ut intellegamus non omnia esse scripta quae cum illo Deus locutus est? Sed diligentius requirendum est in prioribus Scripturae partibus, an vere ita sit.
153. (33, 12. 17) Is it to be noted that Moses himself had first said to God: you said to me: 'I know you above all'; which God is read to have said to him after Moses himself said this to God, but is not read to have said before; so that we may understand that not all the things God spoke with him are written? But it must be inquired into more carefully in the earlier parts of Scripture whether it is truly so.
QsHept.2.78.4
De verbis: Ostende mihi gloriam tuam, et: Ego transibo ante te gloria mea.
On the words: Show me your glory, and: I will pass before you in my glory.
154. 1. (33, 14-23) Cum dixisset Moyses ad Dominum: ostende mihi gloriam tuam; respondit ei Dominus: ego transibo ante te gloria mea: et vocabo nomine Domini in conspectu tuo; et miserebor cui misertus ero, et misericordiam praestabo cui misericordiam praestitero: cum paulo ante dixisset: ipse antecedam te, et requiem tibi dabo; quod Moyses sic videtur accepisse: antecedam te, tamquam non ei populo qui praesens in itinere futurus esset: et ideo ait: si non tu ipse simul veneris nobiscum, ne me educas hinc, etc. Deus autem neque ei hoc negavit dicens: et hoc tibi verbum quod dixisti faciam.
154. 1. (33, 14-23) When Moses had said to the Lord: show me your glory; the Lord answered him: I will pass before you in my glory; and I will call by the name of the Lord in your sight; and I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I will show mercy to whom I will have shown mercy: when a little before he had said: I myself will go before you, and will give you rest; which Moses seems to have taken thus: I will go before you, as though not present to that people who would be on the journey: and therefore he says: if you yourself do not come with us, do not lead me out from here, etc. But God did not deny him this, saying: this word too which you have spoken I will do.
QsHept.2.78.4
Quomodo ergo cum dixisset ei Moyses: ostende mihi gloriam tuam, rursus, tamquam praecessurus et non cum eis simul futurus, videtur dicere: ego transibo ante te, nisi quia hoc aliud est? Ille quippe intellegitur loqui et dicere: transibo ante te, de quo dicit Evangelium: cum venisset hora ut transiret Iesus de hoc mundo ad Patrem (Io 13, 1): qui transitus etiam Pascha interpretari perhibetur. Haec itaque magna omnino prophetia est. Ipse enim ante omnes sanctos transit ad Patrem de hoc saeculo, parare illis mansiones regni coelorum, quas dabit eis in resurrectione mortuorum; quoniam transiturus ante omnes primogenitus a mortuis factus est (Cf. Col 1, 18).
How, then, when Moses had said to him: show me your glory, does he again, as though about to go before and not to be with them, seem to say: I will pass before you, unless because this is something else? For he is understood to speak and say: I will pass before you, of whom the Gospel says: when the hour had come that Jesus should pass from this world to the Father (John 13:1): which passing is also said to be interpreted Pascha. This, therefore, is altogether a great prophecy. For he himself passes before all the saints to the Father from this world, to prepare for them the dwellings of the kingdom of heaven, which he will give them in the resurrection of the dead; since, about to pass before all, he was made the firstborn from the dead (See Col 1:18).
QsHept.2.78.4
154. 2. Gratiam vero suam in eo ipso valde commendat cum dicit: et vocabo nomine Domini in conspectu tuo: tamquam in conspectu populi Israel, cuius Moyses cum haec audiret typum gerebat. In conspectu enim gentis ipsius ubique dispersae vocatur Dominus Christus in omnibus gentibus. Vocabo autem dixit, non: "vocabor," activum verbum pro passivo ponens, genere locutionis inusitato; in quo nimirum magnus sensus latet. Sic enim fortasse significare voluit seipsum hoc facere, id est gratia sua fieri, ut vocetur Dominus in omnibus gentibus.
154. 2. But he greatly commends his grace in that very thing when he says: and I will call by the name of the Lord in your sight: as though in the sight of the people of Israel, whose type Moses bore when he heard these things. For in the sight of that nation itself, dispersed everywhere, the Lord Christ is called upon among all nations. But he said I will call, not "I will be called," putting the active verb for the passive, by an unusual manner of speech; in which surely a great meaning lies hidden. For thus perhaps he wished to signify that he himself does this, that is, that by his grace it comes about, that the Lord is called upon among all nations.
QsHept.2.154.2
154. 3. Quod vero addidit: et miserebor cui misertus ero, et misericordiam praestabo cui misericordiam praestitero; ibi plane expressius ostendit vocationem qua nos vocavit in suum regnum et gloriam: non pro meritis nostris, sed pro misericordia sua. Quoniam enim se gentes introducturum pollicebatur, dicens: vocabo nomine Domini in conspectu tuo; commendavit hoc se misericorditer facere, sicut Apostolus dicit: dico enim Christum ministrum fuisse circumcisionis propter veritatem Dei, ad confirmandas promissiones patrum; gentes autem super misericordia glorificare Deum (Rom 15, 8-9). Hoc ergo praedictum est: miserebor cui misertus ero, et misericordiam praestabo cui misericordiam praestitero. Quibus verbis prohibuit hominem velut de propriarum virtutum meritis gloriari, ut qui gloriatur in Domino glorietur (2 Cor 10, 17). Non enim ait: miserebor talibus vel talibus, sed, cui misericors fuero; ut neminem praecedentibus bonis operibus suis misericordiam tantae vocationis meruisse demonstret. Etenim Christus pro impiis mortuus est (Rom 5, 6).
154. 3. But what he added: and I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I will show mercy to whom I will have shown mercy; there he plainly shows more expressly the calling by which he called us into his kingdom and glory: not for our merits, but for his mercy. For since he was promising that he would bring in the nations, saying: I will call by the name of the Lord in your sight; he commended that he does this mercifully, as the Apostle says: for I say that Christ was a minister of the circumcision for the truth of God, to confirm the promises of the fathers; but that the nations glorify God for his mercy (Rom 15:8–9). This, then, was foretold: I will have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and I will show mercy to whom I will have shown mercy. By which words he forbade a man to glory as it were of the merits of his own virtues, that he who glories may glory in the Lord (2 Cor 10:17). For he does not say: I will have mercy on such and such, but, on whom I will have been merciful; so that he shows that no one merited the mercy of so great a calling by his own preceding good works. For indeed Christ died for the ungodly (Rom 5:6).
QsHept.2.154.3
154. 4. Sed utrum hoc idem repetere voluerit, cum addidit: misericordiam praestabo cui misericordiam praestitero, vel sicut alii interpretati sunt, cui misericors fuero; an aliquid intersit, nescio. Quod enim Graeca lingua duobus verbis dictum est: [MISSING GREEK TEXT], et [MISSING GREEK TEXT], quod unum atque idem videtur significare, non potuit Latinus diversis verbis dicere, et diversis modis eamdem misericordiam repetivit. Si autem diceretur: "miserebor cui misereor, et miserebor cui misereor" aut "miserebor cui misertus ero"; non satis commode dici videretur. Et tamen fortius ille ipse ibi sensus est, quod aut ipsius misericordiae suae firmitatem Deus ista repetitione monstravit: sicut amen, amen; sicut fiat, fiat; sicut repetitio somnii Pharaonis, pluraque similia. Aut in utrisque populis, id est gentibus et Hebraeis, hoc modo Deus praenuntiavit misericordiam se esse facturum. Quod Apostolus ita dicit: sicut enim vos aliquando non credidistis Deo, nunc autem misericordiam consecuti estis illorum incredulitate; sic et ipsi nunc non crediderunt in vestra misericordia, ut et ipsi misericordiam consequantur. Conclusit enim Deus omnes in incredulitate, ut omnium misereatur (Rom 11, 30-32).
154. 4. But whether he wished to repeat this same thing, when he added: I will show mercy to whom I will have shown mercy, or, as others rendered it, to whom I will have been merciful; or whether there is some difference, I do not know. For what in the Greek language was said in two words: [MISSING GREEK TEXT] and [MISSING GREEK TEXT], which seems to signify one and the same thing, the Latin could not say in different words, and repeated the same mercy in different ways. But if it were said: "I will have mercy on whom I have mercy, and I will have mercy on whom I have mercy," or "I will have mercy on whom I will have had mercy"; it would seem not to be said suitably enough. And yet that very sense there is stronger, that either God showed the firmness of his own mercy by that repetition: as amen, amen; as let it be done, let it be done; as the repetition of Pharaoh's dream, and many similar things. Or in both peoples, that is, the nations and the Hebrews, God foretold in this way that he would show mercy. Which the Apostle says thus: for as you also once did not believe God, but now have obtained mercy through their unbelief; so they also now have not believed in your mercy, that they too may obtain mercy. For God has shut up all in unbelief, that he may have mercy on all (Rom 11:30–32).
QsHept.2.154.4
154. 5. Deinde post hanc suae misericordiae commendationem respondit ad illud quod ei dictum fuerat: ostende mihi gloriam tuam, vel quod supra petiverat Moyses, dicens: ostende mihi temet ipsum, manifeste ut videam te (Ex 33, 13). Non poteris, inquit, videre faciem meam. Non enim videbit homo faciem meam, et vivet: ostendens huic vitae, quae agitur in sensibus mortalibus corruptibilis carnis, Deum sicuti est apparere non posse; id est, sicuti est videri in illa vita potest, ubi ut vivatur, huic vitae moriendum est.
154. 5. Then, after this commendation of his mercy, he answered to that which had been said to him: show me your glory, or what Moses had asked above, saying: show me yourself, manifestly, that I may see you (Ex 33:13). You will not be able, he says, to see my face. For man shall not see my face, and live: showing that to this life, which is led in the mortal senses of corruptible flesh, God cannot appear as he is; that is, he can be seen as he is in that life, where, in order that one may live, one must die to this life.
QsHept.2.154.5
154. 6. Item interposito articulo dicente Scriptura: et ait Dominus, sequitur et loquitur: ecce locus penes me. Quis enim locus non penes Deum est, qui nusquam est absens? Sed Ecclesiam significat dicendo: ecce locus penes me, tamquam templum suum commendans: et stabis, inquit, super petram (quia super hanc petram, ait Dominus, aedificabo Ecclesiam meam (Mt 16, 18)), statim ut transiet gloria mea: id est: "statim ut transiet gloria mea, stabis supra petram; quia post transitum Christi, id est post passionem et resurrectionem Christi stetit populus fidelis supra petram." Et ponam te, inquit, in caverna petrae: munimen firmissimum significat. Alii autem interpretati sunt: in specula petrae; sed Graecus habet ὀπὴν; hoc autem "foramen" vel "cavernam" rectius interpretamur.
154. 6. Likewise, a clause being interposed where Scripture says: and the Lord said, it continues and speaks: behold, a place beside me. For what place is not beside God, who is absent nowhere? But he signifies the Church by saying: behold, a place beside me, as though commending his temple: and you shall stand, he says, upon the rock (for upon this rock, says the Lord, I will build my Church (Matt 16:18)), as soon as my glory shall pass by: that is: "as soon as my glory shall pass by, you shall stand upon the rock; for after the passing of Christ, that is, after the Passion and resurrection of Christ, the faithful people stood upon the rock." And I will place you, he says, in a cleft of the rock: he signifies a most firm protection. But others rendered it: in a watchtower of the rock; but the Greek has open; and this we more rightly render "hole" or "cleft."
QsHept.2.154.6
154. 7. Et tegam manu mea super te, donec transeam: et auferam manum, et tunc videbis posteriora mea; facies autem mea non videbitur tibi. Cum iam dixisset: stabis super petram, statim ut transiet gloria mea, ubi intellegitur post transitum suum promisisse super petram stabilitatem; quomodo accipiendum est quod ait: ponam te in caverna petrae, et tegam manu mea super te, donec transeam: et auferam manum, et tunc videbis posteriora mea: quasi iam illo in petra constituto, tegat manu sua super eum, et deinde transeat; cum esse in petra non possit, nisi post eius transitum?
154. 7. And I will cover you with my hand, until I pass by; and I will take away my hand, and then you shall see my back parts; but my face shall not be seen by you. When he had already said: you shall stand upon the rock, as soon as my glory shall pass by, where it is understood that after his passing he promised stability upon the rock; how is what he says to be taken: I will place you in a cleft of the rock, and I will cover you with my hand, until I pass by; and I will take away my hand, and then you shall see my back parts: as though, with him already set in the rock, he covers him with his hand, and then passes by; when he cannot be in the rock except after his passing?
QsHept.2.154.6
Sed recapitulatio intellegenda est rei praetermissae, quali solet uti Scriptura in multis locis. Postea quippe dixit quod ordine temporis prius est. Qui ordo ita se habet: tegam manu mea super te, donec transeam, et tunc videbis posteriora mea; nam facies mea non videbitur tibi: et stabis super petram statim ut transiet gloria mea, et ponam te in caverna petrae. Hoc enim factum est in eis quos tunc significabat persona Moysi, id est Israelitis, qui in Dominum Iesum, sicut Actus Apostolorum indicant, postea crediderunt, id est, statim ut transiit eius gloria (Cf. Act 2). Non posteaquam resurrexit a mortuis, et ascendit in coelum, misso desuper Spiritu Sancto, cum linguis omnium gentium Apostoli loquerentur, compuncti sunt corde multi ex eis qui crucifixerant Christum: quem ut non cognovissent, et Dominum gloriae crucifixissent, caecitas ex parte in Israel facta est (Cf. Rom 11, 25), sicut dictum fuerat: tegam manu mea super te, donec transeam. Unde Psalmus dicit: quoniam die ac nocte gravata est super me manus tua (Ps 31, 4): diem appellans, quando Christus divina miracula faciebat; noctem, quando sicut homo moriebatur, quando et illi titubaverunt qui in die crediderant.
But a recapitulation of a matter passed over is to be understood, such as Scripture is accustomed to use in many places. For he afterward said what in order of time is prior. Which order stands thus: I will cover you with my hand, until I pass by, and then you shall see my back parts; for my face shall not be seen by you; and you shall stand upon the rock as soon as my glory shall pass by, and I will place you in a cleft of the rock. For this came about in those whom the person of Moses then signified, that is, the Israelites, who afterward believed in the Lord Jesus, as the Acts of the Apostles indicate, that is, as soon as his glory passed by (See Acts 2). For after he rose from the dead, and ascended into heaven, the Holy Spirit having been sent from above, when the Apostles spoke with the tongues of all nations, many of those who had crucified Christ were pricked in heart: and because they had not known him, and had crucified the Lord of glory, a blindness in part came upon Israel (See Rom 11:25), as had been said: I will cover you with my hand, until I pass by. Whence the Psalm says: for day and night your hand was heavy upon me (Ps 32 (31):4): calling it day, when Christ did divine miracles; night, when as a man he was dying, when even those wavered who had believed in the day.
QsHept.2.154.6
Hoc est ergo: cum transiero, tunc videbis posteriora mea. Cum transiero de hoc mundo ad Patrem, posterius in me credituri sunt quorum typum geris. Tunc enim compuncti corde dixerunt: quid faciemus? Et iussi sunt ab Apostolis agere poenitentiam, et baptizari in nomine Iesu Christi, ut dimitterentur illis peccata eorum (Cf. Act 2, 37-38).
This, then, is: when I have passed by, then you shall see my back parts. When I have passed from this world to the Father, afterward those whose type you bear are to believe in me. For then, pricked in heart, they said: what shall we do? And they were ordered by the Apostles to do penance, and to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ, that their sins might be forgiven them (See Acts 2:37–38).
QsHept.2.154.6
Quod in Psalmo illo sequitur, cum dictum esset: die ac nocte gravata est super me manus tua; id est, ut non cognoscerem (si enim cognovissent, nunquam Dominum gloriae crucifixissent (1 Cor 2, 8)): sequitur et iungit: conversus sum in aerumnam, dum configeretur spina (Ps 31, 4); id est, cum essem corde compunctus. Deinde addidit: peccatum meum cognovi, et facinus meum non operui (Ps 31, 5): posteaquam viderunt quanto scelere Christum crucifixerint. Et quia receperunt consilium ut agerent poenitentiam, et in Baptismo remissionem acciperent peccatorum; dixi, inquit, 'pronuntiabo adversum me delictum meum Domino, et tu remisisti impietatem cordis mei (Ps 31, 5).'
What follows in that Psalm, when it had been said: day and night your hand was heavy upon me; that is, so that I might not know (for if they had known, they would never have crucified the Lord of glory (1 Cor 2:8)): it continues and joins: I was turned into wretchedness, while the thorn was being driven in (Ps 32 (31):4); that is, when I was pricked in heart. Then it added: I acknowledged my sin, and I did not cover my crime (Ps 32 (31):5): after they saw with how great a wickedness they had crucified Christ. And because they took the counsel to do penance, and to receive in Baptism the remission of sins; I said, it says, 'I will declare against myself my offense to the Lord, and you forgave the impiety of my heart (Ps 32 (31):5).'
QsHept.2.154.6
154. 8. Hanc autem prophetiam potius fuisse, quam locutus est Dominus ad Moysen satis res ipsa indicat; quandoquidem de petra vel caverna eius, et de manus eius superpositione, de visione posteriorum eius, nihil postea visibili opere subsecutum legitur. Mox enim adiungit interposito articulo Scriptura: et dixit Dominus ad Moysen; cum ipse Dominus utique etiam illa quae supra dicta sunt loqueretur, atque inde contexit quid deinceps Dominus dicat: excide tibi duas tabulas lapideas, sicut et primas (Ex 34, 1), etc.
154. 8. That this was rather a prophecy which the Lord spoke to Moses, the matter itself sufficiently indicates; since concerning the rock or its cleft, and concerning the placing of his hand over him, and the vision of his back parts, nothing afterward is read to have followed by a visible deed. For soon, a clause being interposed, Scripture adds: and the Lord said to Moses; when the Lord himself surely spoke also those things which were said above, and from there it weaves what the Lord says next: cut for yourself two tablets of stone, like the first ones too (Ex 34:1), etc.
QsHept.2.154.8
De verbis: Et reum non purificabit.
On the words: And he will not purify the guilty.
155. (34, 7) Quid est quod dictum est de Domino: et reum non purificabit; nisi, non eum dicet innocentem?
155. (34, 7) What does it mean that it was said of the Lord: and he will not purify the guilty; unless, he will not call him innocent?
QsHept.2.154.8
De eo quod Deus dicit Moysi.
On what God says to Moses.
156. (34, 10) Deus in monte duas rursus lapideas tabulas conscripturo dicit Moysi inter caetera: coram omni populo tuo faciam gloriosa. Nondum dignatur dicere: "coram omni populo meo." An ita dixit, populo tuo, quomodo cuilibet homini eiusdem populi diceretur, id est: "ex quo populo es": quomodo: "civitati tuae" dicimus, non cui dominaris, vel quam constituisti, sed unde civis es? Sic enim et paulo post dicit: omnis populus, in quibus es: alio modo quid dictum est, nisi, "populus tuus"? Quod autem non dixit: "in quo es," consuetudo locutionis est.
156. (34, 10) God, to Moses, who was again about to write on two tablets of stone on the mountain, says among other things: in the sight of all your people I will do glorious things. He does not yet deign to say: "in the sight of all my people." Or did he say your people in the way it would be said to any man of that same people, that is: "the people you are from": as we say "your city," not the one you rule, or which you founded, but the one whose citizen you are? For thus too a little after he says: all the people, among whom you are: in another way, what is said but, "your people"? But that he did not say "in whom you are," it is the custom of the language.
QsHept.2.154.8
Quid sit quod dicitur ad Moysen: attende tibi.
What it means that it is said to Moses: Attend to yourself.
157. (34, 12) Quid est quod dicitur ad Moysen: attende tibi, nequando ponat testamentum his qui sedent super terram? Non enim habet Graecus, "ne quando ponas"; sed, ne quando ponat. An forte de populo ei dicere voluit, cuius ipse ductor fuit? Sed non ipse introduxit populum in eam terram, ubi prohibet poni testamentum cum eis qui in illa habitabant. Mirum itaque locutionis genus est, et adhuc inexpertum vel non animadversum: si tamen locutio est, ac non sensus aliquis.
157. (34, 12) What does it mean that it is said to Moses: attend to yourself, lest perhaps he make a covenant with those who dwell upon the land? For the Greek does not have, "lest perhaps you make"; but, lest perhaps he make. Did he perhaps wish to say this to him of the people, of which he himself was the leader? But he himself did not bring the people into that land, where he forbids a covenant to be made with those who dwelt in it. So it is a strange kind of expression, and as yet untried or unnoticed: if indeed it is an expression, and not some meaning.
QsHept.2.154.8
Quomodo Deus zelator dicitur.
How God is called jealous.
158. (34, 13-15) Cum praeciperet Deus ad Moysen loquens, ut data terra in potestate, omnis idololatria everteretur, nec adorarentur dii alieni, ait: Dominus enim Deus, Zelans nomen, Deus Zelator est: id est, ipsum nomen quod Dominus Deus dicitur, Zelans est, quia Deus Zelator est. Quod non humanae perturbationis vitio facit Deus, semper atque omni modo incommutabilis atque tranquillus; sed hoc verbo indicat, non impune plebem suam per alienos deos fornicaturam. Ductum est enim verbum tropo metaphora a zelo maritali, quod castitatem custodit uxoris.
158. (34, 13-15) When God, speaking to Moses, prescribed that, the land having been given into their power, all idolatry should be overthrown, and foreign gods not be worshiped, he says: for the Lord God, Jealous is his name, is a jealous God: that is, the very name by which he is called Lord God is Jealous, because God is a jealous God. Which God does not do by the fault of human disturbance—being always and in every way unchangeable and tranquil—but by this word he indicates that his people will not with impunity commit fornication through foreign gods. For the word is drawn by the trope of metaphor from marital jealousy, which guards the chastity of a wife.
QsHept.2.154.8
Quod nobis prodest, non Deo. Quis enim tali genere fornicationis Deo nocuerit? sed sibi plurimum, ut pereat. Quod Deus prohibet terrore gravissimo, zelantem se appellans: cui dicitur in Psalmo: perdidisti omnem qui fornicatur abs te; mihi autem adhaerere Deo bonum est (Ps 72, 27-28). Denique sequitur: ne forte ponas testamentum his qui sedent super terram, et fornicentur post deos eorum.
Which profits us, not God. For who could harm God by such a kind of fornication? But himself very much, so that he perishes. Which God forbids with the gravest terror, calling himself jealous: to whom it is said in the Psalm: you have destroyed everyone who commits fornication away from you; but for me it is good to cleave to God (Ps 73 (72):27–28). Finally it continues: lest perhaps you make a covenant with those who dwell upon the land, and they commit fornication after their gods.
QsHept.2.154.8
De verbis: Non videberis in conspectu meo inanis.
On the words: You shall not appear before me empty.
159. (34, 20) Quid ait: non videberis in conspectu meo inanis? Sicut indicant circumstantia de quibus loquitur, in conspectu suo: dixit Deus "in tabernaculo suo": hoc est autem: non illi videberis inanis, "numquam intrabis sine aliquo munere." Quod spiritaliter intellectum, magnum sacramentum est. Verum haec dicebantur de umbris significationum.
159. (34, 20) What does he say: you shall not appear before me empty? As the surrounding things of which he speaks indicate, before me: God said "in his tabernacle": and this is: you shall not appear before him empty, "you shall never enter without some gift." Which, understood spiritually, is a great mystery. But these things were said of the shadows of significations.
QsHept.2.154.8
Tempore sationis est messis.
In the time of sowing there is harvest.
160. (34, 21) Cum de Sabbato praecepisset, quid est quod adduxit: satione et messe requiesces? Videtur enim dicere: "tempore sationis et messis." An forte ita observandam requiem sabbati praecepit, ut nec illa tempora habeant excusationem, quae agricolis valde sunt necessaria propter victum atque vitam? Iussum est ergo ut etiam tempore sationis et messis, quando multum urget operatio, requiescatur in Sabbato: ac sic per haec tempora, quae opus plurimum flagitant, significatum est, omni tempore Sabbato debere cessari.
160. (34, 21) When he had prescribed concerning the Sabbath, what does it mean that he added: in sowing and harvest you shall rest? For he seems to say: "in the time of sowing and harvest." Did he perhaps prescribe that the rest of the Sabbath be so observed that not even those times have an excuse which are very necessary to farmers for sustenance and life? It was ordered, therefore, that even in the time of sowing and harvest, when the work presses hard, rest be taken on the Sabbath: and thus, through these times which demand the most work, it was signified that at all times one ought to cease for the Sabbath.
QsHept.2.154.8
De verbis: Non concupiscet quisquam de terra tua.
On the words: No one shall covet anything of your land.
161. (34, 24) Quod dicit: non concupiscet quisquam de terra tua, cum ascendes videri in conspectu Dei tui, tria tempora anni, hoc vult intellegi, ut securus quisque ascenderet, nec de terra sua sollicitus esset, Deo promittente custodiam, quod nemo inde aliquid concupisceret, propter illum qui ascendit, ne suam inde timeret absentiam. Et hic satis ostendit quid supra dixerit: non apparebis in conspectu Domini Dei tui inanis (Ex 34, 20), quia in illo loco dixit ubi tabernaculum vel Templum Deus fuerat habiturus.
161. (34, 24) What he says: no one shall covet anything of your land, when you go up to appear in the sight of your God three times a year, he wishes to be understood thus, that each one might go up secure, and not be anxious about his land, God promising protection that no one would covet anything from it, on account of him who went up, lest he fear his own absence from it. And here he sufficiently shows what he said above: you shall not appear in the sight of the Lord your God empty (Ex 34:20), because he said it of that place where God was to have a tabernacle or Temple.
QsHept.2.154.8
De verbis: Non occides super fermentum.
On the words: You shall not slay upon leaven.
162. (34, 25) Quid est quod ait: non occides super fermentum sanguinem immolatorum meorum? An illa hoc loco dicit immolata sua, quae per Pascha occiduntur, et praecipit ne tunc sit in domo fermentum, quoniam dies sunt azymorum?
162. (34, 25) What does it mean that he says: you shall not slay upon leaven the blood of my sacrifices? Does he here call his sacrifices those which are slain at the Passover, and prescribe that there be no leaven in the house at that time, since they are the days of unleavened bread?
QsHept.2.154.8
De verbis: non dormiet in mane immolatio...
On the words: the sacrifice shall not sleep until morning...
163. (34, 25) Quid est quod ait: Et non dormiet in mane immolatio solemnitatis Paschae; nisi quod superius aperte praecepit, ne aliquid ex pecore quod immolatur, carnium relinquatur in mane? Sed locutio fecit obscuritatem: dormiet enim dixit, pro "manebit."
163. (34, 25) What does it mean that he says: and the sacrifice of the solemnity of the Passover shall not sleep until morning; unless what he plainly prescribed above, that nothing of the flesh of the animal which is sacrificed be left until morning? But the expression made the obscurity: for he said shall sleep, for "shall remain."
QsHept.2.154.8
De verbis: Non coques agnum in lacte matris suae.
On the words: You shall not boil a lamb in its mother's milk.
164. (34, 26) Non coques agnum in lacte matris suae. Ecce dixit iterum quod quemadmodum intellegi possit ignoro. Magna tamen est de Christo prophetia, etiam si fieri ad litteram possit; quanto magis si non potest? In sermonibus enim Dei non sunt ad proprietatem operum omnia revocanda, sicut nec illud de petra, et caverna eius, et manus superpositione (Cf. Ex 33, 22). Sed plane de fide narratoris hoc exigendum est, ut quae dicit facta esse, vere facta sint, et quae dicit dicta esse, vere dicta sint. Quod exigitur etiam a narratoribus Evangelii: cum enim Christum narrent quaedam dixisse quae in parabolis dixit; tamen haec eum dixisse non parabola, sed historica narratio est.
164. (34, 26) You shall not boil a lamb in its mother's milk. Behold, he said again what I do not know how it can be understood. Yet it is a great prophecy concerning Christ, even if it can be done literally; how much more if it cannot? For in the discourses of God not all things are to be recalled to the proper sense of deeds, just as neither is that about the rock, and its cleft, and the placing of the hand (See Ex 33:22). But plainly this is to be required of the trustworthiness of the narrator, that what he says was done was truly done, and what he says was said was truly said. Which is required also of the narrators of the Gospel: for when they narrate that Christ said certain things which he said in parables; yet that he said these is not a parable, but a historical narration.
QsHept.2.154.8
Quomodo Moyses significatur ieiunasse quadraginta dies.
How Moses is signified to have fasted forty days.
165. (34, 28) Et erat ibi Moyses in conspectu Domini quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus; panem non manducavit, et aquam non bibit. Quod et ante dixerat, quando tabulas accepit, quas fregit, hoc etiam modo repetit; non recapitulando quod factum est, sed iterum factum esse commendans. Repetitio quippe Legis iam quid significet diximus (Cf. q. 2, 144). Quod autem ait: panem non manducavit, et aquam non bibit, intellegitur "ieiunavit," a parte totum; id est, nomine panis omnem cibum, et nomine aquae omnem potum significante Scriptura.
165. (34, 28) And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread, and drank no water. What he had also said before, when he received the tablets which he broke, this he now repeats in this way; not by recapitulating what was done, but commending that it was done again. For we have already said what the repetition of the Law signifies (See q. 2.144). But what he says: he ate no bread, and drank no water, is understood as "he fasted," the whole from a part; that is, with Scripture signifying by the name of bread all food, and by the name of water all drink.
QsHept.2.154.8
Moyses scripsit verba Legis.
Moses wrote the words of the Law.
166. 1. (34, 27-28. 1) Et scripsit in tabulis verba Testamenti, decem verba. De Moyse dictum est quod ipse scripserit, cui etiam Deus paulo ante dixerat: scribe tibi verba haec. Cum vero primum Legem accepit, cuius tabulas abiecit et fregit, nec ipse excidisse dictus est tabulas lapideas, et modo dictum est: excide tibi duas tabulas lapideas; nec ei dictum est ut scriberet, sicut ei modo dicitur; nec eas ipse scripsisse narratur, sicut modo narrat Scriptura, et dicit: scripsit in tabulis verba Testamenti, decem verba: sed tunc dictum est: et dedit Moysi, statim ut cessavit loqui ad eum in monte Sina, duas tabulas testimonii, tabulas lapideas scriptas digito Dei (Ex 31, 18);
166. 1. (34, 27-28. 1) And he wrote on the tablets the words of the Testament, the ten words. It was said of Moses that he himself wrote, to whom God too had a little before said: write for yourself these words. But when he first received the Law, whose tablets he cast down and broke, he himself was not said to have cut the tablets of stone, and now it was said: cut for yourself two tablets of stone; nor was it said to him that he should write, as it is now said to him; nor is he narrated to have written them himself, as Scripture now narrates, and says: he wrote on the tablets the words of the Testament, the ten words: but then it was said: and he gave to Moses, as soon as he ceased to speak to him on Mount Sinai, two tablets of the testimony, tablets of stone written by the finger of God (Ex 31:18);
QsHept.2.154.8
deinde paulo post: et conversus, inquit, Moyses descendit de monte, et duae tabulae testimonii in manibus eius, tabulae lapideae scriptae ex utraque parte earum, hinc atque hinc erant scriptae, et tabulae opus Dei erant, et scriptura scriptura Dei insculpta in tabulis (Ex 32, 15-16).
then a little after: and turning, it says, Moses descended from the mountain, and the two tablets of the testimony were in his hands, tablets of stone written on both their sides, on this side and that they were written, and the tablets were the work of God, and the writing was the writing of God engraved on the tablets (Ex 32:15–16).
QsHept.2.154.8
Proinde magna oritur quaestio, quomodo illae tabulae, quas erat Moyses Deo utique praesciente fracturus, non hominis opus esse dicantur, sed Dei; nec ab homine scriptae, sed scriptura Dei, digito Dei: posteriores vero tabulae tamdiu mansurae, ac in tabernaculo ac Templo Dei futurae, iubente quidem Deo, tamen ab homine excisae sint, ab homine scriptae.
Accordingly a great question arises, how those tablets, which Moses was going to break—God surely foreknowing it—are said to be not the work of a man, but of God; nor written by a man, but the writing of God, by the finger of God: but the later tablets, which were to remain so long, and to be in the tabernacle and the Temple of God, although at God's command, were yet cut by a man, written by a man.
QsHept.2.154.8
An forte in illis prioribus gratia Dei significabatur, non hominis opus, qua gratia indigni facti sunt revertentes corde in Aegyptum, et faciendo idolum—unde illo beneficio privati sunt, et propterea Moyses tabulas fregit—istis vero tabulis posterioribus significati sunt qui de suis operibus gloriantur—unde dicit Apostolus: ignorantes Dei iustitiam, et suam volentes constituere, iustitiae Dei non sunt subiecti (Rom 10, 3)—et ideo tabulae humano opere exsculptae, et humano opere conscriptae datae sunt, quae cum ipsis manerent, ad eos significandos de suis operibus gloriaturos, non de digito Dei, hoc est de Spiritu Dei?
Or was it perhaps that in those first tablets the grace of God was signified, not the work of a man—which grace they were made unworthy of by turning back in heart to Egypt, and by making the idol, whence they were deprived of that benefit, and therefore Moses broke the tablets—but by these later tablets were signified those who glory in their own works—whence the Apostle says: being ignorant of the righteousness of God, and wishing to establish their own, they were not subject to the righteousness of God (Rom 10:3)—and therefore the tablets, cut by human work and written by human work, were given, which would remain with these very ones, to signify those who would glory in their own works, not in the finger of God, that is, in the Spirit of God?
QsHept.2.154.8
166. 2. Certe ergo repetitio Legis Novum Testamentum significat; illud autem Vetus significabat, unde confractum et abolitum est: maxime quoniam cum secundo Lex datur, nullo terrore datur, sicut illa in tanto strepitu ignium, nubium et tubarum; unde tremefactus populus dixit: non loquatur Deus ad nos, ne moriamur (Ex 20, 19): unde significatur timor esse in Vetere Testamento, in Novo dilectio.
166. 2. Certainly, then, the repetition of the Law signifies the New Testament; but the former signified the Old, whence it was broken and abolished: especially since, when the Law is given a second time, it is given with no terror, like that in so great a din of fires, clouds, and trumpets; whence the people, trembling, said: let not God speak to us, lest we die (Ex 20:19): whence it is signified that there is fear in the Old Testament, in the New love.
QsHept.2.166.2
Quomodo igitur haec solvitur quaestio, quare illae opus Dei, istae opus hominis; et illae conscriptae digito Dei, istae scriptae ab homine? An forte ideo magis in illis prioribus Vetus significatum est Testamentum, quia Deus ibi praecepit, sed homo non fecit? Lex enim posita est in Vetere Testamento, quae convinceret transgressores, quae subintravit ut abundaret delictum (Cf. Rom 5, 2). Non enim implebatur timore, quae non impletur nisi caritate. Et ideo dicitur opus Dei, quia Deus Legem constituit, Deus conscripsit: nullum opus hominis, quia homo Deo non obtemperavit, et eum potius reum Lex fecit.
How, then, is this question resolved, why those were the work of God, these the work of a man; and those written by the finger of God, these written by a man? Was it perhaps that in those first tablets the Old Testament was the rather signified, because God there prescribed, but man did not do it? For the Law was set in the Old Testament, which would convict transgressors, which entered in that the offense might abound (See Rom 5:20). For it was not fulfilled by fear, which is not fulfilled except by love. And therefore it is called the work of God, because God established the Law, God wrote it: no work of a man, because man did not obey God, and the Law rather made him guilty.
QsHept.2.166.2
In secundis autem tabulis homo per adiutorium Dei tabulas facit, atque conscribit; quia Novi Testamenti caritas Legem facit. Unde dicit Dominus: non veni Legem solvere, sed implere (Mt 5, 17): dicit autem Apostolus: plenitudo Legis caritas (Rom 13, 10); et: fides quae per dilectionem operatur (Gal 5, 6). Factum est itaque homini facile in Novo Testamento, quod in Vetere difficile fuit, habenti fidem quae per dilectionem operatur; atque illo digito Dei, hoc est, Spiritu Dei intus eam in corde scribente, non foris in lapide. Unde dicit Apostolus: non in tabulis lapideis, sed in tabulis cordis carnalibus (2 Cor 3, 3); quoniam caritas Dei, qua veraciter impletur praeceptum, diffusa est in cordibus nostris per Spiritum Sanctum, qui datus est nobis (Rom 5, 5).
But in the second tablets a man, by the help of God, makes the tablets, and writes them; because the love of the New Testament fulfills the Law. Whence the Lord says: I have not come to abolish the Law, but to fulfill it (Matt 5:17): and the Apostle says: the fullness of the Law is love (Rom 13:10); and: faith which works through love (Gal 5:6). So it became easy for a man in the New Testament, what in the Old was difficult, when he has faith which works through love; and with that finger of God, that is, the Spirit of God, writing it within in the heart, not outside on stone. Whence the Apostle says: not on tablets of stone, but on the fleshly tablets of the heart (2 Cor 3:3); since the love of God, by which the precept is truly fulfilled, is poured out in our hearts through the Holy Spirit, who has been given to us (Rom 5:5).
QsHept.2.166.2
Hoc est ergo primo data Lex (ubi significatur Vetus Testamentum, quod est opus tantummodo Dei, et conscriptio digiti Dei), quod Apostolus dicit: itaque Lex quidem sancta, et mandatum sanctum, et iustum, et bonum (Rom 7, 12). Lex ergo sancta et bona, Dei opus est: ubi homo nihil agit, quia non obtemperat; sed reatu potius premitur, Lege minante atque damnante. Peccatum enim, inquit, ut appareat peccatum, per bonum mihi operatum est mortem (Rom 7, 13). Beatus autem homo est, cum hoc mandatum sanctum, et iustum, et bonum, est etiam opus eius, sed per gratiam Dei.
This, then, is the Law given first (where the Old Testament is signified, which is only the work of God, and the writing of the finger of God), which the Apostle says: therefore the Law indeed is holy, and the commandment holy, and just, and good (Rom 7:12). The Law, then, holy and good, is the work of God: where man does nothing, because he does not obey; but is rather pressed by guilt, the Law threatening and condemning. For sin, he says, that it might appear sin, worked death in me through what is good (Rom 7:13). But a man is blessed, when this commandment, holy and just and good, is also his work, but through the grace of God.
QsHept.2.166.2
Dominus facit cum facientes adiuvat.
The Lord acts when he helps those who act.
167. (35, 1) Moyses ad filios Israel, posteaquam de monte descendit, habens alias tabulas Legis, circumposito sibi velamine propter gloriam vultus eius, quam filii Israel non poterant intueri: haec, inquit, verba, quae dixit Dominus facere ea: ambigue positum est, utrum ea facere ipse Dominus, an illi: sed utique manifestum est quod illi; iussit quippe ille quae fierent. Sed forte ideo sic positum est, ut ex utroque accipiatur; quia et Dominus facit, cum facientes adiuvat, secundum illud Apostoli: in timore et tremore vestram ipsorum salutem operamini; Deus enim est qui operatur in vobis et velle, et operari, pro bona voluntate (Phil 2, 12-13).
167. (35, 1) Moses, to the children of Israel, after he descended from the mountain, having the other tablets of the Law, with a veil placed about himself on account of the glory of his face, which the children of Israel could not behold: these, he says, are the words which the Lord said to do them: it is ambiguously put, whether the Lord himself is to do them, or they: but surely it is manifest that they are; for he commanded what was to be done. But perhaps it is so put that it may be taken from both; because the Lord too acts, when he helps those who act, according to that saying of the Apostle: work out your own salvation in fear and trembling; for it is God who works in you both to will and to work, for his good pleasure (Phil 2:12–13).
QsHept.2.166.2
Quid sit: omnis afferens demptionem.
What "everyone bringing a deduction" is.
168. (35, 24) Omnis afferens demptionem, argentum et aes attulerunt demptionem Domino: tamquam diceret: "omnis qui attulit, attulit illud atque illud, inter caetera quae dicebat, et argentum et aes commemorans." Demptionem sane interpretati sunt Latini, quod Graecus habet [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. Appellata est autem demptio, eo quod sibi demeret qui Domino afferret.
168. (35, 24) Everyone bringing a deduction, they brought silver and bronze as a deduction to the Lord: as though he said: "everyone who brought, brought this and that, mentioning among the rest both silver and bronze." The Latins rendered deduction what the Greek has as [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. But it was called deduction, from the fact that he who brought to the Lord deducted from himself.
QsHept.2.166.2
De Beseleel fit sermo ad Moysen.
A discourse to Moses is made concerning Bezalel.
169. (35, 30-32) Narrante Moyse commemoratum quod ei dixit Deus de Beseleel eisdem verbis ac totidem, quod eum impleverit Spiritu divino sapientiae, et intellectus, et scientiae ad tabernaculi opera facienda, quae pertinent ad artes opificum: unde quid nobis videretur iam diximus (Cf. q. 2, 138). Sed ideo nunc hoc idem commemorandum putavi, quia non frustra eisdem omnino verbis repetitum est, quibus antea Moysi a Domino fuerat intimatum. Sane novo more hic ars architectonica perhibetur, opificum ex auro et argento et quocumque metallo, cum illa dici soleat "architectonica," quae pertinet ad fabricas aedificiorum.
169. (35, 30-32) When Moses narrated, what God said to him concerning Bezalel was recalled in the same words and as many, that he filled him with the divine spirit of wisdom, and understanding, and knowledge for doing the works of the tabernacle, which pertain to the arts of craftsmen: whence we have already said what seems to us (See q. 2.138). But I thought this same thing was now to be recalled, because it was not in vain repeated in altogether the same words by which it had before been intimated to Moses by the Lord. Surely, by a new usage, the art of architecture is here ascribed, of craftsmen working in gold and silver and any metal, when that is accustomed to be called "architectural" which pertains to the building of edifices.
QsHept.2.166.2
Quomodo multi aedificandi peritia donati fuisse significentur.
How many are signified to have been gifted with skill in building.
170. (36, 2-3) Et omnes qui sponte vellent ire ad opera, ut consummarent ea, et acceperunt a Moyse omnes demptiones. In notitiam tantum Moyses pertulit quae Dominus opera fieri praeceperit, tabernaculum scilicet cum omnibus quae in eo essent, et vestes sacerdotales (Cf. Ex 35, 10-19). Commemoravit autem quosdam, quibus dixit Spiritum divinitus datum, quo illa efficere possent: et tamen multi intelleguntur sponte ad eadem opera venisse quibus neque imperatum est, nec eorum nomina commemorata sunt a Domino dicta Moysi. Non ergo illi soli hoc munus divinitus habuerunt, qui nominatim commemorantur, sed fortasse praecipue atque excellentius. Laudandus est autem in his omnibus non attractus ad opus serviliter animus, sed liberaliter et sponte devotus.
170. (36, 2-3) And all who would willingly go to the works, to consummate them, and they received from Moses all the deductions. Moses brought to their notice only what works the Lord had prescribed to be made, namely the tabernacle with all that was to be in it, and the priestly vestments (See Ex 35:10–19). But he mentioned certain ones, to whom he said the Spirit was divinely given, by which they could effect those things: and yet many are understood to have come willingly to those same works, to whom it was neither commanded, nor were their names mentioned as spoken by the Lord to Moses. Not, therefore, did those alone have this gift divinely, who are mentioned by name, but perhaps these chiefly and more excellently. But in all these is to be praised the mind not dragged to the work servilely, but liberally and willingly devoted.
QsHept.2.166.2
Quomodo signanda sit iustitia architectorum.
How the justice of the architects is to be marked.
171. (36, 4-5) Notandum quod illi qui sapientes appellantur, effectores operum sancti, etiam moribus tales erant, ut cum ipsi susciperent omnia quae populus offerebat, existimans necessaria ex quibus illa omnia complerentur, viderunt plus offerri quam erat necesse, et dixerunt Moysi; atque ille per praeconem ultra populum offerre prohibuit. Poterant autem, si vellent, multa auferre, sed modestia prohibuit, vel religio terruit.
171. (36, 4-5) It is to be noted that those who are called wise, makers of the holy works, were such also in morals, that when they themselves received all that the people offered, judging it necessary for completing all those things, they saw that more was offered than was needed, and told Moses; and he, through a herald, forbade the people to offer further. But they could, if they wished, have taken away much; but modesty forbade, or religion terrified them.
QsHept.2.166.2
Opera commendantur tabernaculi construendi et vestis sacerdotalis.
The works of constructing the tabernacle and the priestly garment are commended.
172. (35, 1-19) Posteaquam descendit Moyses de monte, opera commendantur tabernaculi construendi, et vestis sacerdotalis; de quibus faciendis antequam aliquid praeciperet, locutus est ad populum de Sabbati observatione. Ubi non immerito movet, cum decem verba Legis acceperit in tabulis lapideis iterum, quas ipse excidit, ipse conscripsit; quare de Sabbato solo, posteaquam descendit, populum admonuit. Si enim propterea decem praecepta Legis superfluum fuit ut populus iterum audiret; cur non fuit superfluum ut de Sabbato audiret, cum et hoc in eisdem praeceptis decem legatur? An et hoc simile est velamento, quo faciem obtexit, quia splendorem vultus eius filii Israel non poterant intueri (Cf. Ex 34, 34-35)?
172. (35, 1-19) After Moses descended from the mountain, the works of constructing the tabernacle and the priestly garment are commended; concerning the making of which, before he prescribed anything, he spoke to the people about the observance of the Sabbath. Here it not undeservedly stirs one—since he had received the ten words of the Law on tablets of stone again, which he himself cut, he himself wrote—why, after he descended, he admonished the people about the Sabbath alone. For if it was superfluous for the people to hear the ten precepts of the Law again; why was it not superfluous for them to hear about the Sabbath, when this too is read among those same ten precepts? Or is this too like the veil with which he covered his face, because the children of Israel could not behold the splendor of his face (See Ex 34:34–35)?
QsHept.2.166.2
Nam ex decem praeceptis hoc solum populo praecepit, quod figurate ibi dictum est: alia quippe ibi novem sicut praecepta sunt, etiam in Novo Testamento observanda minime dubitamus. Illud autem unum de sabbato usque adeo figurata diei septimi observatione apud Israelitas velatum fuit, et in mysterio praeceptum fuit, et quodam sacramento figurabatur, ut hodie a nobis non observetur, sed solum quod significabat intueamur. In illa autem requie ubi opera servilia iubentur cessare, magna est altitudo gratiae Dei.
For of the ten precepts he prescribed to the people this alone, which was there said figuratively: for the other nine there, as they are precepts, we do not at all doubt are to be observed also in the New Testament. But that one about the Sabbath was so far veiled among the Israelites by the figurative observance of the seventh day, and was prescribed in a mystery, and was figured by a certain sacrament, that it is today not observed by us, but we only behold what it signified. But in that rest, where servile works are ordered to cease, there is a great depth of the grace of God.
QsHept.2.166.2
Tunc enim fiunt cum requie opera bona, cum fides per dilectionem operatur (Cf. Gal 5, 6): timor autem tormentum habet, et in tormento quae requies? Unde timor non est in caritate (1 Io 4, 18): caritas autem diffusa est in cordibus nostris per Spiritum Sanctum qui datus est nobis (Rom 5, 5). Ideo Sabbatum requies sancta Domino: Dei scilicet gratiae tribuenda, non nobis velut ex nobis. Alioquin nostra opera sic erunt, ut sint humana, aut peccata: aut cum timore, non cum dilectione; et ideo servilia sine requie. Plenitudo autem sabbati erit in requie sempiterna. Non enim frustra institutum est et Sabbatum Sabbatorum (Cf. Lev 25).
For then good works are done with rest, when faith works through love (See Gal 5:6): but fear has torment, and in torment what rest is there? Whence fear is not in love (1 John 4:18): but love is poured out in our hearts through the Holy Spirit who has been given to us (Rom 5:5). Therefore the Sabbath is a holy rest to the Lord: to be attributed, namely, to the grace of God, not to ourselves as if from ourselves. Otherwise our works will be such that they are human, or sins: either with fear, not with love; and therefore servile, without rest. But the fullness of the Sabbath will be in everlasting rest. For not in vain was the Sabbath of Sabbaths also instituted (See Lev 25).
QsHept.2.166.2
Altare holocaustorum unctione sanctificatum.
The altar of holocausts sanctified by anointing.
173. (40, 9-10) Superius quando prius locutus est Deus de tabernaculo ungendo, dixit eadem unctione sanctificari illa omnia, et fieri Sancta Sanctorum (Cf. Ex 30, 26-38 e q. 2, 135). Altare autem holocaustomatum eadem unctione sanctificatum, dixerat fieri Sanctum Sancti (Cf. Ex 29, 37): et hoc interesse videbatur, quod nihil eorum dixisset Sanctum Sanctorum, nisi quod tantum velo separabatur a sancto, id est, ubi erat Arca Testamenti et altare incensi. Nunc autem cum eadem repeteret, dixit de tabernaculo uncto et his quae in illo essent, quod eadem unctione sanctificarentur, et fierent sancta: illud autem altare holocaustomatum, de quo prius dixerat quod fieret Sanctum Sancti, eadem unctione nunc dixit fieri Sanctum Sanctorum.
173. (40, 9-10) Above, when God first spoke about anointing the tabernacle, he said that by that same anointing all those things were sanctified, and became a Holy of Holies (See Ex 30:26–38 and q. 2.135). But the altar of holocausts, sanctified by the same anointing, he had said became a Holy of the holy (See Ex 29:37): and this seemed to be the difference, that he had called none of them a Holy of Holies, except what was separated from the holy place by a veil alone, that is, where the Ark of the Testament and the altar of incense were. But now, when he repeated the same things, he said of the anointed tabernacle and the things that were in it, that they were sanctified by the same anointing, and became holy: but that altar of holocausts, of which he had before said it became a Holy of the holy, he now said became, by the same anointing, a Holy of Holies.
QsHept.2.166.2
Unde datur intellegi tantumdem valere quod dictum fuerat Sanctum Sancti, quantum valet quod dictum est Sanctum Sanctorum: ac per hoc et illa omnia uncta, id est totum tabernaculum, et quaecumque in eo essent, quae prius appellaverat Sancta Sanctorum, tantumdem valere quod nunc ait sancta: nec unumquodque eorum dici tantummodo post istam unctionem Sanctum Sancti, verum etiam Sanctum Sanctorum; sicut altare holocaustomatum; ut iam nihil intersit, quantum ad hanc appellationem attinet, inter illa quae interius intra velum fuerant, id est ubi erat Arca Testimonii, et caetera foris, nisi quod illa interius ita dicebantur Sancta Sanctorum vel Sanctum Sanctorum, ut etiam ante unctionem sic appellarentur; caetera vero unctione sanctificata sunt, ut hoc nomen acciperent. Quod otio discutiendum est quid ista significent.
Whence it is given to understand that what had been called a Holy of the holy is worth just as much as what is called a Holy of Holies: and by this, that all those anointed things too, that is, the whole tabernacle, and whatever was in it, which he had before called a Holy of Holies, are worth just as much as what he now calls holy: and that each of them is called, after this anointing, not only a Holy of the holy, but also a Holy of Holies, like the altar of holocausts; so that now there is no difference, as far as this naming is concerned, between those things which had been within the veil, that is, where the Ark of the Testimony was, and the rest outside, except that those within were so called Holy of Holies or Holy of Holies that even before the anointing they were so called; but the rest were sanctified by the anointing, that they might receive this name. What these things signify is to be discussed at leisure.
QsHept.2.166.2
Moyses extendit aurea super tabernaculum.
Moses stretched the curtains over the tabernacle.
174. (40, 19) Cum Scriptura narraret quomodo Moyses constituerit tabernaculum: extendit, inquit, aulaea super tabernaculum: non utique desuper tectum, sed cingens columnas; quia de columnis dixerat, quod statuerit tabernaculum.
174. (40, 19) When Scripture narrated how Moses set up the tabernacle: he stretched, it says, the curtains over the tabernacle: not, surely, as a roof from above, but girding the columns; because he had said of the columns, that he set up the tabernacle.
QsHept.2.166.2
Quaedam quae concernunt tabernaculum.
Certain things that concern the tabernacle.
175. (40, 33) Cum dixit: et super atrium in circuitu tabernaculi et altaris, manifestat altare holocaustomatum ad ostium tabernaculi forinsecus fuisse, ut atrio totum ambiretur, et altare esset infra atrium inter portam atrii et ostium tabernaculi.
175. (40, 33) When he said: and over the court around the tabernacle and the altar, he makes clear that the altar of holocausts was outside, at the door of the tabernacle, so that it was wholly surrounded by the court, and the altar was within the court, between the gate of the court and the door of the tabernacle.
QsHept.2.166.2
De nube quae impedivit Moysen.
On the cloud which prevented Moses.
176. (40, 34-35) Notanda est res multum mirabilis, quod nube descendente et implente tabernaculum, quae tamen gloria Domini dicitur, non poterat Moyses intrare tabernaculum, qui in monte Sina, quando Legem primitus accepit, intravit in nubem ubi erat Deus (Cf. Ex 19, 20; 20, 21). Procul dubio ergo aliam personam tunc figurabat, aliam nunc: et tunc eorum qui participes fiunt intimae veritatis Dei; nunc autem Iudaeorum, quibus gloria Domini, quae in tabernaculo est, quod est gratia Christi, tamquam nubes opponitur, non eam intellegentibus, et ideo non intrant in tabernaculum testimonii. Et hoc credendum est semel factum, mox ut constitutum est tabernaculum, significationis huius causa, vel alicuius alterius. Neque enim semper sic erat nubes super tabernaculum, ut illuc Moyses intrare non posset; quandoquidem non removebatur nubes, nisi cum eis hoc signum dabatur disiungendi, hoc est castra movendi ex eo loco ubi erant; et accedendi quo nubes ducebat per diem, flamma per noctem (Cf. Ex 13, 21 e 40, 36-38). Quae duo vicissim etiam super tabernaculum manebant, ubi castra posuissent, nubes per diem, flamma per noctem.
176. (40, 34-35) A very wonderful thing is to be noted, that when the cloud descended and filled the tabernacle—which, however, is called the glory of the Lord—Moses could not enter the tabernacle, he who on Mount Sinai, when he first received the Law, entered into the cloud where God was (See Ex 19:20; 20:21). Without doubt, then, he figured one person then, another now: and then those who are made partakers of the inmost truth of God; but now the Jews, to whom the glory of the Lord, which is in the tabernacle—which is the grace of Christ—is set as it were a cloud against them, since they do not understand it, and therefore do not enter into the tabernacle of the testimony. And this is to be believed to have been done once, as soon as the tabernacle was set up, for the sake of this signification, or of some other. For the cloud was not always so over the tabernacle that Moses could not enter there; since the cloud was not removed except when this sign was given them of breaking up, that is, of moving the camp from the place where they were; and of going where the cloud led by day, the flame by night (See Ex 13:21 and 40:36–38). Which two by turns also remained over the tabernacle, where they had pitched camp, the cloud by day, the flame by night.
QsHept.2.166.2
Quaestio CLXXVII: De Tabernaculo
Question 177: On the Tabernacle
De toto ipso tabernaculo separatim dicitur.
The whole tabernacle itself is treated separately.
177. 1. Quoniam liber qui Exodus dicitur, in constitutione tabernaculi sumit terminum, de quo tabernaculo etiam per superiora eiusdem libri multa dicuntur, quae faciant difficultatem intellegendi, sicut solet omnis τοπογραφία, id est loci alicuius descriptio in omni historia facere; visum est mihi de toto ipso tabernaculo separatim dicere, quo intellegatur, si fieri potest, quale illud, et quid fuerit, interim proprietate narrationis inspecta, et in aliud tempus dilata figurata significatione: neque enim aliquid ibi fuisse putandum est, quod iubente Deo constitueretur sine alicuius magnae rei sacramento, cuius cognitio fidem formamque pietatis aedificet.
177. 1. Since the book that is called Exodus takes its end in the setting up of the tabernacle—about which tabernacle many things are also said throughout the earlier parts of the same book, things that make difficulty of understanding, as every topographia, that is, description of some place, is accustomed to make in every history—it seemed good to me to speak separately of the whole tabernacle itself, so that it may be understood, if it can be done, of what kind it was, and what it was, the proper sense of the narration being inspected for the present, and the figurative signification deferred to another time: for it is not to be thought that anything was there which was set up at God's command without the mystery of some great thing, the knowledge of which builds up faith and the form of piety.
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 2. (26, 1-6) Iubet ergo Deus Moysi facere tabernaculum decem aulaeorum de bysso torta, et hyacintho, et purpura, et cocco torto, cherubim opere textoris: quas Graeci appellant αὐλαίαι, Latini aulaea perhibent, quas cortinas vulgo vocant. Non ergo decem atria fieri iussit, sicut quidam negligenter interpretati sunt: non enim αὐλάς, sed: αὐλαίας dixit. Opere ergo textili Cherubim iussit in aulaeis fieri, quorum aulaeorum longitudinem esse praecepit cubitorum viginti octo, et latitudinem cubitorum quatuor. Cohaerere autem invicem aulaea, et coniungi inter se quinque hinc, et quinque inde, ut spatium quod eis cingeretur, hoc esset tabernaculi spatium.
177. 2. (26, 1-6) God, then, orders Moses to make a tabernacle of ten curtains of twisted fine linen, and hyacinth, and purple, and twisted scarlet, with cherubim of the weaver's work: which the Greeks call aulaiai, the Latins render aulaea, which are commonly called curtains. He did not, then, order ten courts to be made, as some have carelessly rendered: for he did not say aulas, but aulaias. By woven work, then, he ordered cherubim to be made in the curtains, of which curtains he prescribed the length to be twenty-eight cubits, and the breadth four cubits. And he prescribed that the curtains cohere with one another, and be joined together, five on this side and five on that, so that the space which would be enclosed by them, this would be the space of the tabernacle.
QsHept.2.177.1
Quomodo autem inter se connecterentur eadem quina aulaea, ita praecepit: facies illis, inquit, ansas hyacinthinas in ora summa aulaei unius ex una parte in commissuram; et sic facies superiora summa ad commissuram secundam (Ex 26, 4): id est, ubi committitur aulaeum aulaeo, tertium scilicet secundo, quod secundum iam cum primo commissum est, id est coniunctum atque connexum, faciem contra faciem consistentia ex adverso singula; quoniam inter se iussit quina coniungi, ut ex adverso constituerentur.
But how these same five curtains were to be connected to one another, he prescribed thus: you shall make for them, he says, loops of hyacinth on the topmost edge of one curtain on one side at the joining; and so you shall make the upper top parts at the second joining (Ex 26:4): that is, where curtain is joined to curtain, namely the third to the second, which second is already joined with the first, that is, connected and linked, standing face to face, one over against the other; since he ordered five to be joined among themselves, so that they were set over against each other.
QsHept.2.177.1
Utrum autem quadrum spatium his concluderetur, an rotundum, nondum apparet; sed apparebit cum de columnis coeperit dicere, quibus protenduntur aulaea. Non ergo amplius quam de trium connexione dicere voluit, quae fit in duabus commissuris, secundi ad primum, et tertii ad secundum, ut ex hac veluti regula caetera iungerentur (Cf. Ex 26, 5-6).
But whether a square space or a round one was enclosed by these, does not yet appear; but it will appear when he begins to speak of the columns by which the curtains are stretched out. He wished, then, to speak no further than of the connection of three, which is made in two joinings, of the second to the first, and of the third to the second, so that from this as it were a rule the rest might be joined (See Ex 26:5–6).
QsHept.2.177.1
Ansas ergo praecepit fieri primo aulaeo quinquaginta, ex una parte qua illi fuerat committendum secundum; et ansas quinquaginta tertio aulaeo, ex ea parte qua secundo coniungebatur: ipsum autem secundum, id est inter utrasque ansas quinquagenas medium, circulos habere voluit quinquaginta aureos, utique ex una parte, per quos coniungeretur quinquaginta ansis aulaei primi; ac per hoc consequens erat ut ex alia quoque parte circulos totidem haberet, per quos coniungeretur ansis aulaei tertii. Quod breviter Scriptura ita dixit: et facies circulos quinquaginta aureos, et coniunges aulaeum ad aulaeum circulis, et erit tabernaculum unum (Ex 26, 6). Circuli ergo quinquaginta aurei secundi aulaei, inserebantur quinquaginta ansis hyacinthinis primi aulaei; quinquaginta circuli inserebantur et quinquaginta ansis tertii aulaei; et deinceps ita caeteri connectebantur, ut quinque complecterentur, atque ex adversa parte alia similiter quinque.
He prescribed, then, that fifty loops be made for the first curtain, on the one side by which the second was to be joined to it; and fifty loops for the third curtain, on that side by which it was joined to the second: but the second itself, that is, the middle one between both sets of fifty loops, he wished to have fifty golden rings—surely on one side—by which it would be joined to the fifty loops of the first curtain; and by this it followed that on the other side too it would have as many rings, by which it would be joined to the loops of the third curtain. Which Scripture briefly said thus: and you shall make fifty golden rings, and you shall join curtain to curtain with the rings, and there shall be one tabernacle (Ex 26:6). The fifty golden rings, then, of the second curtain were inserted into the fifty hyacinth loops of the first curtain; the fifty rings were inserted also into the fifty loops of the third curtain; and so in turn the rest were connected, so that they comprised five, and on the opposite side likewise five.
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 3. (26, 7-11) Deinde dicit: et facies vela capillacia operire super tabernaculum: id est, quae venirent super, non a parte tecti, sed supercingendo. Dicimus enim et sic aliquid superponi, non quemadmodum tectum domus, sed quemadmodum tectorium parietis, tamquam super lineam fasciam. Undecim, inquit, vela facies ea. Longitudo veli unius erit triginta cubitorum, et quatuor cubitorum latitudo veli unius: mensura eadem erit undecim velorum. Et coniunges quinque vela in se, et sex vela in se. Quomodo illa aulaea voluit quina coniungi, sic ista vela quinque et sex, quia undecim erant, non decem. Et duplicabis, inquit, velum sextum secundum faciem tabernaculi: ne moveret quia impariliter alterutrum incurrebant sex et quinque. Deinde dicit etiam ista vela capillacia, quemadmodum sibimet iungerentur.
177. 3. (26, 7-11) Then he says: and you shall make hair-cloth coverings to cover over the tabernacle: that is, which would come over, not as a roof, but by girding over. For we say that something is so placed over, not as the roof of a house, but as the plastering of a wall, as over a linen band. Eleven, he says, coverings you shall make of them. The length of one covering shall be thirty cubits, and the breadth of one covering four cubits; the same measure shall be of the eleven coverings. And you shall join five coverings together, and six coverings together. As he wished those curtains to be joined five by five, so these coverings five and six, because they were eleven, not ten. And you shall double, he says, the sixth covering toward the face of the tabernacle: lest it disturb one that six and five ran into each other unequally. Then he says also how these hair-cloth coverings were to be joined to one another.
QsHept.2.177.1
Et idem dicit, sed fortasse planius: et facies, inquit, ansas quinquaginta in ora veli unius, quod contra medium est, id est, contra secundum, quia ipsum erit medium inter primum et tertium: secundum commissuram, id est, iuncturam. Et quinquaginta ansas facies super oram veli, quod coniunctum est ad secundum velum, id est super oram tertii veli, qua coniungitur secundo. Et facies circulos aereos quinquaginta, et coniunges circulos de ansis; et coniunges vela, et erit unum.
And he says the same, but perhaps more plainly: and you shall make, he says, fifty loops on the edge of one covering, which is over against the middle, that is, over against the second, since it will be the middle between the first and the third: at the joining, that is, the juncture. And fifty loops you shall make upon the edge of the covering which is joined to the second covering, that is, upon the edge of the third covering, by which it is joined to the second. And you shall make fifty bronze rings, and you shall join the rings from the loops; and you shall join the coverings, and it shall be one.
QsHept.2.177.1
Circulos ergo medio velo voluit apponi, id est secundo, quibus quinquagenis ausis iungeretur primo et tertio. Nihil hic aliud est, nisi quod circulos non aureos, sed aereos fieri nunc praecepit. Ansas autem in aulaeis hyacinthinas dixerat: in velis autem capillaciis quoniam tacuit cuiusmodi essent ansae, quid nisi capillacias eas credibilius accipimus?
He wished, then, the rings to be set on the middle covering, that is, the second, by which, with fifty loops each, it would be joined to the first and the third. There is nothing else here, except that he now prescribed the rings to be made not of gold, but of bronze. But the loops in the curtains he had said were of hyacinth: but in the hair-cloth coverings, since he was silent of what kind the loops were, what do we more credibly take them to be, but of hair-cloth?
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 4. (26, 12-14) Quod deinde sequitur ita est ad intellegendum difficile, ut verear ne exponendo fiat obscurius. Dicit enim: et suppones in velis tabernaculi dimidium veli quod superaverit, subteges quod abundat de velis tabernaculi, subteges post tabernaculum. Cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc, ex eo quod superat velis de longitudine velorum tabernaculi, erit contegens super latera tabernaculi, hinc atque hinc ut operiat.
177. 4. (26, 12-14) What then follows is so difficult to understand that I fear lest in expounding it become more obscure. For he says: and you shall put under, in the coverings of the tabernacle, the half of the covering that remains over; you shall undercover what abounds of the coverings of the tabernacle, you shall undercover behind the tabernacle. A cubit on this side, and a cubit on that, of that which remains over in the coverings, of the length of the coverings of the tabernacle, it shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle, on this side and that, so as to cover it.
QsHept.2.177.1
Cum sextum velum iusserit duplicari secundum faciem tabernaculi, quid dicat superare in velis dimidium veli; et quid dicat: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc, cum dimidium veli quindecim cubita sint, quoniam triginta cubitorum iussit esse unum velum, quis facile intellegat? Aut si propterea superat de longitudine velorum, quia prima aulaea de bysso et cocco et purpura et hyacintho viginti octo cubitis longa esse praecepit, ista vero capillacia triginta cubitorum esse voluit, duobus cubitis superantur singula aulaea a singulis velis capillaciis: quae in summam ducta, excepto undecimo quod duplicari iussit, viginti cubita excrescunt, quibus superatur ambitus aulaeorum ambitu capillaciorum. Decem quippe velorum cubita bina, quibus longiora erant, viginti faciunt: quorum ex utroque latere decem hinc et decem inde poterant superare, non cubitum ex hoc et cubitum ex hoc, sicut Scriptura loquitur.
When he had ordered the sixth covering to be doubled toward the face of the tabernacle, what does he mean by saying that a half of a covering remains over in the coverings; and what does he mean by: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that, when a half of a covering is fifteen cubits, since he ordered one covering to be thirty cubits—who could easily understand? Or if it remains over of the length of the coverings for this reason, that he prescribed the first curtains, of fine linen and scarlet and purple and hyacinth, to be twenty-eight cubits long, but these hair-cloth ones he wished to be thirty cubits, the individual curtains are exceeded by two cubits by the individual hair-cloth coverings: which, brought into a sum, except the eleventh which he ordered to be doubled, amount to twenty cubits, by which the circuit of the curtains is exceeded by the circuit of the hair-cloth ones. For the two cubits each of the ten coverings, by which they were longer, make twenty: of which, on either side, ten on this side and ten on that could remain over, not a cubit on this side and a cubit on that, as Scripture says.
QsHept.2.177.1
Quapropter differenda mihi videtur huius loci expositio, donec tabernaculum columnis omnibus, cum atrio, quod circumponitur, omni ex parte consistat. Fortassis enim per anticipationem aliquid dicit de his velis capillaciis, quod ad illa proficiat, de quibus nondum locutus est. Quod enim dicit: et facies vela capillacia operire super tabernaculum (Ex 26, 7), utrum universum tabernaculum his velis cooperiri velit cum atrio scilicet, de quo circumponendo postea loquitur; an hoc interius tabernaculum, quod decem aulaeis fieri iussit, incertum est.
Wherefore the exposition of this passage seems to me to be deferred, until the tabernacle stands complete on every side with all its columns, together with the court that is placed around it. For perhaps by anticipation he says something of these hair-cloth coverings which avails for those things of which he has not yet spoken. For what he says: and you shall make hair-cloth coverings to cover over the tabernacle (Ex 26:7), whether he wishes the whole tabernacle to be covered by these coverings, together with the court, namely, of which he afterward speaks as to be placed around; or this inner tabernacle, which he ordered to be made of ten curtains, is uncertain.
QsHept.2.177.1
Sequitur ergo et dicit: et facies operimentum tabernaculo, pelles arietum rubricatas. Etiam hoc operimentum utrum universo tabernaculo fieri iusserit in circuitu, an interiori tantum, similiter habetur incertum. Quod vero adiungit: et operimenta pelles hyacinthinas desuper, hoc non in circuitu, sed a tecto velut camera accipiendum est.
It continues, then, and says: and you shall make a covering for the tabernacle, rams' skins dyed red. Whether he ordered this covering too to be made for the whole tabernacle round about, or for the inner one only, is likewise held uncertain. But what he adds: and as coverings, hyacinth-colored skins above, this is to be taken not round about, but from the roof as it were a vault.
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 5. (26, 15-21) Et facies, inquit, columnas tabernaculo de lignis imputribilibus: decem cubitorum columnam unam, et cubiti unius et dimidii latitudinem columnae unius; duos anconiscos columnae uni consistentes ex adverso: sic facies omnibus columnis tabernaculi. Quare iusserit fieri hos anconiscos, de quibus antea dixi quid essent (Cf. q. 2, 109), non satis mihi apparet. Si enim ad columnas portandas fierent, quatuor ut minimum fierent: si autem ubi serae incumberent, etiam plures fierent; nam quinas seras singulis columnis distribuit. Nisi forte in his anconiscis non aliquis usus, sed sola significatio sit, sicut in velo undecimo capillacio. Nam columna duos anconiscos velut brachia hinc atque hinc extendens, figuram crucis reddit.
177. 5. (26, 15-21) And you shall make, he says, columns for the tabernacle of incorruptible wood; ten cubits one column, and a cubit and a half the breadth of one column; two little brackets for each column, standing over against each other; so you shall make for all the columns of the tabernacle. Why he ordered these little brackets to be made—of which I said before what they were (See q. 2.109)—is not sufficiently clear to me. For if they were made for carrying the columns, four at least would be made: but if where the bars rested, even more would be made; for he distributed five bars to each column. Unless perhaps in these little brackets there is not any use, but only signification, as in the eleventh hair-cloth covering. For a column, extending two little brackets as it were arms on this side and that, renders the figure of a cross.
QsHept.2.177.1
Nunc iam videamus numerum columnarum, in quibus et forma tabernaculi possit adverti, utrum quadra, an rotunda sit, an oblongam habeat quadraturam, lateribus longioribus brevioribus frontibus sicut pleraeque basilicae construuntur: hoc enim potius hic evidenter exprimitur. Nam ita dicit: et facies columnas tabernaculo, viginti columnas ab latere isto, quod respicit ad aquilonem. Et quadraginta bases argenteas facies viginti columnis, duas bases columnae uni in ambas partes eius. Et latus secundum contra austrum viginti columnas, et quadraginta earum bases argenteas; duas bases columnae uni in ambas partes eius, et duas bases columnae uni in ambas partes eius. Repetitio non moveat; quia locutionis est, ut omnes ita intellegantur de quibus non dicit. De basibus autem iam antea diximus, cur una columna duas habeat, quia et "capita" hoc loco bases vocat (Cf. q. 2, 110).
Now let us see the number of the columns, in which the form of the tabernacle too can be observed—whether it is square, or round, or has an oblong rectangle, with longer sides and shorter ends, as most basilicas are built: for this rather is here plainly expressed. For he says thus: and you shall make columns for the tabernacle, twenty columns on that side which looks toward the north. And forty silver bases you shall make for the twenty columns, two bases for one column on both its parts. And the second side, toward the south, twenty columns, and forty silver bases of them; two bases for one column on both its parts, and two bases for one column on both its parts. Let the repetition not disturb; for it is a manner of speech, that all those of which he does not speak are so understood. But concerning the bases we have already said why one column has two, because here too he calls the "capitals" bases (See q. 2.110).
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 6. (26, 22-25) Videmus igitur vicenis columnis porrecta duo latera tabernaculi aquilonis et austri: duo sunt reliqua, orientale et occidentale, quae si totidem columnas habuissent, procul dubio quadrum esset. Quot autem habeat, de occidentali non tacetur, de orientali tacetur: utrum quia non habuit, et sola illic sine columnis extendebantur aulaea ab extrema columna unius lateris usque ad alterius alteram extremam; an aliqua causa taceantur, ut etiam tacitae intellegantur, nescio.
177. 6. (26, 22-25) We see, therefore, the two sides of the tabernacle, north and south, extended with twenty columns each: there are two remaining, the eastern and the western, which, if they had had as many columns, would without doubt be square. But how many it has, of the western is not kept silent, of the eastern it is kept silent: whether because it had none, and there alone the curtains were stretched without columns from the last column of one side to the other last of the other; or whether for some reason they are kept silent, so that, though silent, they are understood, I do not know.
QsHept.2.177.1
Postea quippe ex ipsa parte orientis decem columnae commemorantur, sed atrii de quo post loquitur, quod huic tabernaculo circumponi iubet. Commemoratis ergo lateribus tabernaculi aquilonio et australi in vicenis columnis, deinde sequitur et adiungit, dicens: et retro tabernaculum per partem quae est contra mare, facies sex columnas: et duas columnas facies in angulis tabernaculi a posterioribus, et aequales deorsum versus; et in se convenientes erunt, aequales de capitibus in commissuram unam. Sic facies ambobus duobus angulis; aequales sint. Et erunt octo columnae, et bases earum argenteae sedecim: duae bases columnae uni, et duae bases columnae uni in ambas partes eius.
Afterward, indeed, on that very eastern side ten columns are mentioned, but those of the court of which he afterward speaks, which he orders to be placed around this tabernacle. So, the north and south sides of the tabernacle having been mentioned with twenty columns each, then it continues and adds, saying: and behind the tabernacle, on the part which is toward the sea, you shall make six columns; and two columns you shall make at the corners of the tabernacle at the rear, and they shall be equal downward; and they shall be meeting together, equal at the capitals into one joining. So you shall make for both the two corners; let them be equal. And there shall be eight columns, and their bases sixteen silver ones: two bases for one column, and two bases for one column on both its parts.
QsHept.2.177.1
De basibus similis ratio et similis locutio est. Latus itaque occidentis, nam hoc est ad mare, columnis octo extenditur; sex mediis, et duabus angularibus quas aequales ad unam commissuram dicit esse debere; credo quod angulus duo in se latera committat, et sit columna angularis lateri utrique communis, ista occidentali et aquiloniae, illa occidentali et australi. Quod autem dicit etiam aequales deorsum versus hoc utique dicit, ut ad perpendiculum librarentur, ne robustiores essent infra quam supra, sicut pleraeque columnae sunt.
Concerning the bases the reckoning is similar and the manner of speech is similar. The western side, then—for this is toward the sea—is extended with eight columns; six in the middle, and two at the corners, which he says ought to be equal at one joining; I believe because the corner joins two sides together, and the corner column is common to each side, this one to the western and the northern, that one to the western and the southern. But what he says, equal also downward, this surely he says so that they might be balanced to the plumb line, lest they be more robust below than above, as most columns are.
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 7. (26, 26-29) Deinde dicit: et facies seras de lignis imputribilibus, quinque uni columnae ex una parte tabernaculi; et quinque seras columnae lateri tabernaculi secundo; et quinque seras columnae posteriori lateri tabernaculi, quod est ad mare. Mirum si dubitari potest, latus orientale columnas non habuisse in hoc interiore tabernaculo, cui postea circumponitur atrium. Singulas quasque igitur columnas omnium trium laterum habere seras quinas iubet.
177. 7. (26, 26-29) Then he says: and you shall make bars of incorruptible wood, five for one column on one side of the tabernacle; and five bars for the column of the second side of the tabernacle; and five bars for the column of the rear side of the tabernacle, which is toward the sea. It is strange if it can be doubted that the eastern side had no columns in this inner tabernacle, around which the court is afterward placed. He orders, then, each single column of all three sides to have five bars.
QsHept.2.177.1
Et sera, inquit, media inter medias columnas pertranseat ab uno latere in aliud latus. Hoc videtur dicere, ut de columna in columnam sera perveniret, et per intervallum columnarum porrigeretur a latere unius usque in latus alterius: ac per hoc una ex his omnibus columna non erat habitura proprias quinque seras; ad quam extremam quinque perveniebant a columna sibi proxima venientes.
And the middle bar, he says, shall pass through, among the middle columns, from one side to the other side. This he seems to say, that the bar would pass from column to column, and be extended through the interval of the columns from the side of one to the side of another: and by this, one column of all these was not going to have its own five bars; to which last one five came, coming from the column nearest to it.
QsHept.2.177.1
Et columnas, inquit, inaurabis auro, et annulos facies aereos, in quos induces seras, et inaurabis auro seras. Ne columnae foraminibus cavernarentur, quo intrarent serae, annulos fieri iussit, quibus ex utraque parte continerentur fines serarum. Proinde intelleguntur hi annulli fixis in ligno ansulis pependisse, ut extremas partes serarum possent capere et continere.
And the columns, he says, you shall gild with gold, and you shall make bronze rings, into which you shall put the bars, and you shall gild the bars with gold. Lest the columns be hollowed with holes, into which the bars would enter, he ordered rings to be made, by which the ends of the bars would be held on either side. Accordingly these rings are understood to have hung from little loops fixed in the wood, so that they could take and hold the end parts of the bars.
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 8. (26, 30-37) Et eriges, inquit, tabernaculum secundum speciem quae monstrata est tibi in monte. Et facies velamen de hyacintho et purpura et cocco torto et bysso neta; opus textile facies illud Cherubim. Et superimpones illud super quatuor columnas imputribiles inauratas auro, et capita earum aurea, et bases earum quatuor argenteae. Et pones velamen super columnas, et induces illuc, interius quam velamen est, arcam testimonii: et dividet vobis velamen inter medium sancti et inter medium sancti sanctorum. Et operies de velamine arcam testimonii in sancto sanctorum. Haec omnia manifesta sunt, interius intra velamen hoc quatuor columnis impositam fuisse arcam testimonii: quam non sic operiri iussit velamine, ut super Arcae cooperculum iaceret velamen, sed ut contra statueretur.
177. 8. (26, 30-37) And you shall erect, he says, the tabernacle according to the form which was shown you on the mountain. And you shall make a veil of hyacinth and purple and twisted scarlet and spun fine linen; you shall make it woven work, cherubim. And you shall set it upon four incorruptible columns gilded with gold, and their capitals gold, and their four bases silver. And you shall set the veil upon the columns, and you shall bring in there, within the veil, the ark of the testimony; and the veil shall divide for you between the midst of the holy place and the midst of the holy of holies. And you shall cover with the veil the ark of the testimony in the holy of holies. All these things are manifest, that within, inside this veil set upon four columns, was the ark of the testimony: which he ordered to be covered by the veil not so that the veil lay over the cover of the Ark, but that it be set over against it.
QsHept.2.177.1
Deinde dicit: et pones mensam foris extra velamen; et candelabrum contra mensam in parte tabernaculi, quae respicit ad austrum: et mensam pones in parte tabernaculi, quae respicit ad aquilonem. Etiam hoc planum est.
Then he says: and you shall put the table outside, beyond the veil; and the lampstand over against the table on the part of the tabernacle which looks toward the south; and the table you shall put on the part of the tabernacle which looks toward the north. This too is plain.
QsHept.2.177.1
Quod autem sequitur: et facies adductorium de hyacintho et purpura et cocco torto et bysso torta, opus variatoris. Et facies velamini quinque columnas, et inaurabis illas auro, et capita earum aurea: et conflabis eis quinque bases aereas: cui usui velamen hoc fiat quinque columnis extentum, post apparebit, nam hic non apparet. Vult enim illud esse velamen ostii tabernaculi, huius videlicet interioris, cui circumponitur atrium.
But what follows: and you shall make a screen of hyacinth and purple and twisted scarlet and twisted fine linen, the work of an embroiderer. And you shall make for the screen five columns, and you shall gild them with gold, and their capitals gold; and you shall cast for them five bronze bases: for what use this screen, stretched on five columns, is made, will afterward appear, for here it does not appear. For he wishes it to be the screen of the door of the tabernacle, of this inner one, namely, around which the court is placed.
QsHept.2.177.1
Deinde iubet altare fieri sacrificiorum et holocaustomatum; et dicit quemadmodum fiat: nondum autem dicit ubi ponatur; sed hoc quoque post apparebit.
Then he orders the altar of sacrifices and holocausts to be made; and he says how it is to be made: but he does not yet say where it is placed; but this too will afterward appear.
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 9. (27, 9-13) Hinc iam de atrio loquitur usque in finem, quod circumponendum est tabernaculo illi, de quo prius constituendo locutus est. Et facies, inquit, atrium; quod dicit Graece αὐλή, non αὐλαία; quod quidam interpretes nostri non discernentes, et hoc et illa aulaea, quas αὐλαίαι, non αὐλαί Graeci dicunt, atria interpretati sunt dicentes: et facies tabernaculum decem atriorum, ubi decem aulaeorum dicere debuerunt (Ex 26, 1). Nonnulli autem multo imperitiores, ianuas interpretati sunt et αὐλαί et αὐλαίαι. Sicut autem in lingua latina invenimus aulaea, quas Graeci αὐλαίαι vocant; ita quam illi appellant αὐλή, nostri aulam vocaverunt. Sed iam non atrium isto nomine, sed domus regia significatur in latina lingua; apud Graecos autem, atrium.
177. 9. (27, 9-13) From here now he speaks of the court until the end, which is to be placed around that tabernacle, of whose construction he first spoke. And you shall make, he says, a court; which in Greek is called aule, not aulaia; which some of our translators, not distinguishing, rendered both this and those curtains—which the Greeks call aulaiai, not aulai—as "courts," saying: and you shall make a tabernacle of ten courts, where they ought to have said of ten curtains (Ex 26:1). But some, much more unskilled, rendered both aulai and aulaiai as "doors." But just as in the Latin language we find aulaea, which the Greeks call aulaiai; so what they call aule, our people called aula. But now by that name not a court, but a royal house is signified in the Latin language; while among the Greeks, a court.
QsHept.2.177.1
Ergo: et facies, inquit, atrium tabernaculo in latere quod respicit ad austrum; et tentoria atrii ex bysso torta; longitudo sit centum cubitorum uni lateri: columnae eorum viginti, et bases earum aereae viginti; et circuli earum, et arcus earum argentei. Sic et lateri quod est ad aquilonem, tentoria centum cubitorum longitudinis; et columnae eorum viginti, et bases earum aereae viginti, et circuli earum, et arcus columnarum, et bases inargentatae argento. Latitudo autem atrii quae est ad mare, tentoria eius quinquaginta cubitorum; columnae eorum decem, et bases earum decem. Et latitudo atrii quod est ad orientem, quinquaginta cubitorum; columnae eius decem, et bases earum decem.
So: and you shall make, he says, a court for the tabernacle on the side which looks toward the south; and the hangings of the court of twisted fine linen; let the length be a hundred cubits for one side; their columns twenty, and their bronze bases twenty; and their rings, and their arches, silver. So also for the side which is toward the north, hangings a hundred cubits in length; and their columns twenty, and their bronze bases twenty, and their rings, and the arches of the columns, and the bases overlaid with silver. But the breadth of the court which is toward the sea, its hangings of fifty cubits; their columns ten, and their bases ten. And the breadth of the court which is toward the east, of fifty cubits; its columns ten, and their bases ten.
QsHept.2.177.1
177. 10. Hic iam videmus commemorari columnas ab oriente, cum loquitur de atrio, et eas decem dicens cum basibus aereis, sicut dixit etiam de occidentalibus: ubi difficillima oritur quaestio. Nam facile est quidem ut accipiamus ab oriente unum ordinem columnarum ad atrium pertinentium, quo tabernaculum interius per omnes quatuor partes cingitur; quia non habebat ex ea parte columnas tabernaculum interius: ab occidente autem ubi iam erant interioris tabernaculi columnae octo, quomodo etiam istas decem, quas exterioris atrii commemorat, accepturi sumus, tamquam ab occidente duo sint ordines columnarum, interiorum octo, et exteriorum decem? Quod si ita est, longiora erunt etiam latera atrii exterioris, quam tabernaculi interioris, ut sit unde ab extremo in extremum alius columnarum ordo dirigatur, et non incurrat in ordinem priorem ad interius tabernaculum pertinentem. Et si hoc est, consequens erit ut vicenae illae columnae duorum laterum tabernaculi interioris, austri et aquilonis, intervallis brevioribus dirimantur, quam illae vicenae quas habet atrium exterius ex eisdem lateribus. Et quia illi exteriores ordines vicenarum columnarum, sicut Scriptura loquitur, centena cubita tenent; isti interiores totidem columnarum quotlibet minus cubita teneant, quoniam hoc Scriptura non expressit, consequens erit ut octo columnae illae tabernaculi interioris in latere occidentali rariores sint quam vicenae illae eiusdem tabernaculi australes et aquiloniae, ut possit comprehendi spatium quantum sufficit decem illis aulaeis circumtendendis, quibus primitus dixit hoc tabernaculum fieri.
177. 10. Here now we see columns mentioned on the east, when he speaks of the court, and calling them ten with bronze bases, as he said also of the western ones: where a most difficult question arises. For it is easy indeed for us to take it that on the east there is one row of columns belonging to the court, by which the inner tabernacle is girded on all four sides; because on that side the inner tabernacle had no columns: but on the west, where there were already the eight columns of the inner tabernacle, how are we to take these ten too, which he mentions as belonging to the outer court, as though on the west there were two rows of columns, eight of the inner and ten of the outer? But if it is so, the sides of the outer court will be longer too than those of the inner tabernacle, so that there may be room for another row of columns to be set from end to end, and not run into the prior row belonging to the inner tabernacle. And if this is so, it will follow that those twenty columns of the two sides of the inner tabernacle, south and north, are separated by shorter intervals than those twenty which the outer court has on those same sides. And because those outer rows of twenty columns, as Scripture says, occupy a hundred cubits each; while these inner ones of as many columns occupy however many cubits fewer—since Scripture did not express this—it will follow that those eight columns of the inner tabernacle on the western side are more spaced out than those twenty of the same tabernacle on the south and north, so that there may be comprised as much space as suffices for stretching around those ten curtains, of which he first said this tabernacle was made.
QsHept.2.177.10
Habent enim cubita vicena et octona, quae fiunt simul ducenta octoginta: quorum si centena essent in lateribus duobus austri et aquilonis, ubi vicenarum columnarum ordines sunt, quadragena utique cubita tenderentur per alia duo latera orientis et occidentis, et proportione occurrerent in octo columnis cubita quadraginta, sicut in viginti columnis cubita centum; sed non essent longiora latera exterioris atrii, quoniam centenis cubitis definita sunt; et ideo non esset quemadmodum ille ordo decem columnarum ab angulo australi in angulum aquilonium includeret ordinem interiorum octo columnarum.
For they have twenty and eight cubits each, which together make two hundred and eighty: of which, if a hundred each were on the two sides of south and north, where the rows of twenty columns are, surely forty cubits each would be stretched along the other two sides of east and west, and in proportion forty cubits would correspond to eight columns, as a hundred cubits to twenty columns; but the sides of the outer court would not be longer, since they are defined by a hundred cubits each; and therefore there would be no way for that row of ten columns to enclose, from the southern corner to the northern corner, the row of the inner eight columns.
QsHept.2.177.10
Proinde ut atrio undique circumdetur interius tabernaculum, oportet illud esse etiam longitudinis brevioris: atque ita necesse sit vicenas eius columnas in duobus lateribus, quibus in longum porrigitur, densius constitui, quam sunt atrii exterioris etiam ipsae vicenae; et rarius octo columnas tabernaculi interioris a parte occidentis, quam decem ex eadem parte atrii exterioris: quoniam quidquid minus cubitorum ex illis aulaeis extenditur in columnis vicenis duorum laterum ad austrum et ad aquilonem, compensandum est latitudine orientalis et occidentalis lateris, ut ducenta octoginta cubita consummentur aulaeorum. Non enim sicut de velis capillaciis, ubi unum plus est, ita et de his aulaeis iussit aliquid duplicari.
Accordingly, that the inner tabernacle may be surrounded on all sides by the court, it must be also of a shorter length: and thus it must needs be that its twenty columns on the two sides, on which it extends lengthwise, be set more closely than even those same twenty of the outer court; and the eight columns of the inner tabernacle on the western part more sparsely than the ten on the same part of the outer court: since whatever fewer cubits of those curtains is stretched along the twenty columns of the two sides toward the south and the north, is to be compensated by the breadth of the eastern and western sides, so that the two hundred and eighty cubits of the curtains may be completed. For he did not order anything to be doubled of these curtains, as he did of the hair-cloth coverings, where one is more.
QsHept.2.177.10
Quapropter si tantum breviatur longitudo tabernaculi interioris, quod ab atrio exteriore posset includi, ut in vicenis eius columnis non centena cubita tendantur aulaeorum; sed verbi gratia, ut minimum nonagena et sena, ut quaternis cubitis breviora sint: haec ipsa quaterna cubita, id est octo cubita in duos aliis lateribus utique tendenda sunt, orientali et occidentali; ac sic in illis octo columnis occidentalibus tabernaculi interioris non extenduntur cubita quadraginta, sed quadraginta quatuor, et alia quadraginta quatuor ab oriente. Cum ergo in decem columnis exterioris atrii tenduntur cubita quinquaginta, in octo autem interioris tabernaculi tenduntur cubita quadraginta quatuor, rariora inveniuntur intervalla interiorum octo columnarum quam exteriorum decem: quia si paria essent, ita in columnis octo quadraginta cubita tenderentur, sicut quinquaginta tendebantur in decem; quoniam quod sunt proportione octo ad decem, hoc sunt quadraginta ad quinquaginta. Quinarium quippe numerum quadraginta octies habent, quinquaginta decies.
Wherefore, if the length of the inner tabernacle, which could be enclosed by the outer court, is shortened only so far that along its twenty columns not a hundred cubits each of curtains are stretched, but, for example, at least ninety-six each, so that they are four cubits shorter: these same four cubits, that is, eight cubits, must surely be stretched along the two other sides, the eastern and western; and so along those eight western columns of the inner tabernacle not forty cubits are stretched, but forty-four, and another forty-four on the east. Since, then, along the ten columns of the outer court fifty cubits are stretched, but along the eight of the inner tabernacle forty-four cubits are stretched, the intervals of the inner eight columns are found to be more spaced than those of the outer ten: for if they were equal, then along the eight columns forty cubits would be stretched, as fifty were stretched along ten; since what eight is in proportion to ten, that forty is to fifty. For the number five, forty has eight times, fifty ten times.
QsHept.2.177.10
177. 11. (27, 14-16) Nec nos moverent columnarum intervalla disparia, quod densiores in lateribus longitudinis ponerentur, ubi vicenae sunt, rariores autem in latere latitudinis, ubi octo sunt, nisi aliud existeret quod urgeret mutare sententiam. Cum enim commemorasset longitudinem atrii ad mare habere tentoria quinquaginta cubitorum, et columnas decem, et bases earum decem; et latitudinem atrii ad orientem item quinquaginta cubitorum, et columnas decem et bases decem (Cf. Ex 27, 9-13); atque his dictis perfecta videretur forma tabernaculi cum atrio suo undique ambiente, iniecit aliud, quod ubi et quomodo intellegendum sit, difficillime reperitur:
177. 11. (27, 14-16) Nor would the unequal intervals of the columns disturb us—that they were set more closely on the sides of the length, where there are twenty, but more sparsely on the side of the breadth, where there are eight—if there did not exist something else that pressed us to change the opinion. For when he had mentioned that the length of the court toward the sea has hangings of fifty cubits, and ten columns, and ten bases of them; and the breadth of the court toward the east likewise of fifty cubits, and ten columns and ten bases (See Ex 27:9–13); and these things having been said, the form of the tabernacle with its court surrounding it on every side seemed complete, he threw in something else, where and how it is to be understood is found most difficult:
QsHept.2.177.10
Et quindecim, inquit, cubitorum tentoriorum altitudo lateri uni: columnae eorum tres, et bases earum tres. Et latus secundum, quindecim cubitorum tentoriorum altitudo: columnae eorum tres, et bases earum tres. Et portae atrii tegumen viginti cubitorum altitudo de hyacintho et purpura et cocco neto et bysso torta, varietate acu picta: columnae earum quatuor et bases earum quatuor.
And fifteen cubits, he says, the height of the hangings for one side; their columns three, and their bases three. And the second side, fifteen cubits the height of the hangings; their columns three, and their bases three. And the covering of the gate of the court, twenty cubits in height, of hyacinth and purple and spun scarlet and twisted fine linen, embroidered with needlework in variety; their columns four and their bases four.
QsHept.2.177.10
Haec ubi constituantur, perfecta illa forma tabernaculi, non video: sed plane video eumdem esse numerum columnarum decem, in tribus et tribus et quatuor, ternis scilicet a lateribus et quatuor in medio. Ac per hoc tentoria illa quinquaginta cubitorum non contexta erunt, ne aditus in atrio nullus sit: sed quindenis cubitis media viginti cubita separabuntur, ut faciant portae tabernaculi tegimen, hoc est velum, quod ornamento velamentoque dependeat, et teneat spatium quatuor columnarum, quod portae atrii deputatum atque separatum est.
Where these are set up, that form of the tabernacle being complete, I do not see: but I plainly see that the number of columns is the same, ten, in three and three and four, namely three on the sides and four in the middle. And by this those hangings of fifty cubits will not be woven together, lest there be no entrance in the court: but by the fifteen cubits each the middle twenty cubits will be separated, so that they make the covering of the gate of the tabernacle, that is, the veil, which hangs as an ornament and screen, and holds the space of four columns, which is assigned and set apart for the gate of the court.
QsHept.2.177.10
Ideo velamen ipsum a lateribus quindenum cubitorum divisum atque separatum, etiam specie distingui voluit, ut opere acu picto quatuor illis coloribus variaretur. Sed latera illa quindenum cubitorum hinc atque hinc ternas columnas habentium, si ad eamdem lineae rectitudinem portae atrii coniungantur, non erit spatium inter decem columnas exterioris atrii et octo interioris tabernaculi, ubi sit altare quinque cubitorum (Cf. Ex 27, 1), quadrum occupans spatium; et ante ipsum altare, ubi serviatur altari; et inter ipsum et ostium tabernaculi interioris, ubi sit labrum aeneum (Cf. Ex 30, 18 ss).
Therefore that veil itself, divided and set apart from the sides of fifteen cubits each, he wished to be distinguished also in appearance, so that it might be varied with needlework in those four colors. But those sides of fifteen cubits each, having three columns on this side and that, if they are joined to the gate of the court along the same straight line, there will be no space between the ten columns of the outer court and the eight of the inner tabernacle, where there might be the altar of five cubits (See Ex 27:1), occupying a square space; and before the altar itself, where the altar is served; and between it and the door of the inner tabernacle, where there might be the bronze basin (See Ex 30:18 ff).
QsHept.2.177.10
Sic enim poni iussum est, unde manus et pedes sacerdotes lavent, quando intrant tabernaculum, vel quando accedunt ut altari deserviant: quod nisi foris a tabernaculo in atrio intellexerimus, quomodo possunt prius lavare manus et pedes, et sic tabernaculum introire? Foris autem ab atrio non possumus altare statuere; quia et tabernaculum et altare circumdari atrio praecepit (Cf. Ex 40, 7-8). Restat igitur ut illa latera quindenum cubitorum hinc atque hinc, et columnarum ternarum, sic accipiamus a lateribus, ut ipsa faciant intervallum totidem cubitorum inter portam atrii et ostium tabernaculi interioris: portam quidem patentem viginti cubitis in quatuor columnis, et habentem velum acu picto opere variatum viginti cubitorum; ostium vero tabernaculi interius, ubi ponatur velamen illud in quinque columnis extentum (Cf. Ex 26, 36-37): quod utique non intra illum ordinem octo columnarum, sed extra foris ad atrium positum intellegere debemus.
For it was ordered to be set where the priests might wash their hands and feet, when they enter the tabernacle, or when they approach to serve the altar: which, unless we understand it outside the tabernacle, in the court, how can they first wash their hands and feet, and so enter the tabernacle? But we cannot set the altar outside the court; because he prescribed both the tabernacle and the altar to be surrounded by the court (See Ex 40:7–8). It remains, therefore, that we take those sides of fifteen cubits each, on this side and that, and of three columns each, in such a way from the sides that they make an interval of as many cubits between the gate of the court and the door of the inner tabernacle: the gate indeed open for twenty cubits in four columns, and having a veil varied with embroidered needlework of twenty cubits; but the door of the inner tabernacle, where that screen stretched on five columns is set (See Ex 26:36–37): which surely we ought to understand as set not within that row of eight columns, but outside, toward the court.
QsHept.2.177.10
Tunc enim erit velum ostii tabernaculi, quod ostium tamquam valvis aperiebatur, ubi aulaea inter se circulis et ansis non coniungebantur. Aut si forte intra illum ordinem octo columnarum tabernaculi interioris, opponebatur hoc velamen in quinque columnis ostio tabernaculi, ut quando aperiebatur, interiora non nudarentur, ne a prospicientibus viderentur; quod tamen velamen sive interius ab illo ordine columnarum, sive exterius poneretur, quod non satis elucet: procul dubio distabat moderato intervallo ab eodem ordine columnarum, ne quinque columnae ad quatuor columnas densius constipatae, intercluderent potius aditum, quam velarent.
For then it will be the veil of the door of the tabernacle, which door was opened as it were by folding leaves, where the curtains were not joined to one another by rings and loops. Or if perhaps within that row of eight columns of the inner tabernacle this screen on five columns was set against the door of the tabernacle, so that when it was opened the inner parts would not be laid bare, lest they be seen by those looking in; which screen, however, whether it was set within that row of columns or outside, is not sufficiently clear: without doubt it stood at a moderate interval from that same row of columns, lest the five columns, packed too closely to the four columns, should rather block the entrance than veil it.
QsHept.2.177.10
177. 12. Secundum istum itaque modum, et secundum hanc formam tabernaculi nihil iam opus est vicenas illas columnas laterum interioris tabernaculi ad austrum et aquilonem constituere densiores, et rariores illas octo facere quae ab occidente fuerant. Decem quippe illae atrii exterioris ab eadem parte occidentis non longum ordinem faciunt columnarum, quo includantur octo interiores, sed ternis ab utroque latere constitutis, et quatuor in porta, spatium concludunt, ubi et altare sit holocaustomatum intra portam atrii ante ostium tabernaculi; et labrum inter ostium tabernaculi et altare; et intervallum necessarium ministerio inter altare et portam atrii: et sic illud totum spatium atrii concluditur columnis decem, tribus ab aquilone, et tribus ab austro, et quatuor ab occidente, tamquam si Π Graecam litteram facias.
177. 12. According to this manner, then, and according to this form of the tabernacle, there is now no need to set those twenty columns of the sides of the inner tabernacle toward the south and north more closely, and to make those eight which were on the west more sparse. For those ten of the outer court on that same western part do not make a long row of columns, by which the eight inner ones would be enclosed, but, with three set on each side, and four in the gate, they enclose a space where there may be both the altar of holocausts within the gate of the court before the door of the tabernacle; and the basin between the door of the tabernacle and the altar; and the interval necessary for the ministry between the altar and the gate of the court: and so that whole space of the court is enclosed by ten columns, three on the north, and three on the south, and four on the west, as if you make the Greek letter Pi.
QsHept.2.177.12
Et sic adiungebatur idem spatium longiori ordini columnarum tabernaculi interioris, tamquam si ad litteram memoratam, ex ea parte qua non habet, adiungas litterae productionem quae iota dicitur; ut eius parte quae in medio est, ab eo latere concludatur, et restent hinc atque inde ex ipso iota reliquae partes. Poterant ergo numerari decem columnae in illo longo ordine partis occidentalis tabernaculi interioris, sed cum illis octo adderentur duae, quae fuerant ultimae in ordinibus laterum atrii aquilonis et austri. Nam et illae decem quae proprie ad atrium pertinerent a parte occidentis, unde et intrabatur ad tabernaculum, ternas habebant in lateribus, et quatuor in fronte, ubi porta erat, atque ita spatium usui sacrificiorum necessarium intra atrium ante tabernaculum amplectebatur. In ternis autem columnis quae fuerant a lateribus, tentoria erant de bysso quindenorum cubitorum: in quatuor autem ubi porta erat, velum erat viginti cubitorum acu picto opere variatum.
And so this same space was joined to the longer row of columns of the inner tabernacle, as if to the aforesaid letter, on that part where it does not have one, you join the prolongation of the letter which is called iota; so that by its part which is in the middle, it is enclosed on that side, and there remain on this side and that the remaining parts of that iota. There could, then, be counted ten columns in that long row of the western part of the inner tabernacle, but with those eight there were added two, which had been the last in the rows of the sides of the court, north and south. For those ten too which properly belonged to the court on the western part, whence one also entered to the tabernacle, had three on the sides, and four in front, where the gate was, and so embraced the space necessary for the use of the sacrifices within the court before the tabernacle. But on the three columns which were on the sides, there were hangings of fine linen of fifteen cubits each: and on the four where the gate was, there was a veil of twenty cubits varied with embroidered needlework.
QsHept.2.177.12
177. 13. (38, 9-18) Nec moveat quod ait Scriptura: quindecim cubitorum tentoriorum altitudo lateri uni: columnae eorum tres, et bases earum tres. Et latus secundum quindecim cubitorum tentoriorum altitudo: columnae eorum tres, et bases earum tres. Et portae atrii tegumen viginti cubitorum altitudo (Ex 27, 14-16). Altitudinem quippe eamdem dicit, quae fuerat longitudo tentoriorum. Eadem quippe altitudo est cum texuntur, quae longitudo est cum tenduntur.
177. 13. (38, 9-18) Nor let it disturb one that Scripture says: fifteen cubits the height of the hangings for one side; their columns three, and their bases three. And the second side, fifteen cubits the height of the hangings; their columns three, and their bases three. And the covering of the gate of the court, twenty cubits in height (Ex 27:14–16). For it calls "height" the same as had been the length of the hangings. For the same is the height when they are woven, which is the length when they are stretched.
QsHept.2.177.12
Quod ne suspicari videamur, alio loco idipsum Scriptura commemorans ait: et fecerunt atrium quod est ad austrum, tentoria atrii de bysso torta, centum per centum: id est, centum cubita tentoriorum per centum cubita spatii quod tenebant viginti columnae.
Lest we seem to be conjecturing this, Scripture, mentioning this same thing in another place, says: and they made the court which is toward the south, the hangings of the court of twisted fine linen, a hundred by a hundred: that is, a hundred cubits of hangings along a hundred cubits of the space which the twenty columns occupied.
QsHept.2.177.12
Deinde sequitur: et columnae eorum viginti, et bases earum viginti aereae. Et latus quod est ad aquilonem centum per centum, et columnae eorum viginti, et bases earum viginti aereae: et latus quod est ad mare, aulaea quinquaginta cubitorum: columnae eorum decem, et bases earum decem. Eadem dicit aulaea quae tentoria. Et latus quod est ad orientem quinquaginta cubitorum tentoria. Post haec redit ad posteriora tabernaculi, ut ostendat quemadmodum illae decem columnae spatium de quo loquebatur, atrii complectebantur.
Then it continues: and their columns twenty, and their bases twenty, of bronze. And the side which is toward the north, a hundred by a hundred, and their columns twenty, and their bases twenty, of bronze; and the side which is toward the sea, curtains of fifty cubits; their columns ten, and their bases ten. It calls "curtains" the same as "hangings." And the side which is toward the east, hangings of fifty cubits. After these things it returns to the rear of the tabernacle, to show how those ten columns embraced the space of the court of which it was speaking.
QsHept.2.177.12
Quindecim cubitorum, inquit, quod est a dorso. Dorsum appellat, quia posteriora tabernaculi erant, id est a parte occidentis. Et columnae, inquit, eorum tres, et bases earum tres. Et a dorso secundo hinc et hinc secundum portam atrii aulaea quindecim cubitorum: columnae eorum tres, et bases earum tres.
Fifteen cubits, it says, which is at the back. It calls it "back," because it was the rear of the tabernacle, that is, on the western part. And their columns, it says, three, and their bases three. And at the second back, on this side and that, according to the gate of the court, curtains of fifteen cubits; their columns three, and their bases three.
QsHept.2.177.12
Manifestum est certe eadem duo dorsa dici hoc loco, cum commemorantur omnia quemadmodum facta sint, quae latera dicebantur, quando praecipiebatur ut fierent: latera scilicet quia hinc atque inde coniuncta portae occidentalis atrii spatium concludebant; dorsa vero, quod a tergo tabernaculi erat haec pars atrii, id est a parte occidentali.
It is certainly manifest that the same two are called "backs" in this place, when all the things are mentioned as they were made, which were called "sides" when it was prescribed that they be made: "sides," namely, because, joined on this side and that, they enclosed the space of the western gate of the court; but "backs," because this part of the court was at the rear of the tabernacle, that is, on the western part.
QsHept.2.177.12
Sequitur autem et dicit: omnia aulaea atrii de bysso torta, et bases columnarum aereae, et ansae earum argenteae, et capita earum inargentata argento; et columnae inargentatae argento, omnes columnae atrii.
It continues and says: all the hangings of the court of twisted fine linen, and the bases of the columns of bronze, and their loops of silver, and their capitals overlaid with silver; and the columns overlaid with silver, all the columns of the court.
QsHept.2.177.12
Deinde adiungit quod nondum isto loco commemoraverat: et velamen portae atrii opus variatoris, de hyacintho et purpura et cocco neto et bysso torta; viginti cubitorum longitudinem et latitudinem. Ecce ubi apparet eamdem dictam superius altitudinem, quae aulaeorum extentorum fuerat longitudo.
Then it adds what it had not yet mentioned in this place: and the screen of the gate of the court, the work of an embroiderer, of hyacinth and purple and spun scarlet and twisted fine linen; twenty cubits in length and breadth. Behold where it appears that the same was called above "height," which had been the length of the stretched hangings.
QsHept.2.177.12
Denique addit: et latitudinem quinque cubitorum. Tot enim cubitis latitudinis erigebantur tentoria exterioris atrii, sicut interioris cubitis quatuor. Sic autem et superius dixerat: longitudo autem atrii centum per centum, et latitudo quinquaginta per quinquaginta, et altitudo quinque cubitorum ex bysso torta. Hanc altitudinem dicens quam postea latitudinem dixit; quoniam quae iacentium latitudo est, eadem erectorum altitudo. Sicut quod paulo ante commemoravi, quae cum texuntur altitudo est, eadem cum tenduntur longitudo est.
Finally it adds: and the breadth five cubits. For with so many cubits of breadth were the hangings of the outer court erected, as those of the inner with four cubits. For so it had said above too: but the length of the court a hundred by a hundred, and the breadth fifty by fifty, and the height five cubits, of twisted fine linen. Calling that "height" which it afterward called "breadth"; since what is the breadth of things lying down, the same is the height of things erected. As, what I mentioned a little before, the height when they are woven, the same is the length when they are stretched.
QsHept.2.177.12
177. 14. (26, 8-12) Nunc iam quod distuleram, videamus; quomodo ex hac forma universi tabernaculi, quam sicut potui ante oculos collocavi, difficultas illa solvatur de capillaciis velis. Quae fortasse ideo erat abstrusior, quia per anticipationem ibi aliquid dictum est, quod proficeret operi, de quo postea fuerat locuturus, cum atrium tabernaculo circumponendum describeret.
177. 14. (26, 8-12) Now let us see what I had deferred: how, from this form of the whole tabernacle, which I have set before the eyes as I could, that difficulty concerning the hair-cloth coverings may be resolved. Which was perhaps the more abstruse for this reason, that something was there said by anticipation which would avail for the work of which he was afterward going to speak, when he would describe the court to be placed around the tabernacle.
QsHept.2.177.12
Nunc itaque verba ipsa videamus. Et suppones, inquit, quod superabit in velis tabernaculi, dimidium veli quod superabit subteges; quod abundat in velis tabernaculi, subteges post tabernaculum. Hoc totum quod dictum est unum sensum habet, quia dimidium veli quod superaverit, hoc est, id quod abundaverit de velis tabernaculi, subtegendum est post tabernaculum.
Now therefore let us see the words themselves. And you shall put under, it says, what remains over in the coverings of the tabernacle; the half of the covering that remains over you shall undercover; what abounds in the coverings of the tabernacle, you shall undercover behind the tabernacle. All this that was said has one sense, because the half of a covering that has remained over, that is, what has abounded of the coverings of the tabernacle, is to be undercovered behind the tabernacle.
QsHept.2.177.12
Quomodo ergo superet, id est, abundet et restet dimidium veli, ex illa serie connexorum velorum oportet inquirere: quoniam quinque in se, et sex in se connecti voluit, sicut superius loquens dixerat, sextum velum a facie tabernaculi duplicandum, id est ab oriente. Toties enim posteriora tabernaculi a parte occidentis esse significavit, id est ad mare.
How, then, a half of a covering remains over, that is, abounds and is left, must be inquired from that series of connected coverings: since he wished five to be connected together, and six together, as, speaking above, he had said that the sixth covering was to be doubled from the face of the tabernacle, that is, from the east. For so many times he signified the rear of the tabernacle to be on the western part, that is, toward the sea.
QsHept.2.177.12
Quid igitur facies tabernaculi, nisi pars illa intellegenda est quae est ad orientem? Pars ergo illa qua vela quinque connexa sunt, habet cubita centum quinquaginta, hoc est quinquies tricena (tricenorum enim cubitorum erant singula, sicut ea Deus fieri iusserat): illa vero pars in qua erant non quinque, sed sex vela sibimet similiter connexa, cubita habebat centum octoginta, id est sexies tricena, ac per hoc duplicato ex eis uno velo, sicut iussum est, secundum faciem tabernaculi, minuebantur in ea duplicatione cubita quindecim; quibus detractis, centum sexaginta quinque remanebant.
What, then, is the face of the tabernacle, unless that part is to be understood which is toward the east? That part, then, in which the five coverings are connected, has a hundred and fifty cubits, that is, five times thirty (for each was of thirty cubits, as God had ordered them to be made): but that part in which there were not five, but six coverings likewise connected to one another, had a hundred and eighty cubits, that is, six times thirty; and by this, with one covering of them doubled, as was ordered, toward the face of the tabernacle, in that doubling fifteen cubits were diminished; which being subtracted, a hundred and sixty-five remained.
QsHept.2.177.12
Et ideo post centum quinquaginta cubita, quibus illi parti quinque velorum etiam ista pars sex velorum aequabatur, superabant atque abundabant cubita quindecim. Illinc enim erant a parte quinque velorum, cubita centum quinquaginta: hinc autem a parte sex velorum, duplicato uno velo secundum faciem tabernaculi, erant cubita centum sexaginta quinque. Plus ergo habebat pars ista cubita quindecim.
And therefore, after the hundred and fifty cubits, by which this part of six coverings was also equaled to that part of five coverings, fifteen cubits remained over and abounded. For on that side, on the part of the five coverings, there were a hundred and fifty cubits: but on this side, on the part of the six coverings, with one covering doubled toward the face of the tabernacle, there were a hundred and sixty-five cubits. This part, therefore, had fifteen cubits more.
QsHept.2.177.12
Hoc dicit dimidium veli, quod iubet subtegi post tabernaculum, ut quia illud a facie duplicatum est, hoc dimidium redundans a posteriore parte tabernaculi non duplicaretur, sed subtegeretur, id est, omnia ipsa quindecim cubita subtermissa tegerentur: ac sic et ipsa illi longitudini detraherentur, sicut illa itidem quindecim a facie tabernaculi unius veli duplicatione detracta sunt: eoque modo centum quinquaginta cubitis quinque velorum occurrerent ex alia parte centum quinquaginta cubita sex velorum; triginta scilicet cubitis de centum octoginta detractis, a facie tabernaculi velo duplicato, et a posterioribus tabernaculi dimidio velo subtecto.
This he calls the half of a covering, which he orders to be undercovered behind the tabernacle, so that, because that one was doubled from the face, this redundant half from the rear part of the tabernacle would not be doubled, but undercovered—that is, all those fifteen cubits, put under, would be covered: and thus they too would be subtracted from that length, just as those likewise fifteen from the face of the tabernacle were subtracted by the doubling of one covering: and in that way to the hundred and fifty cubits of the five coverings there would correspond from the other part a hundred and fifty cubits of the six coverings; namely with thirty cubits subtracted from the hundred and eighty, by the covering doubled at the face of the tabernacle, and the half covering undercovered at the rear of the tabernacle.
QsHept.2.177.12
177. 15. (26, 13) Iam illud quod sequitur aliud est, et aliam quaestionem infert, propter quam maxime huius loci expositionem differendam putavi, ut prius et formam constituendi tabernaculi, et de atrio circumponendo quod scriptum est videremus. Sequitur ergo: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc, ex eo quod superat velis de longitudine velorum tabernaculi, erit contegens super latera tabernaculi hinc atque hinc, ut operiat.
177. 15. (26, 13) Now what follows is something else, and brings in another question, on account of which especially I thought the exposition of this passage was to be deferred, so that we might first see both the form of setting up the tabernacle, and what was written about the court to be placed around it. It continues, then: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that, of that which remains over in the coverings of the length of the coverings of the tabernacle, it shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle on this side and that, so as to cover it.
QsHept.2.177.12
Aliud est quod superabit una pars sex velorum aliam partem quinque velorum, propter ampliorem velorum numerum, unde iam diximus: aliud quod superabit de longitudine velorum, unde nunc dictum est. Ita enim non pars parti comparatur, et altera alteram superare invenitur; illa scilicet, quae vela sex habet, illam quae vela quinque habet; quae ambae ut sibimet aequarentur, a facie tabernaculi facta est unius veli duplicatio, a tergo dimidii subtectio:
It is one thing that one part of six coverings will exceed the other part of five coverings, on account of the greater number of coverings, of which we have already spoken: another, what will remain over of the length of the coverings, of which it is now said. For in this way part is not compared to part, and the one is found to exceed the other—that one, namely, which has six coverings, that which has five coverings; which two, that they might be equaled to one another, the doubling of one covering was made at the face of the tabernacle, the undercovering of a half at the rear:
QsHept.2.177.12
sed ipsa vela capillacia comparata aulaeis, ex quibus decem iussit fieri interius tabernaculum quatuor coloribus textis, longiora reperiuntur cubitis binis. Ea enim erant aulaea singula cubitorum viginti octo, ista triginta: ideo hic non ait: "ex eo quod superat de velis"; sed: ex eo quod superat velis de longitudine velorum.
but the hair-cloth coverings themselves, compared to the curtains, of which he ordered ten to be made for the inner tabernacle, woven in four colors, are found to be longer by two cubits each. For those curtains were each of twenty-eight cubits, these of thirty: therefore here he does not say: "of that which remains over of the coverings"; but: of that which remains over in the coverings, of the length of the coverings.
QsHept.2.177.12
Quid est ergo: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc, erit contegens super latera tabernaculi, nisi quia illa longitudo in qua binis cubitis vela capillacia longiora sunt aulaeis, singulis singula, non tota in unam partem cogenda est, id est, ut quidquid superat, ad posteriora tabernaculi colligatur; sed distribuatur ex aequo, tantumque eius ad priora tabernaculi, quantum ad posteriora tribuatur: id est, quoniam duo cubita in singulis velis eamdem quae superat longitudinem faciunt, ut cubitum inde auferat pars ista, et cubitum illa; ita de singulis cubitis suis habebit pars ista cubita decem, et illa de suis singulis decem; quoniam decem vela binis cubitis longiora, viginti cubitorum longitudinem faciunt, qua videntur superare serie sua seriem aulaeorum?
What, then, is: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that, it shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle, unless because that length, in which the hair-cloth coverings are longer than the curtains by two cubits each, one by one, is not all to be driven to one part, that is, so that whatever remains over is gathered to the rear of the tabernacle; but is to be distributed equally, and as much of it given to the front of the tabernacle as to the rear: that is, since two cubits in each covering make that length which remains over, so that this part takes a cubit from it, and that part a cubit; thus from its own single cubits this part will have ten cubits, and that from its own single ones ten; since ten coverings longer by two cubits each make a length of twenty cubits, by which their series seems to exceed the series of the curtains?
QsHept.2.177.12
177. 16. Deinceps videndum est haec viginti cubita, quae superant de longitudine velorum, cui spatio cingendo proficiant. Si enim velis capillaciis interius tabernaculum circumtegitur, ita superant, ut quid ex eis cooperiatur non sit omnino. Unde restat etiam ipsa subtegi, et subtegendo detrahi, quod Scriptura non dicit. Aulaea quippe decem, quae habent cubita vicena et octona, quibus interius tenditur tabernaculum, circumplectuntur spatium quantum possunt circumplecti cubita ducenta octoginta: unde latera illa longiora australe et aquilonium, habentia vicenas columnas, auferunt ex his cubitis centena cubita; restant octoginta, quae duobus reliquis lateribus brevioribus, orientali quod non habet ordinem columnarum, et occidentali ubi erant columnae octo, quadragena distribuantur.
177. 16. Next it is to be seen for what space to be girded these twenty cubits, which remain over of the length of the coverings, avail. For if the inner tabernacle is covered round about by the hair-cloth coverings, they so remain over that there is nothing at all of them to be used for covering. Whence it remains that they too be undercovered, and by undercovering subtracted, which Scripture does not say. For the ten curtains, which have twenty and eight cubits each, by which the tabernacle is stretched within, embrace as much space as two hundred and eighty cubits can embrace: whence those longer sides, southern and northern, having twenty columns each, take from these cubits a hundred cubits each; there remain eighty, which are distributed forty each to the two remaining shorter sides, the eastern, which has no row of columns, and the western, where there were eight columns.
QsHept.2.177.16
Proinde in capillaciis velis, quoniam detractis triginta cubitis trecenta restabant, si trecentis cubitis capillaciorum velorum, ducenta octoginta cooperiantur aulaeorum, ita supererunt viginti, ut non sit quod ex eis legatur. Proinde duo illa cubita, quae singula capillacia plus habent, ex quibus summa viginti cubitorum collecta est, sic distribuenda sunt: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc; id est, ne omnia in unam partem cogantur, ut proficiant operiendis lateribus tabernaculi, sed exterioris atrii, id est, omnia illa trecenta cubita velorum capillaciorum extrinsecus tabernaculum cingant. Adiunctis quippe lateribus atrii exterioris centenum cubitorum, id est, austri et aquilonis, quinquagena cubita supersunt orientis et occidentis, quae omnia fiunt trecenta, quibus cooperiendis capillaciorum trecentena sufficiunt.
Accordingly, in the hair-cloth coverings, since, thirty cubits being subtracted, three hundred remained, if with three hundred cubits of hair-cloth coverings the two hundred and eighty of the curtains are covered, twenty will so remain over that there is nothing for them to be used for. Accordingly those two cubits, which the individual hair-cloth ones have more, from which the sum of twenty cubits was gathered, are to be distributed thus: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that; that is, lest they all be driven to one part, so that they avail for covering the sides not of the tabernacle, but of the outer court—that is, that all those three hundred cubits of hair-cloth coverings gird the tabernacle on the outside. For with the sides of the outer court of a hundred cubits each added, that is, of south and north, there remain fifty cubits each of east and west, which all make three hundred, for the covering of which the three hundred of the hair-cloth ones suffice.
QsHept.2.177.16
Hoc est quod ait: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc; id est, distributio duorum cubitorum, quibus unumquodque velum capillacium longius est, hoc est ex eo quod superat velis de longitudine velorum, erit contegens super latera tabernaculi; illa scilicet exteriora quae ad atrium pertinent, hinc atque hinc ut operiat: nec illa ipsius atrii, quae centenis cubitis et vicenis columnis tenduntur; ipsa enim non sunt facta longiora, quam illa interioris tabernaculi quae decem aulaeis tenduntur, et vicenas etiam ipsa columnas habent. Nam sicut interioris tabernaculi duo latera ab aquilone et austro centenis cubitis porriguntur, ita et exterioris atrii.
This is what he says: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that; that is, the distribution of the two cubits by which each hair-cloth covering is longer, this is of that which remains over in the coverings of the length of the coverings, it shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle; those outer ones, namely, which belong to the court, on this side and that, so as to cover it: not those of the court itself, which are stretched with a hundred cubits each and twenty columns; for these were not made longer than those of the inner tabernacle which are stretched with ten curtains, and themselves also have twenty columns. For just as the two sides of the inner tabernacle, on the north and south, extend a hundred cubits each, so also those of the outer court.
QsHept.2.177.16
Non ergo ad ipsa exteriora totidem columnarum latera tegenda capillaciorum velorum proficit longitudo, qua longitudinem superant aulaeorum. Tantum enim dant exterioribus lateribus, quantum et interioribus darent, id est cubita centena, quae fiunt ducenta: sed quia lateribus orientis et occidentis sufficerent latera quadragena, si tantummodo interius tabernaculum velis capillaciis cingeretur; additis autem lateribus atrii crevit tabernaculi latitudo, ut tegendis lateribus orientali et occidentali iam non quadragena, sed quinquagena cubita sint necessaria: ad ea tegenda proficere potuit capillaciorum velorum longitudo amplior quam aulaeorum; ut non ambo cubita, quibus binis longiora sunt, ex una parte impenderentur, sed cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc; ac sic haberet ex ipsa superabundantia latus orientale cubita decem, et occidentale alia decem. Viginti enim sunt bina decem: quia veli undecimi cubita triginta duplicatione et subtectione ab hoc ambitu detrahuntur.
Not, therefore, for covering those outer sides of as many columns does the length of the hair-cloth coverings avail, by which they exceed the length of the curtains. For they give to the outer sides as much as they would give to the inner, that is, a hundred cubits each, which make two hundred: but because for the eastern and western sides forty cubits each would suffice, if the inner tabernacle alone were girded by the hair-cloth coverings; but with the sides of the court added, the breadth of the tabernacle grew, so that for covering the eastern and western sides now not forty, but fifty cubits each are necessary: for covering these the greater length of the hair-cloth coverings than of the curtains could avail; so that not both cubits, by which they are longer by two each, would be spent on one part, but a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that; and thus from that superabundance the eastern side would have ten cubits, and the western another ten. For twenty are two times ten: because the thirty cubits of the eleventh covering are subtracted from this circuit by doubling and undercovering.
QsHept.2.177.16
177. 17. Sed quoniam id quod Latine interpretatum est: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc, ex eo quod superat velis de longitudine velorum tabernaculi, erit contegens super latera tabernaculi, graecus habet πλάγια, quae Latini nonnulli non latera, sed obliqua interpretati sunt, merito movet, quia etsi nihil hic videatur obliquum, ubi omnes anguli quatuor laterum recti sunt; πλάγια tamen dici latera illa non possunt, quorum unum est in facie, alterum retro, id est, orientale et occidentale, sed πλάγια dici possunt a dextro et a sinistro, id est, aquilonium et australe: cum ergo non sint ea πλάγια quae habent cubita quinquagena, quibus lateribus tegendis proficere potuisse diximus superantem longitudinem capillaciorum velorum; quomodo erit verum: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc, ex eo quod superat velis de longitudine velorum tabernaculi, erit contegens super latera tabernaculi?
177. 17. But since what was rendered in Latin: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that, of that which remains over in the coverings of the length of the coverings of the tabernacle, it shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle, the Greek has as plagia, which some Latins rendered not sides, but oblique parts, it rightly disturbs us; because, although nothing here seems oblique, where all the angles of the four sides are right; yet those sides cannot be called plagia, of which one is in front, the other behind, that is, the eastern and the western, but plagia can be called those on the right and on the left, that is, the northern and the southern: since, then, those are not plagia which have fifty cubits each, for the covering of which sides we said the exceeding length of the hair-cloth coverings could have availed; how will it be true: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that, of that which remains over in the coverings of the length of the coverings of the tabernacle, it shall be covering over the sides of the tabernacle?
QsHept.2.177.17
Sed nimirum de illis lateribus tegendis loquitur, quae etiam dorsa appellat quindenorum cubitorum columnarumque ternarum, quae cum porta atrii habente cubita viginti et columnas quatuor, quinquaginta complent cubita et columnas decem. Haec latera ex istis suis finibus in medio posuerunt atrii portam, ex illis autem ostium tabernaculi: inter portam atrii et ostium tabernaculi spatium iacet, quantum cubita illa concludunt viginti a porta, et dextra laevaque quindena. In eo spatio est altare holocaustomatum intra portam atrii ante ostium tabernaculi; et inter altare et ostium tabernaculi labrum aereum, ubi sacerdotes manus et pedes lavabant.
But surely he speaks of covering those sides which he also calls "backs," of fifteen cubits each and three columns each, which, with the gate of the court having twenty cubits and four columns, complete fifty cubits and ten columns. These sides, from their own limits, set the gate of the court in the middle on the one part, but on the other the door of the tabernacle: between the gate of the court and the door of the tabernacle lies a space, as much as those cubits enclose, twenty from the gate, and fifteen each on right and left. In that space is the altar of holocausts within the gate of the court before the door of the tabernacle; and between the altar and the door of the tabernacle the bronze basin, where the priests washed their hands and feet.
QsHept.2.177.17
Diligenter autem mensuris examinatis, fortasse in istis lateribus ternarum columnarum, quae πλάγια Graece dicta sunt, nonnulla etiam obliquitas invenitur; ut non frustra quidam interpretes nostri obliqua interpretarentur, quae in Graeco πλάγια repererunt. Non enim vela capillacia quindenis cubitis suis possunt tegere quindena cubita tentoriorum in illis lateribus, nisi posterioribus partibus tabernaculi, antequam ad illa latera deflectantur, non amplius quam dena cubita impenderint. Ac sic ex linea recta posterioris tabernaculi, id est a parte occidentis; quae linea cum habuisset octo columnas pertinentes ad interius tabernaculum, decem habere coepit additis lateribus atrii exterioris; et cum habuisset cubita quadraginta ad octo columnas pertinentia, quinquaginta habere coepit in columnis decem: ex hac ergo linea cum tecta fuerint velis capillaciis dena cubita ab utroque angulo venientia, restabunt in medio triginta non tecta velis capillaciis, sed illis tantummodo aulaeis; in quorum triginta cubitorum medio, per quotlibet cubita tenderentur, erat ostium tabernaculi.
But, the measurements being carefully examined, perhaps in those sides of three columns each, which were called plagia in Greek, some obliquity too is found; so that not in vain did some of our translators render oblique what they found in the Greek as plagia. For the hair-cloth coverings cannot, with their fifteen cubits each, cover the fifteen cubits of hangings on those sides, unless, on the rear parts of the tabernacle, before they bend off toward those sides, they have spent no more than ten cubits each. And thus, from the straight line of the rear of the tabernacle, that is, on the western part—which line, when it had eight columns belonging to the inner tabernacle, began to have ten with the sides of the outer court added; and when it had had forty cubits belonging to the eight columns, began to have fifty along the ten columns—from this line, then, when ten cubits coming from each corner have been covered by the hair-cloth coverings, there will remain in the middle thirty not covered by the hair-cloth coverings, but only by those curtains; in the middle of which thirty cubits, by however many cubits they were stretched, was the door of the tabernacle.
QsHept.2.177.17
Proinde illa latera ternarum columnarum et quindenorum cubitorum, si ex illis finibus suis quibus iungebantur portae atrii, patebant inter se cubitis viginti, quia tantum habebat porta quae illa latera dirimebat; ex aliis autem finibus quibus haerebant posteriori illi lineae tabernaculi, de qua locuti sumus, habebant inter se cubita triginta; procul dubio erant obliqua: quoniam plus inter se patebant ex hac parte ubi habebant media cubita triginta, quam ex illa parte ubi habebant media cubita viginti. Ita illa decem cubita capillaciorum velorum, quod erat dimidium abundantis longitudinis, quae proficiebant posteriori parti tabernaculi, hoc est occidentali, sicut alia decem proficiebant priori parti, id est orientali, quinis cubitis complebant tecturam laterum illorum, quae Graece πλάγια dicta sunt, inde quinque et hinc quinque.
Accordingly those sides of three columns and fifteen cubits each, if from those limits of theirs by which they were joined to the gate of the court they were open between themselves by twenty cubits, because so much had the gate which separated those sides; but from the other limits by which they clung to that rear line of the tabernacle, of which we have spoken, they had between themselves thirty cubits; without doubt they were oblique: since they were open between themselves more on this part, where they had thirty cubits in the middle, than on that part where they had twenty cubits in the middle. Thus those ten cubits of the hair-cloth coverings, which was the half of the abounding length, which availed for the rear part of the tabernacle, that is, the western, just as the other ten availed for the front part, that is, the eastern, completed with five cubits each the covering of those sides which were called plagia in Greek, five on this side and five on that.
QsHept.2.177.17
Quae si defuissent, dena cubita tegerentur in eisdem lateribus, et quina nuda essent. Itaque, quantum mihi videtur, melius intellegitur hinc esse dictum: cubitum ex hoc, et cubitum ex hoc, ex eo quod superat velis de longitudine velorum tabernaculi, non quia erant, cum hinc et inde quina essent; sed quia ex illa longitudine redundabant, in qua binis cubitis erant aulaeis capillacia longiora, ex quibus duobus cubitis uniuscuiusque veli cubitum profecerat parti orientali: restabat utique alterum cubitum parti occidentali, ut cubitum ex hoc et cubitum ex hoc esset contegens super πλάγια tabernaculi. Unde dictum est, hinc atque hinc ut operiat, quia non operiebat totum, si eadem quina cubita defuissent.
Which, had they been lacking, ten cubits would be covered on those same sides, and five would be bare. And so, as it seems to me, it is better understood that it was hence said: a cubit on this side, and a cubit on that, of that which remains over in the coverings of the length of the coverings of the tabernacle, not because they were so, since on this side and that there were five each; but because they were redundant from that length in which the hair-cloth ones were longer than the curtains by two cubits each, of which two cubits of each covering one cubit had availed for the eastern part: there remained surely the other cubit for the western part, so that a cubit on this side and a cubit on that was covering over the plagia of the tabernacle. Whence it was said, on this side and that, so as to cover it, because it would not cover the whole, if those same five cubits had been lacking.
QsHept.2.177.17
177. 18. Nunc iam quoniam satis disputatum est, quomodo illa omnia intellegenda sint, quae in tabernaculi constitutione videbantur obscura, breviter si possumus enitamur ostendere quid sit eadem disputatione confectum.
177. 18. Now, since it has been sufficiently discussed how all those things are to be understood which seemed obscure in the setting up of the tabernacle, let us strive, briefly if we can, to show what has been accomplished by that same discussion.
QsHept.2.177.18
Ab occidente igitur intrabatur, et prima erat ingrediendi porta atrii, quae patebat viginti cubitis, et habebat quatuor columnas, quibus dependebat velum viginti cubitis extentum, erectum autem cubitis quinque, quatuor illis saepe commemoratis coloribus acu picto opere variato. Hac porta ingrediens excipiebatur atrio, cuius latera dextera laevaque quindenis cubitis et ternis columnis porrigebantur introrsus; ut in medio ponerent ostium tabernaculi interioris, in ea parte quo perveniebant, sicut in medio ponebant portam atrii, ab ea parte unde incipiebant.
From the west, then, one entered, and the first thing for entering was the gate of the court, which was open for twenty cubits, and had four columns, from which hung a veil stretched twenty cubits, but erected five cubits, in those four often-mentioned colors, varied with embroidered needlework. Entering by this gate, one was received into the court, whose sides on the right and left extended inward fifteen cubits each and three columns each; so that they set in the middle the door of the inner tabernacle, on that part to which they came, just as they set in the middle the gate of the court, on that part whence they began.
QsHept.2.177.18
Hoc itaque atrium latius erat quam longius. Nam longitudo eius erat a porta ipsius usque ad ostium tabernaculi interioris, in cubitis ferme quindecim: latitudo autem circa portam in cubitis viginti, circa ostium vero in cubitis triginta. Unde obliqua illa latera fuisse intelleguntur, quae dextera laevaque in columnis ternis et quindenis cubitis erant. In hoc atrio erat altare sacrificiorum quadratum, quinque scilicet cubitis longum, et totidem latum. Inter portam et altare spatium erat, ubi versabantur qui sacrificia imponebant altari: introrsus vero inter altare et ostium tabernaculi, locus erat cineris ante altare, et deinde labrum aeneum ubi manus et pedes sacerdotes lavabant, vel altari in atrio servituri, vel tabernaculum interius ingressuri. Tentoria porro huius atrii in lateribus ternarum columnarum byssina erant, extenta cubitis quindenis, erecta cubitis quinis.
This court, then, was broader than it was long. For its length was from its gate to the door of the inner tabernacle, about fifteen cubits: but its breadth around the gate was twenty cubits, around the door thirty cubits. Whence those sides are understood to have been oblique, which were on the right and left in three columns each and fifteen cubits. In this court was the square altar of sacrifices, namely five cubits long, and as many broad. Between the gate and the altar there was a space, where those moved about who placed the sacrifices on the altar: but inward, between the altar and the door of the tabernacle, was the place of ashes before the altar, and then the bronze basin where the priests washed their hands and feet, whether about to serve the altar in the court, or about to enter the inner tabernacle. The hangings, moreover, of this court on the sides of three columns each were of fine linen, stretched fifteen cubits, erected five cubits.
QsHept.2.177.18
177. 19. Ab hoc ergo atrio intrabatur ostium tabernaculi cum transisses altare, et labrum aeneum. Intrabatur autem apertis aulaeis, quibus decem, quinque hinc et quinque inde ex adverso sibimet constitutis, totum ipsum interius tabernaculum cingebatur. Quod ostium ingresso occurrebat velum, quod ad ostium fuerat oppositum, in quinque columnis extentum, variatum illis quatuor coloribus: quod velum cum faciendum praeciperet, adductorium vocavit, credo quod curreret, ducendo et reducendo, cum operiret atque aperiret ingressum. Transito isto velo, excipiebat pars tabernaculi media inter hoc velum et illud alterum interius, quod columnis quatuor fuerat impositum, ex illis quatuor coloribus factum, et separabat inter sancta quae forinsecus erant, et Sancta Sanctorum interius posita. In hoc itaque medio spatio inter ista duo vela, mensa erat aurea, quae habebat panes propositionis in parte aquilonis; et contra eam candelabrum aureum septem lucernarum in parte austri. Huc usque secundis sacerdotibus licebat intrare.
177. 19. From this court, then, one entered the door of the tabernacle, when you had passed the altar and the bronze basin. But one entered by the curtains being opened, by which—ten of them, five on this side and five on that, set over against one another—the whole inner tabernacle itself was girded. Entering this door, one met the veil which had been set against the door, stretched on five columns, varied with those four colors: which veil, when he prescribed it to be made, he called a drawing-screen, I believe because it would run, by drawing and drawing back, when it covered and opened the entrance. This veil passed, the middle part of the tabernacle received one, between this veil and that other inner one, which had been set upon four columns, made of those four colors, and separated between the holy things which were outside, and the Holy of Holies set within. In this middle space, then, between those two veils, there was a golden table, which held the loaves of the presence on the north part; and over against it a golden lampstand of seven lamps on the south part. Thus far the lower priests were permitted to enter.
QsHept.2.177.19
177. 20. Interius autem, id est, in Sancto Sanctorum ultra velum quatuor columnarum, Arcea erat Testimonii deaurata, in qua erant tabulae lapideae Legis, et virga Aaron, et urna aurea cum manna, et propitiatorium desuper aureum, ubi stabant duo cherubim, alis obumbrantes propitiatorium et intuentes invicem et ipsum. Ante Arcam vero, id est inter Arcam et velum, positum erat altare incensi, quod aliquando aureum dicit Scriptura, aliquando deauratum, aureum utique appellans quia erat inauratum. Ad haec Sancta Sanctorum nisi summo sacerdoti non licebat intrare quotidie propter inferendum incensum; semel autem in anno cum sanguine ad purificandum altare, et si quando forte exigebat necessitas pro peccato sacerdotis, aut universae synagogae, sicut in Levitico scriptum est (Cf. Lev 16). Sic intrabatur tabernaculum ab occidente, id est a porta atrii usque ad latus orientale introrsus ubi erat Arca Testimonii.
177. 20. But within, that is, in the Holy of Holies beyond the veil of four columns, was the gilded Ark of the Testimony, in which were the stone tablets of the Law, and the rod of Aaron, and the golden urn with manna, and the golden propitiatory above, where the two cherubim stood, overshadowing the propitiatory with their wings and attending to each other and to it. But before the Ark, that is, between the Ark and the veil, was set the altar of incense, which Scripture sometimes calls golden, sometimes gilded—calling it golden, surely, because it was overlaid with gold. To this Holy of Holies it was not permitted to enter except for the high priest, daily, for the sake of offering incense; but once a year with blood for purifying the altar, and if perhaps necessity sometime required, for the sin of the priest, or of the whole congregation, as is written in Leviticus (See Lev 16). Thus one entered the tabernacle from the west, that is, from the gate of the court inward to the eastern side where the Ark of the Testimony was.
QsHept.2.177.20
177. 21. Hoc autem interius tabernaculum, quod incipiebat non a porta atrii, sed ab ostio quod appellabatur ostium tabernaculi, et finiebatur in longum latere orientis ubi erat Arca Testimonii, decem aulaeis concludebatur, quorum erant singula viginti octo cubitorum, quinque hinc et quinque inde, sibimet connexa ansulis et circulis, et ex adverso sibimet constituta; et columnis vicenis in lateribus longioribus aquilonis atque austri, et columnis octo a latere occidentis, a latere autem orientis nullis columnis, sed solis aulaeis. Quae aulaea decem erigebantur in cubitis quatuor, et per totum circuitum tendebantur in cubitis ducentis octoginta: quorum centena in lateribus erant longioribus austri et aquilonis per vicenas columnas; quadragena vero cubita in reliquis duobus lateribus brevioribus; uno occidentis per columnas octo; altero orientis, ubi columnae non erant, sed sola tendebantur aulaea de solis duabus angularibus columnis, mediis autem nullis: et erant haec aulaea decem de quatuor coloribus texta.
177. 21. But this inner tabernacle, which began not from the gate of the court, but from the door which was called the door of the tabernacle, and ended lengthwise on the eastern side where the Ark of the Testimony was, was enclosed by ten curtains, of which each was twenty-eight cubits, five on this side and five on that, connected to one another by little loops and rings, and set over against one another; and by twenty columns on the longer sides of the north and south, and eight columns on the western side, but on the eastern side by no columns, but by curtains alone. Which ten curtains were erected four cubits, and through the whole circuit were stretched two hundred and eighty cubits: of which a hundred each were on the longer sides of south and north along twenty columns each; but forty cubits on the remaining two shorter sides; one of the west along eight columns; the other of the east, where there were no columns, but the curtains alone were stretched from the two corner columns alone, but none in the middle: and these ten curtains were woven of four colors.
QsHept.2.177.21
Hoc ergo interius tabernaculum circumdabatur atrio ab austro viginti columnis, et ab aquilone viginti. Quae duo atrii latera aequalem habebant longitudinem cum lateribus interioris tabernaculi; quia et ipsa vicenis columnis porrigebantur in cubitis totidem, id est centenis. A latere autem orientis atrium concludebatur columnis decem, cubitis quinquaginta: qui ordo columnarum rectus erat, et incurrebat in illas duas angulares interioris tabernaculi, quas solas orientis pars habebat; proinde cum ipsis complebantur decem. A latere autem occidentis habebat quidem atrium decem columnas, non tamen recto ordine, sed sicut iam ostendimus, tamquam triporticum, quatuor a porta, et ternas a lateribus.
This inner tabernacle, then, was surrounded by the court, on the south by twenty columns, and on the north by twenty. Which two sides of the court had a length equal to the sides of the inner tabernacle; because they too were extended with twenty columns each, by as many cubits, that is, a hundred each. But on the eastern side the court was enclosed by ten columns, fifty cubits: which row of columns was straight, and ran into those two corner ones of the inner tabernacle, which alone the eastern part had; accordingly with these they were completed as ten. But on the western side the court had indeed ten columns, yet not in a straight row, but, as we have already shown, as it were a three-sided portico, four at the gate, and three on each side.
QsHept.2.177.21
177. 22. Universum autem atrium in circuitu tabernaculi tentoriis byssinis cingebatur, quae erigebantur cubitis quinque: his superveniebant vela capillacia undecim, ex una parte quinque sibimet connexa, ex alia sex. In connexione ergo quinque velorum, cubita erant centum quinquaginta; ex alia vero parte in connexione sex velorum, cubita erant centum octoginta: quoniam vela singula tricenorum fuerunt cubitorum. Sed ut alia pars alteri coaequaretur, duplicatum est unum velum a facie tabernaculi, id est ab oriente; et subtectum est dimidium velum a parte posteriore, id est ab occidente: atque ita subtracta sunt cubita triginta, quanta erat veli unius longitudo; et remanserunt centum quinquaginta, quot etiam ex parte altera fuerunt. Circuitus itaque velorum capillaciorum, quo cingebatur atrium tabernaculi, trecentis cubitis tendebatur, sicut circuitus decem aulaeorum interioris tabernaculi cubitis ducentis octoginta. Aulaea quippe singula habebant cubita vicena et octona in longitudinem; capillacia vero vela tricenis cubitis longa erant. Quapropter ex ambitu aulaeorum interioris tabernaculi, qui erat in cubitis ducentis octoginta centena cubita in lateribus longioribus erant austri et aquilonis, et quadragena in duobus brevioribus orientis et occidentis: ex ambitu autem capillaciorum velorum, quo atrium exterius tegebatur, quia ambitus erat in cubitis trecentis, centena erant in lateribus longioribus austri et aquilonis, quoniam aequalia erant lateribus tabernaculi interioris, quinquagena autem in duabus reliquis partibus orientis et occidentis.
177. 22. But the whole court, around the tabernacle, was girded with hangings of fine linen, which were erected five cubits: over these came the eleven hair-cloth coverings, five on one part connected to one another, six on the other. In the connection, then, of the five coverings, there were a hundred and fifty cubits; but on the other part, in the connection of the six coverings, there were a hundred and eighty cubits: since the coverings each were of thirty cubits. But that one part might be equaled to the other, one covering was doubled at the face of the tabernacle, that is, on the east; and a half covering was undercovered at the rear part, that is, on the west: and thus thirty cubits were subtracted, as great as was the length of one covering; and there remained a hundred and fifty, as many as there were on the other part. The circuit, then, of the hair-cloth coverings, by which the court of the tabernacle was girded, was stretched three hundred cubits, just as the circuit of the ten curtains of the inner tabernacle was two hundred and eighty cubits. For the curtains each had twenty and eight cubits in length; but the hair-cloth coverings were thirty cubits long. Wherefore, of the circuit of the curtains of the inner tabernacle, which was two hundred and eighty cubits, a hundred each were on the longer sides of south and north, and forty each on the two shorter ones of east and west: but of the circuit of the hair-cloth coverings, by which the outer court was covered—because the circuit was three hundred cubits—a hundred each were on the longer sides of south and north, since they were equal to the sides of the inner tabernacle, but fifty each on the two remaining parts of east and west.
QsHept.2.177.22
Ac per hoc duo illa cubita, quibus longius erat aulaeo velum capillacium, non lateribus austri et aquilonis, quae paria erant atrii exterioris et tabernaculi interioris, sed lateribus orientis et occidentis proficiebant. In eis enim lateribus creverat tabernaculi latitudo circumposito extrinsecus atrio: sed quinquaginta cubita velorum capillaciorum a parte orientis per decem columnarum rectum ordinem tendebantur, eisque proficiebat unum cubitum ex duobus illis, quibus eorumdem velorum maior fuerat longitudo; alia vero cubita quinquaginta, quae occidentali latere debebantur, quibus alterum ex duobus illis cubitum proficiebat, non tendebantur per columnarum ordinem rectum. Ibi enim erat illa tamquam triporticus, quae concludebat spatium atrii, ubi esset altare sacrificiorum, quatuor columnis a porta, et ternis a lateribus: ac per hoc non poterant etiam portam cingere illa cubita quinquaginta, sed usque ad cooperienda obliqua illa latera tendebantur, quae in columnis ternis et quindenis cubitis erant. Erigebantur autem capillacia vela cubitis quatuor, eisque tegebantur atrii tentoria byssina, quorum erat erectio in cubitis quinque.
And by this those two cubits, by which the hair-cloth covering was longer than the curtain, availed not for the sides of south and north, which were equal in the outer court and the inner tabernacle, but for the sides of east and west. For on those sides the breadth of the tabernacle had grown when the court was placed around it on the outside: but fifty cubits of the hair-cloth coverings on the eastern part were stretched along the straight row of ten columns, and for these availed one cubit of those two by which the length of those same coverings had been greater; but the other fifty cubits, which were owed to the western side, for which the other of those two cubits availed, were not stretched along a straight row of columns. For there was that three-sided portico, as it were, which enclosed the space of the court where the altar of sacrifices was, with four columns at the gate, and three on each side: and by this those fifty cubits could not gird the gate too, but were stretched as far as the covering of those oblique sides, which were on three columns each and fifteen cubits. And the hair-cloth coverings were erected four cubits, and by them were covered the hangings of fine linen of the court, whose erection was five cubits.
QsHept.2.177.22
177. 23. Pelles vero rubricatae super capillacia vela veniebant. Desuper autem, id est, a parte tecti, vice camerae tabernaculum pellibus hyacinthinis tegebatur: utrum cum atrio et spatium illud interius, non apparet; sed credibilius est atrii spatia quae inter exteriores et interiores columnas erant, coelum apertum habuisse, maxime illud occidentis, ubi erat altare sacrificiorum.
177. 23. But the skins dyed red came over the hair-cloth coverings. And above, that is, on the part of the roof, in place of a vault, the tabernacle was covered with hyacinth-colored skins: whether together with the court and that inner space too, does not appear; but it is more credible that the spaces of the court which were between the outer and inner columns had open sky, especially that of the west, where the altar of sacrifices was.
QsHept.2.177.23
Bk. 3Questions on LeviticusQuaestiones in Leviticum
Quomodo intellegendum sit illud Lev 5, 1.
How Leviticus 5:1 is to be understood.
1. (5, 1) Si autem anima peccaverit, et audierit vocem iurationis, et ipse testis fuerit aut viderit, aut conscius fuerit, si non nuntiaverit, et accipiet peccatum: hoc est: si non nuntiaverit, accipiet peccatum. Quod enim additum est, et, locutionis est usitatae in Scripturis. Verum iste sensus quia obscurus est, exponendus videtur. Hoc enim videtur dicere, peccare hominem quo audiente iurat aliquis falsum, et scit eum falsum iurare, et tacet. Tunc autem scit, si ei rei de qua iuratur, testis fuerit, aut vidit, aut conscius fuit; id est, aliquo modo cognovit, aut oculis suis conspexit, aut ipse qui iurat illi indicavit: ita enim potuit esse conscius. Sed inter timorem huius peccati, et timorem proditionis hominum, non parva existit plerumque tentatio. Possumus enim paratum ad periurium admonendo vel prohibendo a tam gravi peccato revocare: sed si non audierit, et coram nobis de re quam novimus, falsum iuraverit, utrum prodendus sit, si proditus etiam in periculum mortis incurrat, difficillima quaestio est.
1. (5, 1) But if a soul sins, and hears the voice of an adjuration, and is himself a witness or has seen or has been privy to it, if he does not report it, he shall bear his sin: this is: if he does not report it, he shall bear his sin. For the added and is a usage common in the Scriptures. But since this sense is obscure, it seems it must be expounded. For it seems to say that a man sins in whose hearing someone swears falsely, and he knows that he swears falsely, and is silent. But he knows it, if he was a witness to the matter about which it is sworn, or saw it, or was privy to it; that is, in some way he came to know it, or beheld it with his own eyes, or the one who swears himself disclosed it to him: for so he could be privy to it. But between the fear of this sin, and the fear of betraying men, there often arises no small temptation. For we can recall one ready for perjury, by admonishing or forbidding, from so grave a sin: but if he does not heed, and before us swears falsely about a matter we know, whether he is to be betrayed, if, betrayed, he incurs even the danger of death, is a most difficult question.
QsHept.2.177.23
Sed quia non hic expressit cui hoc indicandum est, utrum illi cui iuratur, an sacerdoti, vel cuipiam qui non solum eum persequi non potest irrogando supplicium, sed etiam orare pro illo potest; videtur mihi quod se homo solvat etiam a peccati vinculo, si indicet talibus, qui magis possunt prodesse quam obesse periuro, sive ad corrigendum eum, sive ad Deum pro illo placandum: si et ipse confessionis adhibeat medicinam.
But because here he did not express to whom this is to be disclosed—whether to him to whom it is sworn, or to a priest, or to someone who not only cannot persecute him by inflicting punishment, but can even pray for him—it seems to me that a man frees himself even from the bond of sin, if he discloses it to such as can profit the perjurer more than harm him, whether for correcting him, or for appeasing God for him: provided that he himself also applies the medicine of confession.
QsHept.2.177.23
Pro periurio nullum sacrificium offerendum.
No sacrifice is to be offered for perjury.
2. (5, 2-6) Post hoc autem peccati genus, quod de periurio alicuius non indicato commemoravit nullum pro eo sacrificium iussit offerri; sed deinde subiunxit: anima quaecumque tetigerit omnem rem immundam, aut morticini, aut a fera capti immundi, aut eorum quae sunt morticina abominationum immundarum, morticinum iumentorum immundorum aut tetigerit ab immunditia hominis, ab omni immunditia eius, quam si tetigerit, inquinabitur: et latuerit eum, post hoc autem cognoverit, et deliquerit.
2. (5, 2-6) But after this kind of sin, which he mentioned concerning someone's perjury not disclosed, he ordered no sacrifice to be offered for it; but then he subjoined: any soul that touches any unclean thing, whether of a carcass, or of an unclean thing caught by a beast, or of those which are carcasses of unclean abominations, the carcass of unclean cattle, or touches the uncleanness of a man, any uncleanness of his, which if he touches he shall be defiled: and it was hidden from him, but after this he came to know it, and offended.
QsHept.2.177.23
Neque hic sacrificium pro isto genere peccati quod offerretur commemoravit, sed adhuc adiecit, et ait: anima quaecumque iuraverit distinguens labiis malefacere, aut benefacere, secundum omnia quaecumque distinxerit homo cum iureiurando, et latuerit eum, et id cognoverit, et peccaverit unum ex his, et confessus fuerit peccatum, pro quo peccavit adversus ipsum.
Nor here did he mention a sacrifice to be offered for this kind of sin, but added further, and said: any soul that swears, distinguishing with his lips to do ill, or to do well, according to all that a man distinguishes with an oath, and it was hidden from him, and he came to know it, and sinned in one of these, and confessed the sin for which he sinned against it.
QsHept.2.177.23
His omnibus sine aliqua interpositione sacrificii connexis et explicatis, adiungit, et dicit: et offeret pro iis quae deliquit Domino, pro peccato quo peccavit, feminam ab ovibus agnam, aut capram de capris pro peccato, et exorabit pro eo sacerdos pro peccato, et remittetur illi peccatum.
All these things being connected and set forth without any interposition of a sacrifice, he adds, and says: and he shall offer for what he has offended to the Lord, for the sin by which he sinned, a female from the sheep, a ewe lamb, or a she-goat from the goats, for the sin; and the priest shall entreat for him for the sin, and the sin shall be forgiven him.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid est ergo quod pro tacito cuiusquam periurio, et pro eo quod tangitur morticinum vel aliquid immundum, nullum sacrificium commemoravit; pro eo vero peccato ubi falsum quisquam nesciens iurat, dixit offerri agnam vel capram? An pro omnibus supra dictis hoc sacrificium oportet intellegi? Voluit enim prius omnia enumerare, et sic inferre quo sacrificio possint expiari. Sed in eis omnibus supra dictis generibus peccatorum, sunt quaedam propter locutionum modos subobscure posita, sicuti est quod ait, morticinum iumentorum.
What, then, is it that for someone's undisclosed perjury, and for touching a carcass or something unclean, he mentioned no sacrifice; but for that sin where someone unknowingly swears falsely, he said a ewe lamb or a she-goat is offered? Or is this sacrifice to be understood for all the things said above? For he wished first to enumerate all things, and so to bring in by what sacrifice they can be expiated. But in all those kinds of sins said above, there are certain things set down somewhat obscurely on account of the modes of expression, such as what he says, the carcass of cattle.
QsHept.2.177.23
Ea enim quae a Graecis κτήνη appellantur, plerique nostrorum iumenta interpretati sunt; quod nomen in Latina consuetudine eorum animalium est, quorum laboribus adiuvamur, maxime in portandis oneribus, sicuti sunt equi, asini, muli, cameli, et si quid huiusmodi: quae vero Graeci κτήνη vocant, tam late intelleguntur, ut omnia aut prope omnia pecora isto nomine concludantur. Et ideo novo genere locutionis, velut πλεονασμός, additum est in Graeco, immundorum, cum diceretur, iumentorum: quoniam sunt etiam munda pecora, quae κτήνη appellantur. Quae autem iumenta usus latinus appellat, secundum Legis distinctionem nonnisi immunda sunt.
For those which are called by the Greeks ktene, most of our translators rendered cattle (iumenta); which name in Latin usage is of those animals by whose labors we are helped, especially in carrying loads, as are horses, asses, mules, camels, and any of this kind: but those which the Greeks call ktene are understood so broadly that all, or nearly all, herd animals are included under that name. And therefore, by a new kind of expression, as it were a pleonasm, there was added in the Greek, unclean, when cattle was said: since there are also clean herd animals, which are called ktene. But those which Latin usage calls iumenta, according to the distinction of the Law are only unclean.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid sit distinguere quo Scriptura frequenter utitur.
What it is to "distinguish," which Scripture frequently uses.
3. (5, 4-6) Item quod ait: anima quaecumque iuraverit, distinguens labiis malefacere aut benefacere, quaeritur quid dixerit, distinguens. Assidue quippe hoc verbum ponit Scriptura. Unde est et illud: reddam vota mea, quae distinxerunt labia mea (Ps 65, 13-14): item dicitur ad Ezechielem: cum dicam iniquo: 'morte morieris, et tu non distinxisti neque locutus es' (Ez 3, 18); item scriptum est: si qua in domo patris sui constituta voverit votum, distinguens labiis suis adversus animam suam (Num 30, 4).
3. (5, 4-6) Likewise, as for what he says: any soul that swears, distinguishing with his lips to do ill or to do well, it is asked what he meant by distinguishing. For Scripture constantly uses this word. Whence is that too: I will render my vows, which my lips distinguished (Ps 66 (65):13–14): likewise it is said to Ezekiel: when I say to the wicked man: 'you shall die the death,' and you did not distinguish nor speak (Ezek 3:18); likewise it is written: if a woman established in her father's house vows a vow, distinguishing with her lips against her soul (Num 30:4).
QsHept.2.177.23
Videtur ergo ista distinctio quasi definitio esse, qua secernitur aliquid a caeteris, quae solo dicto non tenentur. Sic ergo accipiantur tamquam dictum sit: anima quae iuraverit, definiens labiis malefacere aut benefacere, secundum omnia quae definierit homo cum iureiurando, et latuerit eum, id est, nesciens faciendum esse vel non faciendum, iuraverit facere: et id cognoverit, et peccaverit unum ex his, sive quia iuravit antequam cognosceret, sive quia fecit quod iuravit, et cognovit postea quia non fuit faciendum neque iurandum: et confessus fuerit peccatum pro quo peccavit, id est, peccatum quod peccavit: locutio est enim.
This "distinguishing," then, seems to be as it were a defining, by which something is separated from the rest, which are not bound by the mere saying. So, then, let them be taken as if it were said: a soul that swears, defining with his lips to do ill or to do well, according to all that a man defines with an oath, and it was hidden from him, that is, not knowing it was to be done or not to be done, swore to do it: and he came to know it, and sinned in one of these, whether because he swore before he came to know, or because he did what he swore, and afterward came to know that it was not to be done nor sworn: and confessed the sin for which he sinned, that is, the sin which he sinned: for it is a manner of speech.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quod autem addidit: adversus ipsum, quid intellegitur, nisi adversus ipsum peccatum confessus fuerit, id est, confitendo peccatum accusaverit? Et offeret pro iis quae deliquit Domino, pro peccato quo peccavit, feminam ab ovibus agnam. Usitata locutione agnam feminam dicit, quasi possit esse non femina: aut capram de capris, sicut agnam de ovibus, quasi possit esse aut agna nisi de ovibus, aut capra nisi de capris.
But what he added: against it, what is understood, unless that he confessed against the sin itself, that is, by confessing accused the sin? And he shall offer for what he has offended to the Lord, for the sin by which he sinned, a female from the sheep, a ewe lamb. By a customary manner of speech he says a female ewe lamb, as though it could be other than female: or a she-goat from the goats, like a ewe lamb from the sheep, as though there could be either a ewe lamb except from sheep, or a she-goat except from goats.
QsHept.2.177.23
Nonnulla autem quaestio est, immo non parva, quid sit quod assidue dicit: post hoc autem cognoverit, et deliquerit: quasi tunc fiat delictum, cum fuerit cognitum. An potius quia nisi pro cognito satisfieri non potest? Sed non ait: "post hoc autem cognoverit et poenituerit eum": quid ergo est: post hoc cognoverit et deliquerit? An si post cognitionem deliquerit; ut si sciens fecerit quod faciendum non esset, tunc delicto purgatio debeatur? Sed non ita praelocutus est. Ea quippe videtur exsequi peccata quae ab ignorantibus, et per hoc a nolentibus committuntur. Fortassis ergo aliquo genere locutionis deliquerit dictum est, "delictum esse didicerit."
But there is some question, indeed no small one, what it is that he constantly says: but after this he came to know it, and offended: as though the offense then comes about, when it has been known. Or rather because satisfaction cannot be made except for what is known? But he does not say: "but after this he came to know it and repented": what, then, is: after this he came to know it and offended? Or, if he offended after the knowing; so that if he knowingly did what ought not to have been done, then a purgation is owed for the offense? But he did not so speak before. For he seems to be treating those sins which are committed by the ignorant, and thereby by the unwilling. So perhaps by some kind of expression he offended was said for "he learned that it was an offense."
QsHept.2.177.23
An potius converso ordine dictum est (quia et talia genera locutionis habet Scriptura) quod per alia loca similia recto ordine dicebatur? Nam cum alibi toties scriptum sit: et deliquerit et cognitum fuerit ei; hic tantum converso, ut dixi, ordine, prius dictum est cognoverit, deinde et deliquerit. Ordine autem suo, ita dici posset: anima quaecumque tetigerit omnem rem immundam aut morticini, aut a fera capti immundi, aut eorum quae sunt morticina abominationum immundarum, morticinum iumentorum immundorum, aut tetigerit ab omni immunditia hominis, ab omni immunditia eius quam si tetigerit inquinetur, et si latuerit eum, et deliquerit, post hoc autem cognoverit (Lev 5, 2-3).
Or rather was it said by an inverted order (for Scripture has such kinds of expression too) what in other similar places was said in the right order? For when elsewhere it is so often written: and he offended and it became known to him; here only, by an inverted order, as I said, he came to know it was said first, then and he offended. But in its own order, it could be said thus: any soul that touches any unclean thing, whether of a carcass, or of an unclean thing caught by a beast, or of those which are carcasses of unclean abominations, the carcass of unclean cattle, or touches any uncleanness of a man, any uncleanness of his which if he touches he is defiled, and if it was hidden from him, and he offended, but after this he came to know it (Lev 5:2–3).
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid est quod praecipiuntur offerri duo turtures.
What it is that two turtledoves are prescribed to be offered.
4. (5, 7) Si autem non valet manus eius quod satis est in ovem, offeret pro peccato suo quod peccavit, duos turtures aut duos pullos columbinos Domino; unum pro peccato, et unum in holocaustoma. Certe hic aperit quaestionem, de qua superius cum loqueretur ambigebamus. Ideo quippe videtur dicere, unum pro peccato, alterum in holocaustoma, quoniam non offerebatur sacrificium pro peccato nisi cum holocausto. Denique cum prius seorsum de holocaustis loqueretur, commemoravit turturem, et non dixit duos (Cf. Lev 1, 14): nunc vero ideo duos dicit, quia sacrificium pro peccato sine holocaustomate non offerebatur. Quod ergo superius dicebat: et imponet super holocaustoma (Cf. Lev 4, 35), non est dubium quod prius holocaustoma, deinde illud superimponebatur: nunc vero de avibus aliter dicit, ut prius offeratur pro peccato una avis, deinde altera in holocaustoma.
4. (5, 7) But if his hand cannot avail for what is enough for a sheep, he shall offer for his sin which he sinned two turtledoves or two young pigeons to the Lord; one for sin, and one for a holocaust. Certainly here he opens the question about which, when he spoke above, we were in doubt. For he seems to say, one for sin, the other for a holocaust, because a sacrifice for sin was not offered except with a holocaust. Finally, when he first spoke separately of holocausts, he mentioned a turtledove, and did not say two (See Lev 1:14): but now he says two for this reason, because a sacrifice for sin was not offered without a holocaust. So what he said above: and he shall place it upon the holocaust (See Lev 4:35), there is no doubt that first the holocaust, then that other thing was placed over it: but now of the birds he speaks otherwise, so that first one bird is offered for sin, then the other for a holocaust.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quomodo animam pro homine posuit.
How he put "soul" for "man."
5. (5, 15) Quod autem ait: anima, si latuerit eum oblivione; id est, si oblivione factum fuerit ut lateat eum, vel eam si ad animam refers, quoniam eum dicendo, ad hominem retulit. animas quippe hic homines dicit.
5. (5, 15) But what he says: a soul, if it was hidden from him by forgetfulness; that is, if it came about by forgetfulness that it was hidden from him, or from her if you refer it to the soul, since by saying him he referred it to the man. For here he calls men souls.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid a sanctis (secundum aliam litteram) sit.
What "from the holy things" (according to another reading) is.
6. (5, 15-16) Et peccaverit nolens a sanctis Domini. Videtur obscure positum hoc peccati genus, sed in consequentibus aperitur, ubi dicit post oblatum de ariete sacrificium: restituet illud, et quintas adiiciet. Ibi enim intellegitur hoc esse a sanctis oblivione peccare, aliquid per oblivionem usurpare quod debetur sanctis, sive sacerdotibus, sive oblationibus, vel primitiarum, vel quidquid huiusmodi.
6. (5, 15-16) And if he unwillingly sins concerning the holy things of the Lord. This kind of sin seems to be set down obscurely, but in what follows it is opened, where he says, after the sacrifice from the ram has been offered: he shall restore it, and shall add a fifth. For there it is understood that to sin concerning the holy things by forgetfulness is this, to usurp through forgetfulness something that is owed to the holy things, whether to the priests, or to the offerings, or of the firstfruits, or whatever of this kind.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid verba inculcata volunt quibus quaedam genera delictorum excepta leguntur.
What the inculcated words mean by which certain kinds of offenses are read as excepted.
7. (5, 17-19) Et anima quaecumque peccaverit, et fecerit unum ab omnibus praeceptis Domini, quae non oportet fieri, et non cognoverit, et deliquerit, et acceperit peccatum suum, et afferet arietem sine macula de ovibus pretio argenti in delictum ad sacerdotem: et exorabit pro eo sacerdos propter ignorantiam eius, quam ignoravit, et ipse non scivit, et remittetur illi. Deliquit enim delictum ante Dominum.
7. (5, 17-19) And any soul that sins, and does one of all the precepts of the Lord which ought not to be done, and does not know it, and offends, and bears his sin, and shall bring a ram without blemish from the sheep at the price of silver for the offense, to the priest: and the priest shall entreat for him on account of his ignorance, which he was ignorant of, and he himself did not know, and it shall be forgiven him. For he offended an offense before the Lord.
QsHept.2.177.23
Excepta locutionum inusitata densitate, quae iam propter assiduam repetitionem debent esse notissimae, totus iste sensus obscurus est; quoniam quaeritur quomodo discernatur hoc genus delicti ab eis quae superius quadam generalitate complexus est. Videtur enim hoc ratio poscere, ut certis generibus peccatorum certa genera, quibus expientur, sacrificiorum adhibenda sint. Hoc autem quod modo commemoravi, non specialiter exprimit peccatum, sed in ea videtur generalitate versari, de qua ante cum diceret, constituit sacrificium sacerdoti vitulum, et universae synagogae similiter vitulum, principi caprum, et cuicumque animae, hoc est cuicumque homini capram, vel si voluerit ovem, tamen femininum pecus (Cf. Lev 4).
Apart from the unusual density of the expressions, which by now, on account of the constant repetition, ought to be most well known, this whole sense is obscure; since it is asked how this kind of offense is distinguished from those which above he embraced in a certain generality. For reason seems to demand this, that to certain kinds of sins certain kinds of sacrifices, by which they are expiated, are to be applied. But what I have just mentioned does not specially express the sin, but seems to be engaged in that generality concerning which, when he spoke before, he established a sacrifice—for the priest a calf, and for the whole congregation likewise a calf, for the ruler a he-goat, and for any soul, that is, any man, a she-goat, or, if he wished, a sheep, yet a female animal (See Lev 4).
QsHept.2.177.23
Deinde coepit excepta facere quaedam genera peccatorum, et nominatim exprimere pro quibus quid offerendum sit; velut de audito et tacito cuiusquam periurio, et de tacto morticino et immundo, et iuratione falsa per ignorantiam; de ovibus agnam, aut capram de capris, aut par turturum, aut duos pullos columbinos, aut decimam partem oephi similaginis (Cf. Lev 5, 11); pro eo autem peccante qui per oblivionem aliquid sanctorum usurpavit, arietem et eiusdem rei restitutionem, quintis adiectis.
Then he began to make exceptions of certain kinds of sins, and to express by name for which what is to be offered; as concerning someone's perjury heard and kept silent, and a carcass and an unclean thing touched, and a false oath through ignorance: from the sheep a ewe lamb, or a she-goat from the goats, or a pair of turtledoves, or two young pigeons, or a tenth part of an ephah of fine flour (See Lev 5:11); but for the one sinning who through forgetfulness usurped something of the holy things, a ram and restitution of the same thing, with a fifth added.
QsHept.2.177.23
Nunc vero non expressa specie peccati, generaliter addens: anima quaecumque deliquerit, et fecerit unum ab omnibus preceptis Domini, quae non oportet fieri (sic in illa generalitate dicebat: unum ex praeceptis Domini quod non fiet), et non cognoverit, et deliquerit, id est, per ignorantiam nolens peccaverit; arietem iubet offerri, non capram aut feminam ex ovibus, sicut superius in tali peccatorum generalitate constituerat.
But now, the kind of sin not being expressed, adding generally: any soul that offends, and does one of all the precepts of the Lord which ought not to be done (so in that generality he said: one of the precepts of the Lord which shall not be done), and does not know it, and offends, that is, sins unwillingly through ignorance; he orders a ram to be offered, not a she-goat or a female from the sheep, as above in such a generality of sins he had established.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid sibi ergo vult ista permixtio? Nisi forte quod hic dicit: deliquit enim delicto delictum ante Dominum, hoc quod ait, ante Dominum, in his voluit delictum intellegi, quae fiunt ante Dominum, id est, quibus Domino in tabernaculo deservitur: unde aliquid paulo ante dixerat, cum ait: peccavit a sanctis (Lev 5, 15); et intelleximus, usurpavit aliquid sanctorum, quia etiam restitui praeceperat.
What, then, does this mixing mean? Unless perhaps what he here says: for he offended by an offense an offense before the Lord, by what he says, before the Lord, he wished the offense to be understood in those things which are done before the Lord, that is, by which the Lord is served in the tabernacle: whence he had said something a little before, when he said: he sinned concerning the holy things (Lev 5:15); and we understood, he usurped something of the holy things, because he had also prescribed restitution.
QsHept.2.177.23
Ac per hoc non sic tantum peccari potest in his rebus, si aliquid inde per oblivionem usurpetur; sed etiam multis aliis modis potest quisque per ignorantiam delinquere in iis quae servituti Domini exhibentur: hoc voluit postea genus delictorum generaliter commemorare, et ideo et illic et hic arietem iussit offerri. Plenae sunt autem Scripturae cum dicitur, ante Dominum, et non intellegitur nisi illud quod Domino exhibetur, sicut sacrificium, vel primitiae, vel aliqua in sacris servitus.
And by this, one can sin in these matters not only if something of them is usurped through forgetfulness; but also in many other ways one can through ignorance offend in those things which are rendered to the service of the Lord: this kind of offense he wished afterward to mention generally, and therefore both there and here he ordered a ram to be offered. For the Scriptures are full of it, when it is said, before the Lord, and nothing is understood except what is rendered to the Lord, such as a sacrifice, or firstfruits, or some service in sacred things.
QsHept.2.177.23
Item de eadem re.
Again on the same matter.
8. (5, 7) Quaeritur etiam utrum ubique sit accipiendum quod dictum est: si non valet manus eius quod satis est ad ovem, offerre eum debere par turturum, aut duos pullos columbinos; et si hoc quoque non valet, certam similaginis quantitatem. Quoniam si ubique ita licere intellegitur, non potest quidem dici, sacerdotem non habere vitulum, aut universam synagogam, aut principem non habere caprum vel ovem: et si ita est, quid opus erat postea dicere, tacitum cuiusquam periurium, aut tactum immundum, et periurium per ignorantiam factum purgari sacrificio agnae et caprae, cum eadem sacrificia praecepta sint etiam in illa generalitate peccati, ad quam generalitatem etiam ista potuerunt pertinere?
8. (5, 7) It is also asked whether it is everywhere to be taken that what was said: if his hand cannot avail for what is enough for a sheep, he ought to offer a pair of turtledoves, or two young pigeons; and if this too cannot avail, a certain quantity of fine flour. Since, if it is understood that this is everywhere permitted, it cannot indeed be said that a priest does not have a calf, or the whole congregation, or a ruler does not have a he-goat or a sheep: and if it is so, what need was there afterward to say that someone's undisclosed perjury, or an unclean thing touched, or a perjury done through ignorance, is purged by the sacrifice of a ewe lamb and a she-goat, when the same sacrifices were prescribed also in that generality of sin, to which generality these too could have belonged?
QsHept.2.177.23
Si autem hinc ista discernuntur, quod licebat pro eis turtures et columbos, vel etiam, si hoc non esset, similaginem offerri, ibi autem ubi non dictum est non licebat; non videtur subventum esse pauperibus; quoniam multa possent esse delicta non specialiter expressa, quae ad illam generalitatem referrentur, ubi gravarentur inopes, si tantummodo capram feminam, et agnam ex ovibus, et illas aviculas, et similaginem licebat offerri.
But if these are distinguished by this, that for them it was permitted to offer turtledoves and pigeons, or even, if this were not the case, fine flour, but there, where it was not said, it was not permitted; the poor do not seem to have been provided for; since there could be many offenses not specially expressed, which would be referred to that generality, where the needy would be burdened, if it were permitted to offer only a female she-goat, and a ewe lamb from the sheep, and those little birds, and fine flour.
QsHept.2.177.23
Nisi forte quis dicat, hoc discerni ista excepta et nominatim expressa peccata ab illis quae generaliter commemorata sunt, quia hic agnam dixit, ibi ovem, ut aetas pecorum aliquam differentiam faciat: dum tamen intellegatur pauperibus peraeque subventum, ut si non haberent ulla animalia quadrupedia, aut memoratas aves aut similaginem offerrent pro peccatis ignorantiae suae.
Unless perhaps someone should say that these excepted and expressly named sins are distinguished from those which were mentioned generally by this, that here he said a ewe lamb, there a sheep, so that the age of the animals makes some difference; provided, however, that it be understood that the poor were equally provided for, so that if they had no quadruped animals, they might offer the aforementioned birds or fine flour for the sins of their ignorance.
QsHept.2.177.23
Si autem movet quare cum generaliter omnia ignorantiae peccata concluserit, et sacrificia non pro distantia peccatorum quam non fecerat, sed pro distantia personarum distinxerit; postea voluerit etiam peccata distinguere, et pro eorum diversitate sacrificia diversa praecipere, quasi non ad illam generalitatem omnia pertinerent: sic factam posterius exceptionem oportet intellegi, ut quaecumque remanserint, his exceptis quae nominatim et speciatim commemoravit, dicta in illa generalitate intellegamus.
But if it disturbs one why, when he had generally included all sins of ignorance, and had distinguished the sacrifices not according to the difference of the sins, which he had not made, but according to the difference of persons; he afterward wished also to distinguish the sins, and to prescribe different sacrifices according to their diversity, as though not all belonged to that generality: the exception made afterward is to be understood in such a way that whatever remained, these being excepted which he mentioned by name and specifically, we understand to be said in that generality.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quem modum locutionis non est alibi reperire: sed in Scripturis Sanctis tale est illud ubi Apostolus ait: omne peccatum quodcumque fecerit homo, extra corpus est. Hic enim nihil videtur praetermisisse peccati, quandoquidem ait: omne peccatum quodcumque fecerit homo: postea tamen excepit fornicationem, cum intulit: qui autem fornicatur, in corpus proprium peccat (1 Cor 6, 18). Quod secundum consuetudinem nostrae locutionis ita diceretur: "omne peccatum quodcumque fecerit homo excepta fornicatione, extra corpus est; qui autem fornicatur, in corpus proprium peccat." Ita et hic, cum prius generaliter omnia ignorantiae peccata diceret illis, quae commemoravit, sacrificiis expianda; postea tamen excepit illa quibus expresse et distincte positis certam sacrificiorum purgationem adhiberet, ut his exceptis quaecumque reliqua essent, ad illam generalitatem pertinerent.
This manner of speech is not to be found elsewhere: but in the Holy Scriptures it is like that where the Apostle says: every sin whatever a man does is outside the body. For here he seems to have passed over no sin, since he says: every sin whatever a man does: yet afterward he excepted fornication, when he brought in: but he who commits fornication sins against his own body (1 Cor 6:18). Which, according to the custom of our speech, would be said thus: "every sin whatever a man does, except fornication, is outside the body; but he who commits fornication sins against his own body." So here too, when he first said generally that all sins of ignorance are to be expiated by those sacrifices which he mentioned; yet afterward he excepted those to which, expressly and distinctly set down, he would apply a certain purgation of sacrifices, so that, these being excepted, whatever others there were would belong to that generality.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid sibi vult quod dicitur Lev 6, 10.
What it means that it is said in Leviticus 6:10.
9. (6, 6. 10) Offeret arietem ab ovibus sine macula, pretio, in quod deliquit. Non ita distinguendum est, quasi sit pretio in quod deliquit, id est "in quod pretium deliquit"; sed "si offeret arietem, pretio offeret," id est emptum. Etiam hoc enim videtur ad sacramentum alicuius significationis pertinere voluisse, quoniam pretium ipsum non definivit. Nam si definiisset, posset videri hoc praecepisse, ne vile pecus offerretur, ut etiamsi non emeret qui offerret, tale tamen offerret quod tanti valeret.
9. (6, 6. 10) He shall offer to the Lord a ram from the flock without blemish, at a price, for that in which he has trespassed. This is not to be construed as though it read at a price for that in which he has trespassed, that is, "the price in which he has trespassed"; rather, "if he offers a ram, he shall offer it at a price," that is, one bought. For this too seems to have been meant to bear the sacred symbolism of some signification, since the price itself is not specified. Had it been specified, this might seem to have been commanded so that no cheap animal should be offered, so that even one who did not buy what he offered would nonetheless offer something of equal worth.
QsHept.2.177.23
Addito autem, non solum pretio, ut emptus aries offerretur, verum etiam siclorum sanctorum, ita enim dicit: pretio argenti siclorum siclo sancto (Lev 5, 15), aliquot siclis ut ematur aries, non uno siclo voluit. Quid sibi autem velit, siclum sanctum, iam ubi visum est disseruimus.
And by the addition not only of at a price, so that the ram offered should be a bought one, but also of of the holy shekels—for it reads thus: at the price of silver of shekels by the holy shekel (Lev 5:15)—he meant the ram to be bought for several shekels, not for one. What the holy shekel means we have already discussed where it came up.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quod vero cum dixisset: et delecti sui offeret Domino arietem ab ovibus sine macula pretio; deinde addidit, in quod deliquit: intellegendum est "in id offeret in quod deliquit"; id est, in eam rem, propter eam rem. Et auferet holocarpoma quod consumpserit ignis, illam holocaustosim ab altari. Quid auferet, si consumptum est? Iussit enim sacerdotem auferre post totius noctis ignem holocarpoma, id est, holocaustum quod ignis consumpserit.
But as to the fact that, after saying and for his offense he shall offer to the Lord a ram from the flock without blemish, at a price, he then added for that in which he has trespassed, it is to be understood as "he shall offer for that in which he has trespassed," that is, on account of that matter, for the sake of that matter. And he shall take away the whole burnt offering which the fire has consumed, that burnt sacrifice, from the altar. What is he to take away, if it has been consumed? For he ordered the priest, after the fire of the whole night, to take away the burnt offering, that is, the holocaust which the fire had consumed.
QsHept.2.177.23
Vel quid sibi vult etiam illud quod addidit, illam holocaustosim; cum hoc intellegatur holocarpoma quod holocaustosis? Nisi forte illud est verum quod in quodam Graeco invenimus; non enim ait, auferet holocarposim, sed auferet catacarposim, hoc est, reliquias holocausti quod ignis consumpsit. Has autem reliquias, veluti est cinis et carbo, appellavit illam holocaustosim, eius rei nomine quae consumpta est, reliquias ipsius consumptionis appellans.
Or what does that addition of his mean, that burnt sacrifice, when burnt offering is to be understood as the same thing as burnt sacrifice? Unless perhaps what we found in a certain Greek copy is the truth—for it does not say "he shall take away the burnt offering," but he shall take away the remnant of the burnt offering, that is, the remains of the holocaust which the fire consumed. And these remains, such as ash and coal, it called that burnt sacrifice, naming the remains of the consuming by the name of the thing that was consumed.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quis ordo et sensus illorum verborum.
What is the order and sense of those words.
10. (6, 9) Quod autem supra dixit: ista Lex holocausti, et deinde exponens quae sit eadem lex, dicit: ista holocaustosis, super incensionem eius super altare totam noctem usque in mane, et ignis altaris ardebit super illud, non exstinguetur; planius esset secundum nostrae consuetudinis locutionem, si non haberet, et: nam ista coniunctione detracta ita sensus contexitur: ista holocaustosis, super incensionem eius super altare totam noctem usque in mane ignis altaris ardebit super illud, id est, super altare. Deinde ad cumulum exprimendae sententiae intulit: non exstinguetur: nam hoc erat iam dictum: tota nocte.
10. (6, 9) As to what he said above, this is the law of the holocaust, and then, expounding what that law is, says, this is the burnt sacrifice, upon its burning upon the altar the whole night until morning, and the fire of the altar shall burn upon it, it shall not be extinguished—it would be plainer, according to our customary manner of speaking, if it did not have the word and: for once that conjunction is removed, the sense reads thus: this is the burnt sacrifice, upon its burning upon the altar the whole night until morning the fire of the altar shall burn upon it, that is, upon the altar. Then, to round off the statement of the thought, he added: it shall not be extinguished; for this had already been said by the whole night.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid est holocarpoma seu holocaustoma.
What is the burnt offering or burnt sacrifice.
11. (6, 11) Et induet stolam aliam, et abiiciet holocarpoma extra castra in locum mundum: hoc appellat holocarpoma quod iam concrematum est; hoc autem in illo Graeco [MISSING GREEK TEXT] legitur. Quidam vero Latini addiderunt: quod concrematum est, et ita interpretati sunt: et abiiciet holocarpoma, quod concrematum est, extra castra in locum mundum.
11. (6, 11) And he shall put on another robe, and shall cast out the burnt offering outside the camp into a clean place: he here calls burnt offering what has already been burned up; and this is read in that Greek copy [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. But certain Latin translators added which has been burned up, and so rendered it: and he shall cast out the burnt offering, which has been burned up, outside the camp into a clean place.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid sit: Ignis altaris semper ardebit...
What it means: The fire of the altar shall burn always...
12. (6, 12) Et ignis super altare ardebit ab eo, et non exstinguetur; id est, ab illo igne in quo arsit holocaustum usque in mane. Non vult enim ignem prorsus exstingui, sed, cum usque in mane arserit holocaustum, ablatis inde reliquiis consumptionis nec sic exstingui ignem, sed inde iterum renovari, quo ardeant alia quae imponuntur.
12. (6, 12) And the fire upon the altar shall burn from it, and shall not be extinguished; that is, from that fire in which the holocaust burned until morning. For he does not want the fire to be wholly extinguished, but rather that, when the holocaust has burned until morning and the remains of the consuming have been taken away from it, even so the fire should not be extinguished, but be renewed again from it, so that the other things set on may burn.
QsHept.2.177.23
An quod dicit, quotidie intellegatur fieri.
Whether what it says is to be understood as done daily.
13. (6, 12-13) Quod autem sequitur et dicit: et exuret super illud sacerdos ligna mane mane, et stipabit super illud holocaustum, et superponet super illud adipem salutaris; et ignis semper ardebit super altare, non exstinguetur: videndum est utrum mane mane "quotidie" voluerit intellegi, ut nullus dies praetermitteretur, quo non inveniretur holocaustum, et adeps salutaris; an mane mane, ut "quocumque die" imponeretur, nonnisi mane imponeretur.
13. (6, 12-13) As to what follows and says, and the priest shall burn wood upon it morning by morning, and shall heap the holocaust upon it, and shall lay upon it the fat of the peace offering; and the fire shall burn always upon the altar, it shall not be extinguished: it must be considered whether by morning by morning he meant "daily" to be understood, so that no day should be passed over on which a holocaust and the fat of the peace offering were not found; or whether morning by morning means "on whatever day" it should be set on, it should be set on only in the morning.
QsHept.2.177.23
Si enim "quotidie" intellexerimus, quid, si nullus afferret? Si autem tamquam de publico vel de suo sacerdotes quotidiana holocausta procurabant; super ipsa imponebantur ea quae iussit a populo oblata pro peccatis super holocausta imponi; et non erat necesse offerenti sacrificia pro peccato, etiam holocaustum offerre super quod illud imponeretur, nisi quando par turturum offerebatur, aut duo pulli columbini: nam ibi omnino definitum est, unum pro peccato, alterum in holocaustum offerri oportere; et prius pro peccato, deinde in holocaustum (Cf. Lev 5, 7).
For if we understand it as "daily," what then, if no one brought one? But if the priests, whether from public funds or from their own, provided the daily holocausts, then upon these were set those things which he ordered to be set upon the holocausts, offered by the people for their sins; and it was not necessary for one offering sacrifices for sin also to offer a holocaust upon which it might be set—except when a pair of turtledoves or two young pigeons was offered: for there it is altogether laid down that one should be offered for sin, the other as a holocaust, and first for sin, then as a holocaust (Cf. Lev 5:7).
QsHept.2.177.23
Deinde quaeri potest utrum holocaustum quod mane mane iussit imponi, ipsum etiam per totam noctem arderet usque ad alterum mane; an illud quod ait, tota nocte ardere debere, holocaustum fuerit vespertinum, et deinde coeperit de lege holocausti dicere, ut a vespertino holocausto inciperet: quod mirum est si taceret, nec admoneret talia vespere offerri oportere.
Then it may be asked whether the holocaust which he ordered to be set on morning by morning itself also burned through the whole night until the next morning; or whether what he said ought to burn the whole night was the evening holocaust, and he then began to speak of the law of the holocaust so as to begin from the evening holocaust—which would be strange if he kept silent about it and did not point out that such things ought to be offered in the evening.
QsHept.2.177.23
De eo quod dixit Dominus ad Moysen.
Concerning what the Lord said to Moses.
14. (6, 19-20) Et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen dicens: 'istud donum Aaron et filiorum eius, quod offerunt Domino in die quacumque unxeris eum.' Alia sunt sacrificia, quae commemoravit in Exodo, quibus per septem dies sanctificantur sacerdotes, ut sacerdotio suo fungi incipiant (Cf. Ex 29, 1); et aliud est quod modo commemorat, quid offerat summus sacerdos, quando constituitur, id est quando ungitur. Hoc enim sequitur et dicit: in die quacumque unxeris eum. Non dixit, "unxeris eos"; cum etiam secundos sacerdotes ungi praecipiat. Deinde dicit ipsum sacrificium, decimam partem oephi similagenis, in sacrificium sempiternum. Quaeritur quomodo sempiternum, si illo die offertur, quo ungitur summus sacerdos, ab illo qui unctus est, nisi ut semper hoc offeratur in die quo ungitur summus sacerdos, hoc est per successiones sacerdotum? quamvis et illo modo sempiternum possit intellegi, non hoc, sed quod significat.
14. (6, 19-20) And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: This is the gift of Aaron and his sons, which they shall offer to the Lord on the day on which you shall anoint him. There are other sacrifices, which he mentioned in Exodus, by which the priests are sanctified over seven days, so that they may begin to discharge their priesthood (Cf. Ex 29:1); and it is another thing that he now mentions, what the high priest is to offer when he is appointed, that is, when he is anointed. For this follows, and it says: on the day on which you shall anoint him. He did not say "you shall anoint them," although he also commands that the priests of second rank be anointed. Then he states the sacrifice itself: a tenth part of an ephah of fine flour, as a perpetual sacrifice. It is asked how it can be perpetual, if it is offered on that day on which the high priest is anointed, by him who has been anointed—unless it means that this is always to be offered on the day on which a high priest is anointed, that is, throughout the successions of priests. Although it can also be understood as perpetual in that other way, not this offering itself, but what it signifies.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid est: dimidium eius mane et dimidium post meridiem, et quid sit fresa.
What it means: Half of it in the morning and half after midday, and what bruised grain is.
15. (6, 20-21) Dimidium eius, inquit, mane, et dimidium eius post meridiem; quod Graecus habet δειλινόν. In sartagine, inquit, in oleo fiet, conspersam offeret eam, fresa, id est eam similaginem. Deinde dicit fresa, si tamen hoc recte interpretatum est ex illo quod graecus habet ἐρικτά, et pluraliter hoc posuit genere neutro. Non enim ait fresam, tamquam eamdem similaginem, quam dixerat conspersam. Haec autem fresa sacrificium de fragmentis esse dicitur. Utrum ergo fresa dicat ipsa fragmenta, id est comminuta; an ipsa minutissima similaginis fresa dixerit, non est evidens.
15. (6, 20-21) Half of it, he says, in the morning, and half of it after midday; which the Greek has as δειλινόν. In a pan, he says, it shall be made with oil; he shall offer it mixed, in bruised pieces, that is, the fine flour itself. Then he says bruised pieces, if indeed this is rightly rendered from what the Greek has as ἐρικτά, and he put it in the plural, in the neuter gender. For he did not say bruised (feminine), as though referring to the same fine flour which he had called mixed. But this bruised grain is said to be a sacrifice made of fragments. Whether, then, by bruised grain he means the fragments themselves, that is, things broken small, or whether he meant the very finely bruised portions of the fine flour, is not clear.
QsHept.2.177.23
De sacrificio in odorem suavitatis Domino.
Concerning the sacrifice as an odor of sweetness to the Lord.
16. (6, 21-22) Sequitur autem et dicit: Sacrificium in odorem suavitatis Domino. Sacerdos unctus qui pro eo ex filiis eius, faciet illud. Propter hoc fortassis dixerat sempiternum, ut hoc faciat omnis summus sacerdos, quando succedit mortuo, eo die quo unctus fuerit; adiunxit enim et ait: Lex aeterna: cum possit etiam aeternum secundum id intellegi quod significat.
16. (6, 21-22) It follows, and he says: A sacrifice as an odor of sweetness to the Lord. The anointed priest who is in his place from among his sons shall make it. Perhaps it was on this account that he had said perpetual, namely that every high priest should do this when he succeeds one who has died, on the day on which he is anointed; for he added and said: an eternal law—though eternal too can be understood according to what it signifies.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid: omne consummabitur.
What does it shall all be consummated mean.
17. (6, 23) Sequitur autem: omne consummabitur; quod habet Graecus ἐπιτελεσθήσεται, et aliqui interpretes dixerunt: omne imponetur: ubi vult intellegi esse holocaustum, quia nihil exinde remanet. Denique adiungit: et omne sacrificium sacerdotis, holocaustum erit, et non edetur. Hoc ergo dixerat: omne consummabitur.
17. (6, 23) It follows: it shall all be consummated; which the Greek has as ἐπιτελεσθήσεται, and some translators rendered: it shall all be set on: where he means a holocaust to be understood, since nothing of it remains thereafter. Finally he adds: and every sacrifice of the priest shall be a holocaust, and shall not be eaten. This, then, is what he had said by it shall all be consummated.
QsHept.2.177.23
De verbis: sacerdos qui imponet manducabit illud, etc.
Concerning the words: The priest who offers it shall eat it, and so forth.
18. (6, 26. 30) De sacrificio pro peccato cum diceret: sacerdos, inquit, qui imponet illud manducabit illud. Non hoc quod imponet manducabit, nam illud igni consumetur; sed quod inde remanserit: non enim holocaustum est, ut totum ardeat in altari. Dicit autem postea: omnia quae pro peccato sunt, ex quibus illatum fuerit a sanguine eorum in tabernaculum testimonii exorari in sancto, non edetur, sed igni concremabitur (Lev 6, 30).
18. (6, 26. 30) Speaking of the sacrifice for sin, he says: the priest who offers it shall eat it. He shall not eat what he offers, for that will be consumed by fire; but what remains of it: for it is not a holocaust, that all of it should burn on the altar. But he says afterward: all that is for sin, of which any of their blood has been brought into the tabernacle of testimony to make atonement in the sanctuary, shall not be eaten, but shall be burned up with fire (Lev 6:30).
QsHept.2.177.23
Quomodo ergo ad sacerdotes pertinent manducanda, quae remanent de sacrificiis pro peccatis? Quod intellegendum est haec excepta esse, de quorum sanguine tangitur illud altare incensi in tabernaculo testimonii. Hoc enim iussit fieri superius de vitulo, quem pro peccato suo sacerdos offerret, et de vitulo quem pro peccato universae synagogae, ut carnes quae remanserint, foris extra castra comburantur (Cf. Lev 4, 12. 21): hoc et modo breviter commemoravit.
How, then, do the things that remain of the sacrifices for sins belong to the priests to be eaten? This must be understood to mean that those are excepted of whose blood that altar of incense in the tabernacle of testimony is touched. For he ordered this to be done above with the bullock which the priest would offer for his own sin, and with the bullock which he would offer for the sin of the whole congregation, namely that the flesh which remained should be burned outside, beyond the camp (Cf. Lev 4:12, 21): this too he has now briefly recalled.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid illud Lev 7, 1.
What that means, Leviticus 7:1.
19. (7, 1) Et ista est Lex arietis qui pro delicto est, Sancta Sanctorum sunt: id est ad sacerdotes pertinent manducanda.
19. (7, 1) And this is the law of the ram which is for an offense; they are most holy: that is, they belong to the priests to be eaten.
QsHept.2.177.23
Quid distet inter peccatum et delictum.
What difference there is between sin and offense.
20. 1. (7, 7) Quid est quod de ariete pro delicto cum dixisset, Legemque sacrificii exposuisset, ait: quomodo quod pro peccato, ita et id quod pro delicto: Lex una est eorum? Quaeritur inter peccatum et delictum quae sit differentia; quoniam si nulla esset, nullo modo diceretur: quomodo quod pro peccato, ita et quod pro delicto. Quamvis enim lex eiusque sacrificium nihil distet, quia lex una est eorum; tamen ipsa duo, quorum unum est sacrificium, id est peccatum et delictum, si inter se nihil differrent, et si unius rei duo nomina essent, non curaret Scriptura tam diligenter commendare unum esse utriusque sacrificium.
20. 1. (7, 7) Why is it that, having spoken of the ram for an offense and expounded the law of the sacrifice, he says: as that which is for sin, so also that which is for an offense: there is one law for them? It is asked what difference there is between sin and offense; since, if there were none, it would in no way be said: as that which is for sin, so also that which is for an offense. For although the law and its sacrifice differ in nothing, since there is one law for them, nevertheless those two things, of which there is one sacrifice—that is, sin and offense—if they differed in nothing from each other, and if there were two names for one thing, Scripture would not take such care to commend that the sacrifice for both is one.
QsHept.2.177.23
20. 2. Fortassis ergo peccatum est perpetratio mali, delictum autem desertio boni: ut quemadmodum in laudabili vita, aliud est declinare a malo, aliud facere bonum, quod admonemur dicente Scriptura: declina a malo, et fac bonum (Ps 36, 27); ita in damnabili, aliud sit declinare a bono, aliud facere malum; et illud delictum, hoc peccatum sit. Nam et ipsum vocabulum si discutiatur, quid aliud sonat delictum, nisi derelictum? et quid derelinquit qui delinquit, nisi bonum? Graeci etiam duo nomina usitata huic pesti imposuerunt. Nam delictum apud eos et παράπτωμα dicitur et πλημμέλεια. Isto ipso quippe loco Levitici πλημμέλεια est.
20. 2. Perhaps, then, sin is the committing of evil, while an offense is the abandoning of good: so that, just as in a praiseworthy life it is one thing to turn aside from evil and another to do good—to which we are exhorted when Scripture says, turn aside from evil, and do good (Ps 37 (36):27)—so in a blameworthy life it is one thing to turn aside from good and another to do evil; and the former is an offense, the latter a sin. For if the word itself is examined, what else does "offense" (delictum) suggest but "what is left behind" (derelictum)? And what does one who offends (delinquit) leave behind, but the good? The Greeks too have imposed on this plague two names in common use. For among them an offense is called both παράπτωμα and πλημμέλεια. In this very passage of Leviticus it is πλημμέλεια.
QsHept.3.20.2
Apostolus autem ubi dicit: si praeoccupatus fuerit homo in aliquo delicto (Gal 6, 1), παραπτώματι Graecus habet: quorum nominum si origo discutiatur in παραπτώματι tamquam decidere intellegitur qui delinquit. Unde cadaver quod Latini a cadendo dixerunt, Graece πτῶμα dicitur, ἀπὸ τοῦ πίπτειν, id est ab eo quod est cadere.
But where the Apostle says, if a man be overtaken in any offense (Gal 6:1), the Greek has παραπτώματι: and if the origin of these names is examined, in παραπτώματι one who offends is understood as it were to fall down. Hence a corpse, which the Latins named from "falling" (cadere), is in Greek called πτῶμα, ἀπὸ τοῦ πίπτειν, that is, from what is to fall.
QsHept.3.20.2
Qui ergo peccando malum facit, prius delinquendo a bono cadit. Et πλημμέλεια simile nomen est neglegentiae: nam Graece neglegentia ἀμέλεια dicitur, quia curae non est quod neglegitur. Sic enim Graecus dicit: non curo, οὐ μέλει μοι.
He, therefore, who does evil by sinning, first falls away from good by offending. And πλημμέλεια is a name similar to "negligence": for in Greek negligence is called ἀμέλεια, because no care is taken for what is neglected. For the Greek says, I do not care, οἏ μέλει μοι.
QsHept.3.20.2
Particula ergo quae additur πλὴν, ut dicatur πλημμέλεια praeter significat, ut ἀμέλεια quod vocatur neglegentia, videatur sonare sine cura; πλημμέλεια praeter curam, quod pene tantumdem est.
The particle, then, that is added, πλήν, so that it reads πλημμέλεια, signifies beyond, so that, as ἀμέλεια, which is called "negligence," seems to mean without care, so πλημμέλεια means beyond care, which is almost the same thing.
QsHept.3.20.2
Hinc et quidam nostri (Cf. Cod. Lugdunensis) πλημμέλεια non delictum, sed neglegentiam interpretari "maluerunt." In Latina autem lingua quid aliud neglegitur, nisi quod non legitur, id est non eligitur? Unde etiam "legem" a "legendo," id est ab "eligendo" Latini auctores appellatam esse dixerunt. His quodammodo vestigiis colligitur quod ille delinquit, qui bonum derelinquit, et relinquendo a bono cadit, quia neglegit, id est, non eligit. "Peccatum" vero unde sit dictum, quod Graece [MISSING GREEK TEXT] dicitur, in neutra lingua mihi interim occurrit.
Hence some of our own people (Cf. Cod. Lugdunensis) have "preferred" to render πλημμέλεια not as "offense" but as negligence. But in the Latin language what else is neglected (neglegitur) but what is not read (non legitur), that is, not chosen (non eligitur)? Hence Latin authors too have said that "law" (lex) is named from "reading" (legere), that is, from "choosing" (eligere). By these traces, as it were, it is gathered that he offends who leaves behind the good, and by leaving it behind falls away from the good, because he neglects, that is, does not choose it. But why "sin" (peccatum), which in Greek is called [MISSING GREEK TEXT], is so named does not for the moment occur to me in either language.
QsHept.3.20.2
20. 3. Potest etiam videri illud esse delictum quod imprudenter, id est ignoranter; illud peccatum, quod ab sciente committitur. Huic differentiae videntur ista testimonia consonare divina: delicta quis intellegit? (Ps 18, 13) Et illud: quoniam tu scisti imprudentiam meam: continuo quippe secutus adiunxit: et delicta mea a te non sunt abscondita (Ps 68, 6); velut alio modo repetens eamdem sententiam.
20. 3. It can also seem that an offense is what is done imprudently, that is, in ignorance; a sin, what is committed by one who knows. With this distinction these divine testimonies seem to agree: who understands his offenses? (Ps 19 (18):12) And that other: for you have known my imprudence: for he at once went on and added: and my offenses are not hidden from you (Ps 69 (68):5); as if repeating the same thought in another way.
QsHept.3.20.3
Nec ab eadem ratione discordat quod paulo ante commemoravi Apostoli dictum: si praeoccupatus fuerit homo in aliquo delicto (Gal 6, 1): hinc enim quod praeoccupatum dicit, imprudenter lapsum esse significat. Peccatum vero ad scientem pertinere Apostolus Iacobus tamquam definiens ait: scienti igitur bonum facere, et non facienti, peccatum est illi (Iac 4, 17). Sed sive illa, sive ista, sive aliqua alia differentia sit peccati et delicti, nisi aliqua esset, non Scriptura ita loqueretur ut diceret: quomodo quod pro peccato, ita et quod pro delicto: Lex una est eorum (Lev 7, 7).
Nor does that saying of the Apostle which I recalled a little before disagree with the same reasoning: if a man be overtaken in any offense (Gal 6:1): for in that he says "overtaken," he signifies that the man has slipped imprudently. But that sin pertains to one who knows the Apostle James, as it were defining it, says: to him therefore who knows to do good and does not do it, to him it is sin (Jas 4:17). But whether it be that distinction, or this, or some other, between sin and offense, unless there were some distinction Scripture would not so speak as to say: as that which is for sin, so also that which is for an offense: there is one law for them (Lev 7:7).
QsHept.3.20.3
20. 4. Indifferenter autem plerumque dicuntur, ut et peccatum nomine "delicti," et delictum nomine "peccati" appelletur. Neque enim cum dicitur in Baptismo fieri remissio peccatorum, non fit etiam delictorum: nec tamen utrumque dicitur, quia in illo nomine utrumque intellegitur. Sic et Dominus ait pro multis effundi sanguinem suum in remissionem peccatorum (Cf. Mt 26, 28): numquid quoniam non ait, "et delictorum," ideo quisquam dicere audebit in sanguine ipsius delictorum non fieri remissionem? Item quod scriptum est apud Apostolum: nam iudicium quidem ex uno in condemnationem, gratia vero ex multis delictis in iustificationem (Rom 5, 16); quid aliud quam nomine delictorum etiam peccata comprehensa sunt?
20. 4. But for the most part they are used indifferently, so that both a sin is called by the name of "offense" and an offense by the name of "sin." For when it is said that in Baptism the remission of sins takes place, the remission of offenses is not thereby not also taking place: nor yet are both named, because in that one name both are understood. So too the Lord says that his blood is poured out for many for the remission of sins (Cf. Matt 26:28): surely, because he does not say "and of offenses," will anyone dare to say that in his blood there is no remission of offenses? Likewise what is written in the Apostle: for the judgment indeed was from one to condemnation, but grace from many offenses to justification (Rom 5:16); what else is this but that under the name of offenses sins too are comprehended?
QsHept.3.20.4
20. 5. In hac quoque ipsa Scriptura Levitici, qua cogimur aliquam inter delictum peccatumque distantiam vel invenire vel credere, ita legitur, cum de his ipsis quae pro peccatis offerenda iubebantur sacrificiis Deus loqueretur: si autem omnis, inquit, synagoga filiorum Israel ignoraverit, et latuerit verbum ab oculis synagogae, et fecerit unum ab omnibus mandatis Domini quod non fiet, et deliquerint, et cognitum illis fuerit peccatum quod peccaverunt in eo (Lev 4, 13-14).
20. 5. In this very Scripture of Leviticus too, by which we are compelled either to find or to believe some distinction between offense and sin, it is read thus, where God was speaking of those very sacrifices which were commanded to be offered for sins: but if the whole congregation of the children of Israel be ignorant, he says, and a matter be hidden from the eyes of the congregation, and they do one thing from all the commandments of the Lord which should not be done, and they offend, and the sin which they have sinned therein become known to them (Lev 4:13–14).
QsHept.3.20.5
Ecce ubi dixit: et deliquerint, ibi continuo peccatum quod peccaverunt addidit, hoc ipsum utique quod "deliquerunt."
See how, where he said and they offend, there he at once added the sin which they have sinned—this very thing, surely, which they "offended."
QsHept.3.20.5
Et paulo post: si autem princeps, inquit, peccaverit et fecerit unum ab omnibus praeceptis Domini Dei sui, quod non fiet nolens, et deliquerit (Lev 4, 22).
And a little later: but if a ruler, he says, shall sin and do one thing from all the precepts of the Lord his God which should not be done, unwillingly, and shall offend (Lev 4:22).
QsHept.3.20.5
Item in consequentibus: si autem anima, inquit, una peccaverit nolens, de populo terrae, in eo quod facit ab omnibus praeceptis Domini quod non fiet, et deliquerit, et cognitum fuerit ei peccatum quod peccavit in ipso (Lev 4, 27-28).
Likewise in what follows: but if one soul, he says, shall sin unwillingly, from the people of the land, in that it does one thing from all the precepts of the Lord which should not be done, and shall offend, and the sin which it has sinned therein become known to it (Lev 4:27–28).
QsHept.3.20.5
Item alibi: anima quaecumque iuraverit distinguens labiis malefacere aut benefacere, secundum omnia quaecumque distinxerit homo cum iureiurando, et latuerit eum, et hic cognoverit, et peccaverit unum ex his; et confessus fuerit peccatum pro quo peccavit adversus ipsum, et offeret pro eis quae deliquit Domino, pro eo peccato quod peccavit (Lev 5, 4-6).
Likewise elsewhere: whatever soul shall swear, distinguishing with its lips to do evil or to do good, according to all that a man shall determine with an oath, and it be hidden from him, and he afterward come to know it, and shall sin in one of these; and shall confess the sin for which he has sinned against it, and shall offer to the Lord for those things in which he has offended, for that sin which he has sinned (Lev 5:4–6).
QsHept.3.20.5
Et paulo post: et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen dicens: 'anima, si latuerit eum oblivione, et peccaverit nolens a sanctis Domini, offeret delicti sui Domino arietem sine macula de ovibus, pretio argenti siclorum siclo sancto, pro quo deliquit; et pro quo peccavit a sanctis, restituet, et quintas adiciet super illud, et dabit illud sacerdoti: et sacerdos exorabit pro eo in ariete delicti, et remittetur illi (Lev 5, 14-16).'
And a little later: and the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: A soul, if it be hidden from him through forgetfulness, and he sin unwillingly against the holy things of the Lord, he shall offer for his offense to the Lord a ram without blemish from the flock, at the price of silver of shekels by the holy shekel, for that in which he has offended; and for that in which he has sinned against the holy things, he shall make restitution, and shall add a fifth part upon it, and shall give it to the priest: and the priest shall make atonement for him in the ram of the offense, and it shall be forgiven him (Lev 5:14–16).
QsHept.3.20.5
Sequitur adhuc et dicit: anima quaecumque peccaverit, et fecerit unum ab omnibus praeceptis Domini, quae non oportet fieri, et non cognoverit, et deliquerit, et acceperit peccatum suum; et offeret arietem de ovibus pretio argenti in delictum ad sacerdotem: exorabitque pro eo sacerdos, pro ignorantia eius quam ignoravit, et ipse non scivit, et remittetur illi. Deliquit enim delicto delictum ante Dominum (Lev 5, 17-19).
It goes on still further and says: whatever soul shall sin, and do one thing from all the precepts of the Lord which ought not to be done, and not know it, and shall offend, and shall bear his sin; and he shall offer a ram from the flock at the price of silver for the offense to the priest: and the priest shall make atonement for him, for his ignorance in which he was ignorant, and himself did not know, and it shall be forgiven him. For he has offended with an offense, an offense before the Lord (Lev 5:17–19).
QsHept.3.20.5
Et adhuc ita dicit: et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen dicens: 'anima quaecumque peccaverit et despiciens despexerit praecepta Domini, et mentitus fuerit quae sunt ad proximum de commendatione aut de societate, aut de rapina, aut iniuriam fecerit aliquam proximo, aut invenerit perditionem, et mentitus fuerit de eo, et iuraverit iniuste de uno ab omnibus quaecumque fecerit homo, ita ut peccet in his: et erit cum peccaverit, et deliquerit, et reddet rapinam quam rapuit, aut iniuriam quam nocuit, aut commendatum quod depositum est apud eum, aut perditionem, quam invenit, ab omni re quam iuravit pro ea iniuste; et restituet ipsum, et quintas eius adiiciet ad illud, cuius est ipsi reddet; et qua die convictus fuerit delicti sui, offeret Domino arietem ab ovibus sine macula, pretio in quod deliquit: et exorabit pro eo sacerdos ante Dominum, et remittetur illi de uno ab omnibus quae fecit, et deliquit in eo (Lev 6, 1-7).'
And further it says thus: and the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Whatever soul shall sin and, despising, shall despise the precepts of the Lord, and shall lie concerning the things that are toward his neighbor in a matter of a deposit or of fellowship, or of robbery, or shall do some injury to his neighbor, or shall find what was lost, and shall lie about it, and shall swear unjustly concerning any one of all the things that a man does, so as to sin in these: and it shall be, when he has sinned and offended, that he shall restore the plunder which he plundered, or the injury which he did, or the deposit that was entrusted to him, or the lost thing which he found, of every matter concerning which he has sworn unjustly; and he shall restore it, and shall add a fifth part of it to it, and shall give it to him whose it is; and on the day on which he is convicted of his offense, he shall offer to the Lord a ram from the flock without blemish, at the price for that in which he has offended: and the priest shall make atonement for him before the Lord, and it shall be forgiven him for any one of all the things that he did and offended therein (Lev 6:1–7).
QsHept.3.20.5
Pene ergo in omnibus factis quae dicit esse peccata, eadem etiam delicta dicit. Quapropter et indifferenter ea dici manifestum est multis Scripturarum locis; et habere aliquid differentiae Scriptura testatur, cum dicit: sicut quod pro peccato, ita et quod pro delicto.
Almost in all the deeds, then, which he says are sins, he also calls the same things offenses. Wherefore it is clear both that they are spoken of indifferently in many places of the Scriptures, and that they have some difference, as Scripture testifies when it says: as that which is for sin, so also that which is for an offense.
QsHept.3.20.5
De verbis: omnem adipem boum et ovium et caprarum non edetis, etc.
Concerning the words: You shall not eat any fat of oxen or sheep or goats, and so forth.
21. (7, 23-25) Omnem adipem boum et ovium et caprarum non edetis, et adeps morticinorum et a fera captorum fiet in omne opus, et cibo non edetur. Omnis qui ederit adipem a pecoribus quae offeretis ab eis hostiam Domino, peribit anima illa de populo suo.
21. (7, 23-25) You shall not eat any fat of oxen or sheep or goats, and the fat of carcasses and of beasts taken by a wild animal shall be put to every use, but it shall not be eaten as food. Everyone who eats the fat from the cattle of which you offer from them a victim to the Lord, that soul shall perish from its people.
QsHept.3.20.5
Dixerat superius, de adipe: omnis adeps Domino (Lev 3, 16); et quaesieramus utrum omnis omnino pecoris mundi duntaxat (nam de immundis nulla quaestio est); et quid de adipe fieret, quam vetuit in escam venire: nunc autem dixit quid fieret de adipe morticini et a fera capti, ut sit in omne opus; omne opus, utique illud opus cui tale aliquid necessarium est.
He had said above, concerning fat: all the fat is the Lord's (Lev 3:16); and we had asked whether it meant all the fat of every clean animal only (for about unclean ones there is no question), and what was to be done with the fat which he forbade to come into food: but now he has said what was to be done with the fat of a carcass and of an animal taken by a wild beast, namely that it should be put to every use—every use, that is, that use to which something of the kind is necessary.
QsHept.3.20.5
Unde remansit quaestio, quid fiat de adipe caeterorum animalium, quae munda sunt ad vescendum. Sed cum dicit omnem animam perire de populo suo, qui ederit adipem eorum pecorum, ex quibus Domino offertur, videtur definiisse illam tantum adipem de pecoribus mundis prohibitam manducari, ex quibus fit sacrificium: quamvis Iudaeos audierimus nullam omnino adipem in escam sumere.
Hence the question remained, what is to be done with the fat of the other animals which are clean for eating. But since he says that every soul shall perish from its people who eats the fat of those cattle from which an offering is made to the Lord, he seems to have laid down that only that fat from clean cattle was forbidden to be eaten from which a sacrifice is made: although we have heard that the Jews take no fat whatever as food.
QsHept.3.20.5
Sed quid Scriptura voluerit, non quid illi opinati fuerint, requirendum. Denique non inveniunt quid recte de adipe faciant, unde se abstinent, et quomodo eam proiiciant, cum dictum sit: omnis adeps Domino; si non adipem sacrificiorum tantum, sed etiam eorum animalium de quibus non sacrificatur, quamvis immundorum, hic volunt intellegi.
But what is to be sought is what Scripture meant, not what they have supposed. In short, they do not find what they may rightly do with the fat, from which they abstain, and how they may cast it away, since it has been said: all the fat is the Lord's; if they want to understand here not only the fat of the sacrifices, but also that of those animals which are not sacrificed—even unclean ones.
QsHept.3.20.5
De pectusculo et brachio quae sacerdotibus dantur.
Concerning the breast and the shoulder, which are given to the priests.
22. (7, 29-31) Quid sibi vult quod de sacrificiis salutaris iterum admonet, et dicit, eum qui offert donum sacrificii salutaris sui, pectusculum et brachium sacerdotibus dare debere, ita tamen, ut adeps pectusculi offeratur Domino cum pinna iecinoris; cum superius loquens de sacrificiis salutaris pinnam iecinoris cum adipe ventris et renum et lumborum offerri Domino praeceperit (Cf. Lev 4, 9), tacuerit autem de adipe pectusculi? An quod ibi praetermisit, hic commemorat?
22. (7, 29-31) What does it mean that he again gives instruction about the peace offerings, and says that he who offers the gift of his peace offering must give the breast and the shoulder to the priests, yet in such a way that the fat of the breast be offered to the Lord with the lobe of the liver; whereas above, speaking of the peace offerings, he commanded the lobe of the liver to be offered to the Lord along with the fat of the belly and of the kidneys and of the loins (Cf. Lev 4:9), but kept silent about the fat of the breast? Or does he here mention what he there passed over?
QsHept.3.20.5
Quare ergo de pinna iecinoris et ibi et hic? An forte aliquid interest quod superius de sacrificio salutaris praecepit, hic autem addidit sui, tamquam aliud sit salutaris, aliud salutaris sui?
Why, then, the lobe of the liver both there and here? Or is there perhaps some difference, in that above he gave the command concerning the peace offering, but here he added his, as though the peace offering were one thing and his peace offering another?
QsHept.3.20.5
De vitulo offerendo pro peccato sacerdotis.
Concerning the bullock to be offered for the priest's sin.
23. 1. (4, 3-7; 8, 2. 14-15. 28-29) Cum sacrificia pro peccatis prius commemoraret, vitulum dixit offerendum pro peccato sacerdotis, qui fecisset populum peccare (Cf. Lev 4, 3-7); postea etiam quando narravit Scriptura, quemadmodum ea quae praecepit Dominus, gesta sunt erga Aaron et filios eius, dicitur oblatus vitulus pro peccato (Cf. Lev 8, 2-14); sed superius de sanguine vituli cornua tangi praecepit altaris incensi, aspergendum etiam ex ipso sanguine contra velum sanctum, reliquum vero sanguinem fundendum ad basem altaris holocaustomatum (Cf. Lev 4, 6-7): postea vero quando sanctificatur Aaron (Cf. Lev 8, 14-15), de aspersione sanguinis contra velum nihil dictum est; de cornibus autem altaris dictum est; sed non additum est incensi (Cf. Lev 8, 15); additum est autem, effundendum sanguinem ad basem altaris; non dixit, "ad basem eius," tamquam necesse fuisset illud altare accipere, cuius cornua sanguine tetigisset:
23. 1. (4, 3-7; 8, 2. 14-15. 28-29) When he earlier mentioned the sacrifices for sins, he said that a bullock was to be offered for the sin of the priest who had made the people sin (Cf. Lev 4:3–7); afterward too, when Scripture related how the things which the Lord commanded were carried out with regard to Aaron and his sons, a bullock is said to have been offered for sin (Cf. Lev 8:2–14); but above he commanded that the horns of the altar of incense be touched with the blood of the bullock, that some of the blood itself be sprinkled also before the holy veil, and that the rest of the blood be poured out at the base of the altar of holocausts (Cf. Lev 4:6–7): but afterward, when Aaron is sanctified (Cf. Lev 8:14–15), nothing is said about sprinkling the blood before the veil; about the horns of the altar it is said; but the word of incense is not added (Cf. Lev 8:15); and it is added that the blood is to be poured out at the base of the altar; he did not say "at its base," as though it were necessary to take that altar whose horns he had touched with the blood:
QsHept.3.20.5
proinde quamvis ambigue sit positum, liberum est tamen ita intellegere factum, ut fuerat ante praeceptum de vitulo pro peccato; ut non eius altaris cornua tacta intellegamus, ad cuius basem fusus est sanguis; sed tacta cornua altaris incensi, fusum autem sanguinem ad basem altaris sacrificiorum.
accordingly, although it is set down ambiguously, it is nevertheless free to understand it as done in the way that had earlier been commanded about the bullock for sin; so that we understand the horns touched were not those of the altar at whose base the blood was poured, but that the horns of the altar of incense were touched, while the blood was poured at the base of the altar of sacrifices.
QsHept.3.20.5
23. 2. Superius, quia generaliter praecipiebat, si sacerdos peccasset, ipsum sacerdotem unctum et consummatum, quem vult intellegi summum sacerdotem, sacrificia ista iussit offerre (Cf. Lev 4, 4-5): nunc vero cum sanctificatur Aaron, Moyses offert et ipse accipit pectusculum impositionis (Cf. Lev 8, 15. 28-29), quod antea praelocutus est sacerdoti esse dandum (Cf. Lev 7, 31). Inde autem puto pectusculum impositionis dictum, quia imponebatur inde adeps, sicut commemoravit superius de sacrificio salutaris (Cf. Lev 4, 10).
23. 2. Above, because he was commanding generally, in case a priest should sin, he ordered the anointed and consecrated priest himself—by whom he means the high priest to be understood—to offer those sacrifices (Cf. Lev 4:4–5): but now, when Aaron is sanctified, Moses offers and himself receives the breast of the wave offering (Cf. Lev 8:15, 28–29), which he had earlier declared was to be given to the priest (Cf. Lev 7:31). And I think it is called the breast of the wave offering because the fat was placed upon it, as he mentioned above concerning the peace offering (Cf. Lev 4:10).
QsHept.3.23.2
Cum ergo videatur ab Aaron coepisse summum sacerdotium, quid putamus fuisse Moysen? Si ergo sacerdos non fuit, quomodo per illum omnia illa gerebantur? si autem fuit quomodo summum sacerdotium ab eius fratre coepisse definimus? Quamquam etiam Psalmus ille, ubi dictum est: Moyses et Aaron in sacerdotibus eius (Ps 98, 6), auferat dubitationem quod sacerdos fuerit et Moyses. Vestem tamen illam sacerdotalem, quae magnum continet sacramentum, Aaron iubetur accipere et successores eius summi sacerdotes (Cf. Ex 28, 3-39).
Since, then, the high priesthood seems to have begun from Aaron, what are we to think Moses was? If, then, he was not a priest, how were all those things carried out through him? But if he was, how do we determine that the high priesthood began from his brother? Although that Psalm too, where it is said, Moses and Aaron among his priests (Ps 99 (98):6), removes any doubt that Moses too was a priest. Nevertheless that priestly vestment, which contains a great sacred symbol, Aaron and his successors the high priests are commanded to receive (Cf. Ex 28:3–39).
QsHept.3.23.2
In Exodo antequam omnino aliquid de sanctificandis et quodammodo ordinandis sacerdotibus praecipiatur, quando Moyse ascendente in montem, iubentur non ascendere sacerdotes (Cf. Ex 19, 24), quos intellegere alios non possumus nisi filios Aaron; non quia iam erant, sed quia futuri erant, hoc eos iam tunc Scriptura appellavit per anticipationem, sicut sunt pleraque talium locutionum: nam et filius Nave, Iesus appellatus est (Cf. Ex 33, 11), cum longe postea hoc nomen ei Scriptura narret impositum (Cf. Num 13, 17). Ambo ergo tunc summi sacerdotes erant, Moyses et Aaron; an potius Moyses, Aaron vero sub illo? an et ipse summus propter vestem pontificalem, ille vero propter excellentius ministerium? Nam a principio ei dicitur: ipse tibi quae ad populum, tu illi quae ad Deum (Ex 4, 16).
In Exodus, before anything at all is commanded about sanctifying and, as it were, ordaining the priests, when, as Moses goes up the mountain, the priests are ordered not to go up (Cf. Ex 19:24)—and we can understand these to be none other than the sons of Aaron—not because they already existed, but because they were to exist, Scripture even then called them this by anticipation, as many such expressions are: for the son of Nun too was called Jesus (Cf. Ex 33:11), although Scripture relates that this name was given him long afterward (Cf. Num 13:17). Both, then, were high priests at that time, Moses and Aaron; or rather Moses, with Aaron under him? Or was he too a high priest on account of the pontifical vestment, while the other was so on account of his more excellent ministry? For from the beginning it is said to him: he shall be to you in matters pertaining to the people, you to him in matters pertaining to God (Ex 4:16).
QsHept.3.23.2
23. 3. Quaeri etiam potest, post mortem Moysi quis ungebat successorem summi sacerdotis, qui succedere nisi defuncto non utique poterat. An quia iam unctus erat inter secundos sacerdotes (idem quippe fuit oleum, quo et summus et secundi ungebantur), vestem tantum sumebat ille pontifex, qua eius summitas appareret?
23. 3. It may also be asked, after the death of Moses who anointed the successor of the high priest, who certainly could not succeed except when the high priest had died. Or, because he had already been anointed among the priests of second rank (for the oil was the same with which both the high priest and the second priests were anointed), did that pontiff merely take up the vestment by which his preeminence would appear?
QsHept.3.23.3
Et si ita est, utrum ipse sumebat, an eum alius induebat, sicut et post eius mortem Moyses filium fratris sui? Si ergo ab alio vestiebatur, numquidnam poterat a secundo summus; praesertim quia talis erat vestis, ut eum ab alio indui necesse fuerit? an sic induebatur prius, ut etiam postea? Non enim semel indutus non eam ponebat; aut cum posuisset, non eam resumebat.
And if it is so, did he take it up himself, or did another clothe him, as Moses clothed his brother's son even after his death? If, then, he was clothed by another, could a high priest be clothed by a priest of second rank—especially because the vestment was such that it had to be put on by another? Or was he clothed first in such a way as also afterward? For once clothed, he did not lay it aside; or, when he had laid it aside, he did not take it up again.
QsHept.3.23.3
Fieri ergo fortasse poterat, ut secundi vestirent primum, obsequendo, non excellendo. Unde autem apparebat quisnam filiorum summo sacerdoti succedere deberet? non enim primogenitum, aut maiorem Scriptura definivit: nisi intellegamus aliquo divino indicio fieri solere, sive per prophetam, sive quolibet alio modo quo consulit Deus solet: quamquam ex contentione res provenisse videatur, ut postea propterea fuerint plures summi sacerdotes, quia contendentibus excellentioribus, litis finiendae causa pluribus honor ipse tribuebatur.
It could therefore perhaps happen that the second priests clothed the first by way of service, not of preeminence. But how did it appear which of the sons ought to succeed the high priest? For Scripture did not specify the firstborn or the elder: unless we understand that it used to be done by some divine indication, whether through a prophet or by some other means by which God is wont to give counsel: although the matter seems to have arisen out of contention, so that afterward there were several high priests for this reason, namely that, when the more eminent contended, for the sake of ending the dispute the honor itself was conferred on several.
QsHept.3.23.3
Quid sit quod dicit Moyses ad Aaron et filios eius, cum sanctificantur ad ineundum sacerdotium.
What it means that Moses says to Aaron and his sons, when they are sanctified for entering upon the priesthood.
24. (8, 35) Quid est quod dicit Moyses ad Aaron et filios eius, cum sanctificantur ad ineundum sacerdotium: ad ostium tabernaculi testimonii sedebitis septem dies, die et nocte, ne moriamini? Numquidnam credibile est, situ corporis uno loco sedere praeceptos per dies septem die et nocte, unde se omnino non commoverent? Nec tamen hinc tamquam allegorice aliquid significatum, quod non fieret, sed intellegeretur, cogendi sumus accipere; sed potius agnoscere locutionem Scripturarum, ubi sessionem pro habitatione et commoratione ponit. Non enim quia dictum est de Semei quod sederit in Ierusalem annos tres (Cf. 3 Reg 2, 38), ideo putandum est per totum illud tempus in sella sedisse, et non surrexisse. Hinc et "sedes" dicuntur, ubi habent commorationem quorum sedes sunt: "habitatio" quippe hoc nomen accepit.
24. (8, 35) What does it mean that Moses says to Aaron and his sons, when they are sanctified for entering upon the priesthood: you shall sit at the door of the tabernacle of testimony seven days, day and night, lest you die? Is it credible that they were commanded to sit in one place in one posture of the body for seven days, day and night, so that they should not move from it at all? Nor yet are we to be forced on this account to take it as though something were signified allegorically, which would not be done but only understood; but rather to recognize the idiom of the Scriptures, where it puts sitting for dwelling and remaining. For it is not because it is said of Shimei that he sat in Jerusalem three years (Cf. 1 Kgs 2:38) that we are to think he sat in a chair through all that time and did not rise. Hence too those places are called "seats" (sedes) where those whose seats they are have their dwelling: for it is from "dwelling" (sedere) that this word received its meaning.
QsHept.3.23.3
Quid sit Lev 9, 1: vocavit senatum...
What it means, Leviticus 9:1: He called the senate...
25. (9, 1) Et factum est, die octavo vocavit Moyses Aaron, et filios eius, et senatum Israel. Quem quidam nostri senatum interpretati sunt, Graecus habet [MISSING GREEK TEXT]: hoc est ergo secutus interpres, quia et senatus a "senio" videtur dictus. Non autem apte in latino diceretur: "vocavit senectutem Israel," pro "senibus" vel "senioribus": quamvis eadem locutio esset si diceretur: "vocavit iuventutem Israel," pro "iuvenibus." Sed hoc usitatum est in Latina lingua, illud autem non est. Nam hoc proprie diceretur, si diceretur: "vocavit senectutem Israel." Unde quidam insolenter putantes etiam senatum dici, interpretati sunt ordinem seniorum. Compendio tamen forsitan melius diceretur: "vocavit seniores Israel."
25. (9, 1) And it came to pass, on the eighth day Moses called Aaron, and his sons, and the senate of Israel. What some of our people rendered as senate, the Greek has as [MISSING GREEK TEXT]: this, then, is what the translator followed, since "senate" (senatus) too seems to be named from "old age" (senium). But it would not be fittingly said in Latin, "he called the old age of Israel," for "the old men" or "the elders": although it would be the same idiom if one said, "he called the youth of Israel," for "the young men." But the latter is customary in the Latin language, while the former is not. For it would be said properly if one said: "he called the old age of Israel." Hence some, thinking it unusual for senatus to be said in this way, rendered it order of elders. But more briefly perhaps it would be better said: "he called the elders of Israel."
QsHept.3.23.3
Quomodo praecipiuntur offerri tria genera sacrificiorum et quomodo quattuor sint eorum genera.
How three kinds of sacrifices are commanded to be offered, and how there are four kinds of them.
26. 1. (9, 3-4) Moyses dicit ad Aaron: et senatui Israel loquere dicens, 'accipite hircum ex capris unum pro peccato, et arietem et vitulum et agnum anniculum in holocarposim sine macula, et vitulum a bobus, et arietem in sacrificium salutaris ante Dominum, et similam conspersam in oleo; quoniam hodie videbitur Dominus in vobis.'
26. 1. (9, 3-4) Moses says to Aaron: and speak to the senate of Israel, saying: Take a he-goat from the goats, one, for sin, and a ram and a bullock and a year-old lamb for a holocaust, without blemish, and a bullock from the oxen, and a ram for a peace offering before the Lord, and fine flour mixed with oil; for today the Lord will be seen among you.
QsHept.3.23.3
Quatuor genera sacrificiorum de animalibus superius commendavit (Cf. Lev 1-4); holocausti, pro peccato, salutaris, et consummationis: sed consummationis ad sacerdotis sanctificationem pertinet. Tria ergo genera reliqua hic praecipiuntur offerri, et dicitur hoc senioribus Israel ut pertineat ad universum populum. Sed hoc loco sacrificium pro peccato habet tria pecora; hircum, et arietem, et vitulum: ad holocaustum vero agnus pertinet; et ad sacrificium salutaris, vitulus et aries.
He commended four kinds of animal sacrifices above (Cf. Lev 1–4): the holocaust, the sin offering, the peace offering, and that of consecration: but the offering of consecration pertains to the sanctification of a priest. The three remaining kinds, then, are here commanded to be offered, and this is said to the elders of Israel so that it may pertain to the whole people. But in this passage the sin offering has three animals: a he-goat, a ram, and a bullock: to the holocaust pertains the lamb; and to the peace offering, the bullock and the ram.
QsHept.3.23.3
Quapropter non est sic distinguendum, ut pro peccato non intellegatur nisi hircus, tria vero reliqua in holocaustum, id est, aries, et vitulus, et agnus: sed potius tria prima pro peccato, id est, quod dictum est: accipite hircum ex capris unum pro peccato, et arietem et vitulum, subaudiatur pro peccato; et reliquus sit agnus in holocarposim, id est in holocaustum. Quod ideo commonendum a nobis fuit, quoniam posset etiam ita distingui, ut cum dictum esset: accipite hircum ex capris unum pro peccato, reliqua iam ad holocarposim pertinere dicerentur.
Therefore it is not to be construed in such a way that only the he-goat is understood as for sin, while the three remaining ones—that is, the ram, the bullock, and the lamb—are for the holocaust: but rather that the first three are for sin, that is, that what was said, take a he-goat from the goats, one, for sin, and a ram and a bullock, the words "for sin" are to be supplied; and that the remaining one, the lamb, is for the holocaust, that is, for the burnt offering. This we had to point out because it could also be construed in such a way that, once it had been said, take a he-goat from the goats, one, for sin, the rest would be said already to pertain to the holocaust.
QsHept.3.23.3
Quod vero adiungit, sine macula, ad omnia referri potest. Cum ergo ambiguum sit quomodo aptius distinguatur, illa res adducit ut tria superiora pro peccato intellegantur, quoniam superius pro peccato principis hircum iussit offerri (Cf. Lev 4, 23); et pro peccato cuiusque proprio, cum peccat ante Dominum, faciendo unum ex his quae non oportet, praecepit arietem (Cf. Lev 5, 18); pro peccato vero universae synagogae vitulum (Cf. Lev 4, 14). Oportebat ergo ut cum senatui loqueretur quid universus populus offerre debeat, et hircus iubeatur propter principes, et aries propter proprium uniuscuiusque peccatum, et vitulus propter peccatum universae synagogae. Aliud est enim quod in populo habet quisque peccatum suum proprium, et possunt habere omnes propria, aliud quando commune peccatum est, quod uno animo fit, et una voluntate ad aliquid multitudine comparata committitur.
But what he adds, without blemish, can be referred to all of them. Since, then, it is ambiguous which way it is more fittingly construed, this consideration leads us to understand the first three as for sin: that above he commanded a he-goat to be offered for the sin of a ruler (Cf. Lev 4:23); and for the personal sin of each individual, when one sins before the Lord by doing one of the things that ought not to be done, he prescribed a ram (Cf. Lev 5:18); but for the sin of the whole congregation, a bullock (Cf. Lev 4:14). It was fitting, then, that when he spoke to the senate about what the whole people ought to offer, both a he-goat should be commanded on account of the rulers, and a ram on account of the personal sin of each, and a bullock on account of the sin of the whole congregation. For it is one thing that each person in the people has his own personal sin, and all can have their own, and another when there is a common sin, which is done with one mind, and committed with one will by a multitude joined together for some purpose.
QsHept.3.23.3
26. 2. Quod vero sacrificia salutaris vitulum et arietem iubet, haec iubet quae praecipua sunt: universi enim populi causa est. Praecipiens autem antea de sacrificiis salutaris, undelibet iussit offerri, sive masculum, sive feminam: dum tamen nonnisi de bobus et de ovibus et capris offerrentur (Cf. Lev 3, 1-11. 12-17).
26. 2. But that he commands a bullock and a ram as peace offerings, these he commands as the principal ones: for it is a matter concerning the whole people. Now, in commanding earlier about peace offerings, he ordered them to be offered from whatever source, whether male or female: provided only that they be offered from oxen and from sheep and goats (Cf. Lev 3:1–11, 12–17).
QsHept.3.26.2
Si autem quaeritur quare duo praecepit, vitulum et arietem, difficile est invenire: nisi forte vitulum voluit sacrificium salutaris universi populi; arietem autem pro unoquoque tamquam pro singulis quibusque: quia videtur etiam superius quasi duo genera salutaris sacrificii praecepisse; unum quod velut universorum esset, appellavit sacrificium salutaris (Cf. Lev 3, 1); alterum autem ubi dixit: si quisque obtulerit sacrificium salutaris sui (Lev 7, 29). Ubi etiam differentiam reperiebamus, quia in illo quod appellavit salutaris, non commemoravit adipem pectusculi offerendum Domino, atque ipsum pectusculum et brachium dextrum danda sacerdoti (Cf. Lev 7, 30-31): sed in illo hoc fieri iussit quod postea dicit sacrificium salutaris sui (Cf. supra, Quaest. 3, 22); quod forte intellegitur singulorum quorumque privatum, non publicum universorum.
But if it is asked why he prescribed two, a bullock and a ram, it is hard to find out: unless perhaps he meant the bullock as the peace offering of the whole people, and the ram for each one as though for the several individuals: since above too he seems to have prescribed, as it were, two kinds of peace offering; the one which was, as it were, of the whole community he called the peace offering (Cf. Lev 3:1); the other where he said: if anyone offer the sacrifice of his peace offering (Lev 7:29). Here too we found a difference, in that in the one which he called the peace offering he did not mention that the fat of the breast was to be offered to the Lord, and that the breast itself and the right shoulder were to be given to the priest (Cf. Lev 7:30–31): but in the other he commanded this to be done, which he afterward calls the sacrifice of his peace offering (Cf. above, Quaest. 3, 22); which perhaps is understood as the private offering of each individual, not the public offering of the whole community.
QsHept.3.26.2
Nam et Moyses obtulit sacrificia salutaris, nec dictum est ibi, salutaris sui; credo, quoniam pro populo universo obtulit. Ubi autem universi, ibi et singuli; non autem ubi singuli, continuo ibi universi. Singula enim possunt esse sine universo; universi autem non possunt nisi ex singulis quibusque constare. Nam singuli quique congregati vel in summam reputati, faciunt universos.
For Moses too offered peace offerings, and it was not said there his peace offering; I believe, because he offered for the whole people. But where there is the whole community, there are also the individuals; yet not where there are individuals are there at once the whole. For individual things can exist without the whole; but the whole cannot consist except of individual things. For the several individuals, gathered together or reckoned into a sum, make up the whole.
QsHept.3.26.2
26. 3. Notandum est sane, cum pro populo offeruntur sacrificia, et pro peccato sacrificia iussa esse offerri, et holocaustum, et sacrificia salutaris; pro sacerdote autem oblatum fuisse pro peccato, et holocaustum, et consummationis, non autem salutaris: sed consummationis tunc oblatum est, quando sacerdotes sanctificati sunt ut sacerdotio fungerentur, et haec obtulit Moyses pro Aaron et filiis eius (Cf. Lev 8); postea vero Aaron ipse iam sanctificatus et sacerdotio fungens, offerre pro se iussus est vitulum pro peccato, et arietem in holocaustum. Non autem iussus est pro se offerre consummationis, quia tunc ideo oblatum est, ut consummaretur sanctificatione, et sacerdotio fungi posset, quo iam quoniam fungebatur, non opus erat eum iterum consummari.
26. 3. It is indeed to be noted that, when sacrifices are offered for the people, sacrifices were commanded to be offered both for sin, and a holocaust, and peace offerings; but for the priest there were offered a sin offering, and a holocaust, and that of consecration, but not a peace offering: yet that of consecration was offered then, when the priests were sanctified to discharge the priesthood, and these Moses offered for Aaron and his sons (Cf. Lev 8); but afterward Aaron himself, now sanctified and discharging the priesthood, was ordered to offer for himself a bullock for sin, and a ram for a holocaust. But he was not ordered to offer for himself an offering of consecration, because that was offered then for the purpose of his being consummated in sanctification and being able to discharge the priesthood, which, since he was now discharging it, there was no need for him to be consummated again.
QsHept.3.26.3
Quae sit ratio ordinis servandi in oblationibus positis et praeceptis.
What is the reason for the order to be observed in the oblations set down and prescribed.
27. 1. (9, 7-21) Et ait Moyses ad Aaron: 'accede ad altare, et fac quod pro peccato tuo, et holocaustum tuum: et exora pro te et domo tua.' Mirum est quomodo prius dicat faciendum quod pro peccato, deinde holocaustum, cum sacrificia pro peccatis super holocausta superius iubeat imponi (Cf. Lev 4, 35), excepto quod de avibus praecepit (Cf. Lev 5, 8-10. Cf. anche Quaest. 3, 4).
27. 1. (9, 7-21) And Moses said to Aaron: Approach the altar, and make your sin offering, and your holocaust: and make atonement for yourself and your house. It is strange how he says that the sin offering is to be made first, then the holocaust, when he commands above that sin offerings be placed upon the holocausts (Cf. Lev 4:35), except for what he prescribed about birds (Cf. Lev 5:8–10. Cf. also Quaest. 3, 4).
QsHept.3.26.3
An forte hic quod prius fiebat, id est holocaustum, posterius commemoravit? Non enim, quemadmodum de avibus, dixit: "fac prius illud et postea illud"; sed, "fac illud atque illud": quid autem prius faciendum sit, indicat superius exposita instructio, ubi dicit super holocaustum imponi sacrificium pro peccatis. Quamquam valde moveat quod etiam ita narrat Scriptura fecisse Aaron quod audivit; ut prius commemoret eum facere pro peccato, deinde holocaustum. Quod utrum et ipse prius fecerit, an prius hoc Scriptura narraverit quod postea factum est, sicuti in multis facere solet, haberetur incertum, nisi quod dixi superius legeretur, cum ageret de sacrificio pro peccato. Ita enim legitur: et superponet illud sacerdos super altare super holocaustoma Domini, et exorabit pro eo sacerdos pro peccato quod peccavit, et dimittetur illi (Lev 4, 35).
Or did he perhaps mention later here what was done first, that is, the holocaust? For he did not say, as he did about the birds, "do that one first and then that one"; but, "do this and that": yet what is to be done first is indicated by the instruction set out above, where he says that the sin offering is to be placed upon the holocaust. Although it is very troubling that Scripture also relates that Aaron did what he heard in such a way that it first mentions his making the sin offering, then the holocaust. Whether he too did this first, or whether Scripture related first what was done afterward, as it is wont to do in many places, would be left uncertain, were it not that what I mentioned above is read where it treats of the sin offering. For it reads thus: and the priest shall place it upon the altar upon the holocaust of the Lord, and the priest shall make atonement for him for the sin which he has sinned, and it shall be forgiven him (Lev 4:35).
QsHept.3.26.3
Quomodo ergo posset hoc super holocaustoma imponi, nisi holocaustoma prius imponeretur? Praecepit autem hoc et de sacrificio salutaris, ut super holocaustoma imponeretur (Cf. Lev 3, 5): sed quia hoc non ubique dicit, non per omnia sacrificia salutaris, nec per omnia sacrificia pro peccato, potest forsitan dici non hoc regulariter fuisse praeceptum: sed illic tantummodo ut fieret dictum est, id est in sacrificio salutaris, cum fit de bobus, ibi enim id praecepit; et in sacrificio pro peccato, cum fit de femina ex ovibus: caetera vero sive sint salutaris, sive pro peccato, non esse necesse ut super holocausta imponantur.
How, then, could this be placed upon the holocaust, unless the holocaust were placed first? He prescribed this also concerning the peace offering, that it be placed upon the holocaust (Cf. Lev 3:5): but because he does not say this everywhere, not for all peace offerings nor for all sin offerings, it can perhaps be said that this was not prescribed as a rule: but it was said to be done only there, that is, in the peace offering when it is made of oxen, for there he prescribed it; and in the sin offering when it is made of a female from the sheep: but the rest, whether they be peace offerings or sin offerings, need not be placed upon the holocausts.
QsHept.3.26.3
27. 2. Movet etiam quod cum faceret Aaron dona populi, quae supra commemoravit, non omnia commemorata sunt immolata, quae fuerant praedicta; sed tantum hircus pro peccato et holocaustum, ubi tamen illum agnum non expressit: duo vero alia, quae ad sacrificia pro peccato potius quam ad holocaustum pertinere diximus (Cf. Quaest. 3, 26, 1), tacuit, id est arietem et vitulum; nisi forte a parte totum intellegi voluit, ut solo capro commemorato etiam illa subsecuta acciperemus.
27. 2. It is also troubling that, when Aaron made the gifts of the people, which he mentioned above, not all the things were mentioned as immolated which had been foretold; but only the he-goat for sin and the holocaust, where, however, he did not specify that lamb: but the two others, which we said pertain to the sin offerings rather than to the holocaust (Cf. Quaest. 3, 26, 1), he passed over in silence, that is, the ram and the bullock; unless perhaps he meant the whole to be understood from a part, so that, the he-goat alone being mentioned, we should take the others as having followed.
QsHept.3.27.2
27. 3. Cum de sacrificiis salutaris populi narraret, quemadmodum ea fecerit Aaron, de vitulo et ariete ait: et occidit vitulum et arietem sacrificii salutaris populi, et obtulerunt filii Aaron sanguinem ad eum, et affudit ad altare in circuitu, et adipem qui a vitulo, et ab ariete lumbum, et adipem tegentem super ventrem, et duos renes, et adipem quae super ipsos est, et pinnam quae est in iecinore; et posuit adipem super pectuscula, et imposuit adipes ad altare: et pectusculum et brachium dextrum abstulit Aaron, ablationem ante Dominum, quomodo praecepit Dominus Moysi.
27. 3. When he related concerning the peace offerings of the people how Aaron performed them, he says of the bullock and the ram: and he killed the bullock and the ram of the peace offering of the people, and the sons of Aaron brought the blood to him, and he poured it round about upon the altar, and the fat that was from the bullock, and from the ram the loin, and the fat covering over the belly, and the two kidneys, and the fat that is upon them, and the lobe that is on the liver; and he placed the fat upon the breasts, and laid the fat pieces upon the altar: and the breast and the right shoulder Aaron took away, as a wave offering before the Lord, as the Lord commanded Moses.
QsHept.3.27.3
Nunc singulariter, nunc pluraliter loquitur, cum de duobus animalibus loquatur, vitulo et ariete. Quod ergo dicit duos renes, ab utroque animante intellegendum est, atque ita quatuor fiunt; ita et caetera. Quod vero ait: et posuit adipes super pectuscula, cum ipsa pectuscula non imposuerit altari, sacerdoti enim debebantur cum brachiis dextris (Cf. Lev 7, 31-34); quid sibi vult? An intellegendum est: "et posuit adipes quae sunt super pectuscula?" Ipsas enim posuit, quas imponeret altari a pectusculis demptas. Nam ita et superius praeceperat. Denique sequitur: et imposuit adipes super altare, et pectusculum et brachium dextrum abstulit Aaron ablationem ante Dominum: modo singulariter inferens, et pectusculum dicens, utique utrumque ex utroque animante, quae pectuscula dixerat.
Now he speaks in the singular, now in the plural, although he is speaking of two animals, a bullock and a ram. So when he says two kidneys, it is to be understood as from each animal, and thus they become four; and so with the rest. But as for his saying, and he placed the fat pieces upon the breasts, when he did not place the breasts themselves upon the altar—for they were owed to the priest along with the right shoulders (Cf. Lev 7:31–34)—what does it mean? Is it to be understood: "and he placed the fat pieces that are upon the breasts"? For he placed those very pieces, taken from the breasts, to lay them upon the altar. For so he had also prescribed above. Finally it follows: and he laid the fat pieces upon the altar, and the breast and the right shoulder Aaron took away as a wave offering before the Lord: now putting it in the singular and saying breast, meaning of course both, one from each animal, which he had called breasts.
QsHept.3.27.3
Unde Aaron descendisse dicatur.
From where Aaron is said to have come down.
28. (9, 22) Quid est quod ait: cum extulisset Aaron manus super populum, benedixit eos, et descendit, cum fecisset quod pro peccato, et holocaustomata, et quae salutaris? Ubi autem ista fecit, nisi super altare, id est, ad altare stans eique deserviens? Inde ergo descendit ubi stabat.
28. (9, 22) What does it mean that it says: when Aaron had lifted up his hands over the people, he blessed them, and came down, when he had made his sin offering, and the holocausts, and the peace offerings? But where did he do these things, except upon the altar, that is, standing at the altar and ministering at it? From there, then, he came down, where he stood.
QsHept.3.27.3
Nimirum illius solutio quaestionis adiuvari hoc testimonio videtur, ubi quaesieramus in Exodo quomodo serviri potuerit ad altare, quod erat altum cubitis tribus? Gradum quippe illic intellegere prohibebamur, quia id Deus vetuerat, ne super altare pudenda virilia ministrantis revelarentur, quod utique fieret, si pars altaris gradus esset, id est, si compactus adhaereret (Cf. Quaest. 2, 113).
Doubtless the solution of that question seems to be helped by this testimony, where we had asked in Exodus how it was possible to minister at the altar, which was three cubits high. For we were forbidden there to understand a step, because God had forbidden this, lest the private parts of the one ministering be uncovered upon the altar, which would surely happen if a part of the altar were a step, that is, if it were joined and attached to it (Cf. Quaest. 2, 113).
QsHept.3.27.3
Denique ibi hoc vetuit, ubi de altari structili loquebatur, unum enim esset altare cum gradu cuius pars esset gradus, et ideo vetitum est; hic vero ubi altaris tanta fuerat altitudo, ut nisi sacerdos super aliquid staret, apte ministrare non posset, intellegendum est, quidquid illud erat, quod ad horam ministrationis ponebatur et auferebatur, non fuisse altaris partem, et ideo non fuisse contra praeceptum, quo gradum habere prohibitum est: hoc autem qualecumque fuerat, tacuit Scriptura, et ideo quaestio facta est. Sed nunc cum dicit Scriptura sacerdotem, cum fecisset sacrificia, descendisse, hoc est cum immolata imposuisset altari, utique manifestat alicubi eum stetisse unde descenderet: et quia ibi steterat, ideo trium cubitorum altari ministrando deservire potuisse.
In short, he forbade this there, where he was speaking of the built altar, for the altar with its step would be one thing of which the step was a part, and therefore it was forbidden; but here, where the altar's height was such that the priest could not fittingly minister unless he stood upon something, it is to be understood that whatever it was that was set down at the hour of ministering and taken away was not a part of the altar, and therefore was not against the precept by which it was forbidden to have a step: but whatever this thing was, Scripture kept silent about it, and therefore the question arose. But now, when Scripture says that the priest, when he had made the sacrifices, came down—that is, when he had placed the immolated offerings upon the altar—it surely makes clear that he had stood somewhere from which he could come down: and that, because he had stood there, he was able to minister at and serve the three-cubit altar.
QsHept.3.27.3
Quomodo in extasim cecidit populus.
How the people fell into ecstasy.
29. (9, 24) Et vidit omnis populus, et amens factus est. Quod alii interpretes dixerunt, expavit, conantes transferre de Graeco quod dictum est, , unde dicitur, qui saepe in Scripturis Latinis legitur mentis excessus.
29. (9, 24) And all the people saw, and were thrown out of their mind. What other translators rendered they were terrified, trying to translate from the Greek what was said, ἐξέστη, whence comes ἔκστασις, which is often read in the Latin Scriptures as "going out of the mind" (ecstasy).
QsHept.3.27.3
Quomodo ignis exisse dicitur a Domino.
How fire is said to have gone out from the Lord.
30. (9, 24) Et exiit ignis a Domino, et devoravit quae erant super altare, holocaustomata, et adipes. Quid dixerit, a Domino, quaeri potest utrum quia nutu et voluntate Domini factum est, an ab eo loco ignis exiit ubi erat Arca testimonii. Non enim in loco aliquo ita est Dominus, quasi alibi non sit.
30. (9, 24) And fire went out from the Lord, and devoured what was upon the altar, the holocausts and the fat pieces. As to what he said, from the Lord, it may be asked whether it is because it was done by the Lord's nod and will, or whether the fire went out from that place where the Ark of testimony was. For the Lord is not in any place in such a way as not to be elsewhere.
QsHept.3.27.3
Qui dicantur Lev 10, 1-3 adpropinquare Domino.
Who are said, in Leviticus 10:1-3, to draw near to the Lord.
31. (10, 1-3) Posteaquam exeunte igne a Domino, incensi et mortui sunt filii Aaron, qui ausi sunt in batillis suis adhibito igne alieno incensum imponere Domino; quod ideo non licebat, quia ex illo igne qui divinitus in altare venerat deinceps custodito, omnia erant accendenda quae in tabernaculo accendi oportebat: mortuis ergo illis ait Moyses: hoc est quod dixit Dominus dicens: 'in eis qui mihi appropinquant sanctificabor, et in omni synagoga glorificabor': eos appropinquare Domino volens intellegi, qui in tabernaculo sacerdotio fungebantur; sanctificari autem in eis etiam vindicando, sicut factum est.
31. (10, 1-3) After, when fire went out from the Lord, the sons of Aaron were burned and died, who dared in their fire-pans, using strange fire, to place incense before the Lord—which was not permitted for this reason, that everything which had to be kindled in the tabernacle was to be kindled from that fire which had come divinely upon the altar and was thenceforth kept—when they were dead, then, Moses said: this is what the Lord said, saying: In those who draw near to me I will be sanctified, and in all the congregation I will be glorified: meaning those to be understood as drawing near to the Lord who discharged the priesthood in the tabernacle; and that he is sanctified in them even by taking vengeance, as was done.
QsHept.3.27.3
Utrum ut hinc sciretur quam minus aliis parcat, si illis non parcit: quo sensu dictum est: si iustus vix salvus erit, peccator et impius ubi parebunt? (Prov 11, 31; 1 Pt 4, 18)
Whether it was so that from this it might be known how much less he spares others, if he does not spare these: in which sense it was said: if the righteous man is scarcely saved, where will the sinner and the ungodly appear? (Prov 11:31; 1 Pet 4:18)
QsHept.3.27.3
An potius secundum illud: cui plus datur, plus exigitur ab eo (Lc 12, 48)?
Or rather according to that: to whom more is given, more is required of him (Luke 12:48)?
QsHept.3.27.3
Et illud: servus qui non cognovit voluntatem domini sui, et facit digna plagis, vapulabit pauca: servus autem qui cognovit voluntatem domini sui, et facit digna plagis, vapulabit multa (Lc 12, 47-48)?
And that: the servant who did not know his master's will, and does things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few: but the servant who knew his master's will, and does things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with many (Luke 12:47–48)?
QsHept.3.27.3
Et illud: exiguo enim concedetur misericordia; potentes autem potentiora tormenta patientur (Sap 6, 7)?
And that: for to the lowly mercy will be granted; but the mighty shall suffer mightier torments (Wis 6:7)?
QsHept.3.27.3
Sed ubi hoc dixerit Dominus, quod eum dixisse Moyses commemoravit, in Scriptura quae retro est non invenitur. Tale ergo est hoc, quale in Exodo, ubi dicit Domino: tu dixisti: 'scio te prae omnibus' (Ex 33, 12); quod invenitur quidem Dominus ei dixisse, sed postea: sed quoniam mendaciter nunquam hoc Moyses diceret, intellegitur id ei etiam ante dixisse, quamvis scriptum non fuerit; ita et hoc. Unde apparet non omnia scripta esse quae Deus locutus est eis, per quos nobis Sancta Scriptura eius ministrata est.
But where the Lord said this, which Moses mentioned that he had said, is not found in the Scripture that comes before. This, then, is such a case as that in Exodus, where he says to the Lord: you said: I know you above all (Ex 33:12); which the Lord is indeed found to have said to him, but afterward: but since Moses would never have said this falsely, it is understood that he had said it to him even before, although it had not been written; so too with this. Hence it appears that not all the things were written which God spoke to those through whom his Holy Scripture has been ministered to us.
QsHept.3.27.3
Quid sit quod dicitur ad Aaron et ad filios eius.
What it means that is said to Aaron and to his sons.
32. (10, 6-7) Quid est quod Aaron et reliquos filios eius mortem illorum duorum lugere prohibens dicit: caput vestrum cidara non denudabitis, ubi certe ostendit cidaras tegmina capitum fuisse; nisi quia illa faciebant lugentes, quae consuetudini ornatus essent contraria? Sicut enim in nostra consuetudine, quia caput apertum magis habetur, operitur in luctu; sic quia illi operimento capitis ornabantur, nudandum erat lugentibus.
32. (10, 6-7) What does it mean that, forbidding Aaron and his remaining sons to mourn the death of those two, he says: you shall not uncover your head of its turban, where he certainly shows that the turbans were coverings of the head; unless it be that mourners did the things that were contrary to the custom of adornment? For just as in our custom, because the head is more usually kept bare, it is covered in mourning; so, because they were adorned by the covering of the head, mourners had to uncover it.
QsHept.3.27.3
Quod ideo prohibet, ne lugerent eos in quorum poena sanctificatus est Dominus, id est commendatus est timor eius. Nec ideo quia lugendi non erant, nam permittit alios lugere illos: sed quia illi lugere tunc non debebant, cum dies sanctificationis eorum agerentur, nondum completis septem, quibus eos praecepit de tabernaculo non abscedere. Quamquam possit videri, quia illo oleo fuerant sanctificati, hoc dictum esse quod nunquam quemquam lugere deberent.
He forbids this for the reason that they should not mourn those by whose punishment the Lord was sanctified, that is, fear of him was commended. And not because they were not to be mourned, for he permits others to mourn them: but because they ought not to mourn at that time, while the days of their sanctification were being observed, the seven not yet completed, during which he commanded them not to depart from the tabernacle. Although it may seem that, because they had been sanctified with that oil, this was said—namely, that they should never mourn anyone.
QsHept.3.27.3
Ita enim dicit: fratres autem vestri, omnis domus Israel, plorabunt incendium, quo incensi sunt a Domino. Et ab ostio tabernaculi testimonii non exibitis, ne moriamini: oleum enim unctionis, quod est a Domino, super vos est.
For it says thus: but your brethren, all the house of Israel, shall weep for the burning with which they were burned by the Lord. And you shall not go out from the door of the tabernacle of testimony, lest you die: for the oil of anointing, which is from the Lord, is upon you.
QsHept.3.27.3
Aaron et filii eius, in tabernaculum intraturi, vinum et siceram bibere non poterant.
Aaron and his sons, when about to enter the tabernacle, could not drink wine and strong drink.
33. (10, 8-11) Et locutus est Dominus ad Aaron dicens: 'vinum et siceram non bibetis tu et filii tui tecum, cum intrabitis in tabernaculum testimonii, aut cum accedetis ad altare, et non moriemini.' Quando ergo eis bibere licebat, quandoquidem in tabernaculum eis quotidie necesse erat introire et accedere ad altare, propter continuam servitutem? Quod si quisquam dicit, non omni die sacrificia imponi solere, quid dicet de ingressu in tabernaculum, qui quotidianus erat propter candelabrum et panes propositionis super mensam ponendos? Si autem respondetur: in tabernaculum testimonii nunc quod ait, illud esse intellegendum ubi erat Arca testimonii; etiam illuc necesse erat intrare summum sacerdotem propter incensum continuationis. Non enim semel in anno intrabat; sed cum sanguine purificationis semel in anno, propter incensum autem quotidie. An intellegendum est Deum praecepisse ut vinum omnino non biberent?
33. (10, 8-11) And the Lord spoke to Aaron, saying: You shall not drink wine and strong drink, you and your sons with you, when you shall enter the tabernacle of testimony, or when you shall approach the altar, and you shall not die. When, then, was it permitted them to drink, since they had to enter the tabernacle daily and approach the altar, on account of their continual service? But if anyone says that sacrifices were not wont to be placed daily, what will he say about the entrance into the tabernacle, which was daily on account of the lampstand and the loaves of presentation to be placed upon the table? But if it be answered that what he now says, the tabernacle of testimony, is to be understood as that place where the Ark of testimony was; even there it was necessary for the high priest to enter, on account of the continual incense. For he did not enter once a year; rather, with the blood of purification once a year, but on account of the incense daily. Or is it to be understood that God commanded them not to drink wine at all?
QsHept.3.27.3
Cur ergo non ita praecepit potius ut breviter diceret: vinum non bibetis; sed addidit, cum intrabitis in tabernaculum, aut cum accedetis ad altare? An quia causa non bibendi tacenda non erat, maxime quia Deus praescius erat futuros postea tam multos etiam summos sacerdotes uno tempore, id est non per successionem, qui tabernaculo et sacrificiis et incenso et universo illi ministerio vicibus deservirent; quando utique illi non bibebant, quorum locus erat deserviendi, alii autem bibebant?
Why, then, did he not rather command it briefly so as to say: you shall not drink wine; but added, when you shall enter the tabernacle, or when you shall approach the altar? Or is it because the reason for not drinking was not to be kept silent, especially because God foreknew that afterward there would be so many high priests too at one time—that is, not by succession—who would serve the tabernacle and the sacrifices and the incense and all that ministry by turns; when surely those whose turn it was to serve did not drink, while the others did drink?
QsHept.3.27.3
An quid aliud hoc loco intellegendum est? Quoniam cum vinum et siceram sacerdotes bibere prohiberet, secutus ait: Legitimum aeternum in progenies vestras: ambiguum est utrum superiori sensui connectatur, id est, ad vinum non bibendum pertineat; an inferiori ubi sequitur: distinguere inter medium sanctorum et contaminatorum, et inter medium mundorum et immundorum; et instruere filios Israel omnia legitima quae locutus est Dominus ad eos per manum Moysi: ut hoc sit officio sacerdotum Legitimum aeternum in progenies eorum.
Or is something else to be understood in this passage? Since, when he forbade the priests to drink wine and strong drink, he went on and said: a perpetual statute throughout your generations: it is ambiguous whether it is connected to the preceding sense, that is, pertains to not drinking wine; or to what follows, where it goes on: to distinguish between the midst of the holy and the defiled, and between the midst of the clean and the unclean; and to instruct the children of Israel in all the statutes which the Lord spoke to them by the hand of Moses: so that this is to be by the office of the priests a perpetual statute throughout their generations.
QsHept.3.27.3
Quomodo autem dicat aeternum, iam saepe diximus. Hoc quoque ambigue positum est quod ait: distinguere inter medium sanctorum et contaminatorum, et inter medium mundorum et immundorum; utrum ab eo quod sunt sancta et munda, vel inquinata et immunda; an ab eo quod sunt sancti et mundi, vel inquinati et immundi: id est utrum inter illa ipsa sacra, quae rite vel non rite fierent, distinguere voluit sacerdotes; an inter ipsos homines probandos vel improbandos; an potius ad utrumque referendum est, sive homines, sive sacra.
In what way he says perpetual, we have already often said. This too is set down ambiguously, that he says: to distinguish between the midst of the holy and the defiled, and between the midst of the clean and the unclean; whether from the fact that things are holy and clean, or defiled and unclean; or from the fact that persons are holy and clean, or defiled and unclean: that is, whether he meant the priests to distinguish between those very sacred things, which were done rightly or not rightly; or between the persons themselves to be approved or disapproved; or rather it is to be referred to both, whether persons or sacred things.
QsHept.3.27.3
Quando appellat pectusculum segregationis, an etiam brachium segregationis posset dici.
When he calls it the breast of separation, whether the shoulder too could be called the shoulder of separation.
34. (10, 14) Pectusculum segregationis et brachium ablationis manducabitis in loco sancto. Quamvis singula singulis data sint, nimirum tamen utrumque posset dici segregationis, quia utrumque sacerdoti separatur; et utrumque ablationis sive demptionis, quod Graece dicitur [MISSING GREEK TEXT], quia utrumque demitur et aufertur eis pro quibus offertur, ut detur sacerdoti. Pectusculum sane impositionis superius legimus, et brachium ablationis (Cf. Lev 7, 34; 8, 29); quia de brachio nihil imponebatur altari, adeps autem de pectusculo imponebatur.
34. (10, 14) The breast of separation and the shoulder of the wave offering you shall eat in a holy place. Although each was given for a distinct purpose, nevertheless both could surely be called of separation, because both are set apart for the priest; and both of the wave offering or of removal, which in Greek is called [MISSING GREEK TEXT], because both are removed and taken away from those for whom the offering is made, so as to be given to the priest. We have indeed read above the breast of the wave offering, and the shoulder of removal (Cf. Lev 7:34; 8:29); because nothing of the shoulder was placed upon the altar, but the fat of the breast was placed there.
QsHept.3.27.3
Quid distet inter sacrificia salutarium et sacrificium salutaris.
What difference there is between the sacrifices of peace offerings (plural) and the sacrifice of the peace offering.
35. (10, 14) Quid est quod dicit: de sacrificiis salutarium, cum ea dicat quae alibi dixit sacrificia salutaris; et cum singulari numero id dixit sacrificium salutaris, cum de eadem re diceretur? An forte hoc loco ubi ait: a sacrificiis salutarium, "sanitatum" dici debuit? Nam in illo Psalmo ubi dictum est: exaudi nos, Deus sanitatum nostrarum (Cf. Ps 64, 6; 67, 20; Quaest. 2, 98; 6, 23), hoc verbum habet Graecus quod etiam hoc loco, id est σωτηρίων qui genitivus pluralis in Graeca lingua ambiguus est, utrum a "salute," an a "salutari" nomen declinatum sit: quoniam σωτηρία dicitur "salus" vel "sanitas," unde fit genitivus pluralis τῶν σωτηριῶν "salutare" autem σωτήριον dicitur, et inde genitivus pluralis idem ipse est.
35. (10, 14) What does it mean that he says: of the sacrifices of peace offerings, when he means those things which elsewhere he called the sacrifices of the peace offering; and he said this in the singular number, the sacrifice of the peace offering, when it was being said of the same thing? Or should it perhaps in this passage, where he says from the sacrifices of peace offerings, have been said "of healings"? For in that Psalm where it is said, hear us, O God of our healings (Cf. Ps 65 (64):6; 68 (67):20; Quaest. 2, 98; 6, 23), the Greek has the same word as in this passage too, that is σωτηρίων, which genitive plural is ambiguous in the Greek language, whether the noun is declined from "salvation" or from "the saving thing": since σωτηρία means "salvation" or "health," whence comes the genitive plural τῶν σωτηριῶν; but "the saving thing" is called σωτήριον, and thence the genitive plural is the very same.
QsHept.3.27.3
Si ergo recte potest intellegi etiam sacrificium salutis quod est sacrificium salutaris, quoniam a salutari salus datur, et illud est salutare unde salus accipitur: non est necesse ut tamquam multorum salutarium sacrificia hic intellegamus, ubi dictum est sacrificiis salutarium, sed multarum forsitan sanitatum, quae tamen ab uno salutari accipiuntur. Quod sit autem salutare Dei, de quo dictum est: calicem salutaris accipiam (Ps 115, 13), et de quo Simeon dicit in Evangelio: quoniam viderunt oculi mei salutare tuum (Lc 2, 30), fides christiana novit. Possunt sane non absurde intellegi vel dici etiam sacrificia salutaria, quae sunt salutaris.
If, then, the sacrifice of salvation, which is the sacrifice of the peace offering, can rightly be understood too, since salvation is given by the saving thing, and that is the saving thing from which salvation is received: there is no need that we should here understand sacrifices as it were of many saving things, where it is said of the sacrifices of peace offerings, but perhaps of many healings, which nevertheless are received from one saving thing. But what the saving thing of God is, of which it is said: I will take the cup of salvation (Ps 116 (115):13), and of which Simeon says in the Gospel: for my eyes have seen your saving thing (Luke 2:30), the Christian faith knows. They can indeed not absurdly be understood or called also saving sacrifices, which belong to the peace offering.
QsHept.3.27.3
Quare addatur: et filiabus tuis, etc.
Why it is added: and to your daughters, and so forth.
36. 1. (10, 15-20) Et erit tibi et filiis tuis et filiabus tuis Legitimum sempiternum. Non frustra est additum, filiabus; quoniam quaedam ad escas pertinentia sacerdotum prohibet a feminis accipi, sed a masculis iubet.
36. 1. (10, 15-20) And it shall be for you and your sons and your daughters a perpetual statute. Not in vain is daughters added; since he forbids certain things pertaining to the food of the priests to be received by females, but commands them to be received by males.
QsHept.3.27.3
36. 2. Cum quaesisset Moyses caprum oblatum pro populi peccatis, et non invenisset, quoniam fuerat incensus, et iratus esset, quod ea quae pro peccato a populo offerrentur, constituit Dominus sacerdotibus edenda, oblatis inde adipibus et renibus; iratus autem esset non fratri suo, sed filiis eius, credo quod ad eos suggerendi ministerium pertineret: respondit illi Aaron et ait: si hodie obtulerunt ea quae pro peccato illorum sunt, et holocausta sua ante Dominum, et contigerunt mihi talia, et comedam quod est pro peccato hodie, numquid placitum erit Domino? Et audivit Moyses, et placuit illi.
36. 2. When Moses sought the he-goat offered for the people's sins, and did not find it, because it had been burned, and was angry that the things which were offered by the people for sin—which the Lord appointed to be eaten by the priests, when the fat and the kidneys had been offered from them—and was angry not with his brother but with his sons, I believe because the ministry of presenting belonged to them: Aaron answered him and said: if today they have offered the things that are for their sin, and their holocausts before the Lord, and such things have befallen me, and I should eat what is for sin today, would it be pleasing to the Lord? And Moses heard, and it pleased him.
QsHept.3.36.2
Hoc videtur dixisse Aaron, quod ipso die quo primum obtulerant filii Israel pro peccato suo, non debuit a sacerdotibus manducari, sed totum incendi, non inde regulam faciens ad caetera; nam deinceps sacrificia pro peccatis ipsi edebant: sed quia hoc primum fuit ipso primo die primitus oblatum, credendum est Aaron sacerdotem hoc divina inspiratione dixisse, ut et illud circa sacerdotes deinceps servaretur quod praeceperat Dominus Moysi, et hoc quod Aaron dixit tamquam divinitus dictum Moyses approbaret.
Aaron seems to have said this: that on the very day on which the children of Israel had first offered for their sin, it ought not to be eaten by the priests, but the whole burned—not making a rule from this for the rest; for thereafter they ate the sacrifices for sins themselves: but because this was the first thing offered first of all on that very first day, it is to be believed that Aaron the priest said this by divine inspiration, so that both what the Lord commanded Moses about the priests should thereafter be observed, and Moses should approve what Aaron said as said divinely.
QsHept.3.36.2
Quid ergo de caeteris eiusdem diei sacrificiis, id est de ariete et vitulo, quae diximus etiam ipsa pro peccato oblata debere intellegi? An de vitulo nulla quaestio est, quoniam oportebat sic fieri, ut de eius sanguine quemadmodum praeceptum fuerat intromitteretur, unde et tangerentur cornua altaris incensi, et consequens erat ut totus arderet?
What, then, of the other sacrifices of the same day, that is, of the ram and the bullock, which we said are to be understood as offered also for sin? Or is there no question about the bullock, since it had to be done in such a way that, of its blood, as had been commanded, some should be brought in to touch the horns of the altar of incense, and it followed that the whole should burn?
QsHept.3.36.2
Quid ergo de ariete? An quoniam primum caprum quaesivit Moyses, quod de capro illi responsum est, hoc et de ariete intellegendum est, quem ex ordine fuerat quaesiturus, nisi illud responsum sacerdotis ei placuisset? De vitulo autem quid quaereret, cum ea Lege fieri potuerit, quam de vitulo pro peccato universae synagogae praeceperat Deus, sicut de vitulo pro peccato sacerdotis, id est ut totus arderet extra castra (Cf. Lev 4, 12. 21)?
What, then, of the ram? Or, since Moses first sought the he-goat, is what was answered to him about the he-goat to be understood also about the ram, which he would have sought in order, had not that answer of the priest pleased him? But what would he ask about the bullock, since it could be done by that law which God had prescribed about the bullock for the sin of the whole congregation, as about the bullock for the priest's sin, that is, that the whole should burn outside the camp (Cf. Lev 4:12, 21)?
QsHept.3.36.2
Haec enim sunt verba irascentis Moysi ad filios fratris sui, cum hircum pro peccato quaesitum non invenisset, quia fuerat totus incensus: quare non comedistis illud quod fuit pro peccato in loco sancto? Quoniam enim Sancta Sanctorum sunt, hoc vobis dedit edere, ut auferatis peccatum synagogae, et exoretis pro eo ante Dominum. Non enim illatum est a sanguine eius in sanctum ante faciem intus. Edetis illud in loco sancto, quomodo mihi constituit Dominus.
For these are the words of Moses when angry with the sons of his brother, when he had not found the he-goat for sin that he sought, because it had been wholly burned: why did you not eat that which was for sin in the holy place? For since they are most holy, he gave this to you to eat, that you might take away the sin of the congregation, and make atonement for it before the Lord. For none of its blood was brought into the sanctuary before the face within. You shall eat it in a holy place, as the Lord appointed me.
QsHept.3.36.2
Utique cum dicit: non enim illatum est a sanguine eius in sanctum ante faciem intus, procul dubio discernit illud quod ita fit pro peccato sacerdotis, sive pro peccato universae synagogae, non de hirco, de quo sanguis quoniam non erat iussus inferri ad tangenda cornua intus altaris incensi, non debuit totus incendi, sed a sacerdotibus manducari. Hoc autem quare sit factum, id est ut etiam ipse totus incenderetur, respondit Aaron, et placuit Moysi.
Surely when he says, for none of its blood was brought into the sanctuary before the face within, he beyond doubt distinguishes that which is done thus for the priest's sin, or for the sin of the whole congregation, from the he-goat, of which, because the blood was not commanded to be brought in to touch the horns of the altar of incense within, the whole ought not to have been burned, but eaten by the priests. But why this was done, that is, that it too was wholly burned, Aaron answered, and it pleased Moses.
QsHept.3.36.2
36. 3. Sane quoniam sex pecora praecepta fuerunt senioribus populi ut offerrentur pro populo, quorum prius quatuor commemoravit, hircum et arietem, et vitulum, et agnum anniculum; quorum manifestum est hircum pro peccato, manifestum est etiam agnum anniculum in holocaustum; duo vero media, arietem et vitulum, ambigue posita videramus, utrum ad sacrificium pro peccato pertinerent, et hirco adiungerentur, an potius agno ut in holocaustum offerrentur, unde quid nobis videretur, suo loco exposuimus: postea vero ut sex animalia complerentur, vitulum et arietem commemoravit in sacrificium salutaris; nec tamen in consequentibus cum immolata sunt, et identidem commemorata, fit mentio pecorum ipsorum arietis et vituli, quae inter caprum et agnum posuerat, sed tantum ille vitulus et ille aries commemorantur, quos in sacrificium salutaris offerri iusserat, ut iam non sex pecora, sed potius quatuor fuisse credantur (Cf. Lev 9, 4; 9, 15. 16):
36. 3. Now since six animals were commanded to the elders of the people to be offered for the people, of which he first mentioned four—a he-goat and a ram, and a bullock, and a year-old lamb; of which it is clear that the he-goat is for sin, and clear too that the year-old lamb is for a holocaust; but the two middle ones, the ram and the bullock, we had seen set down ambiguously, whether they pertained to the sin offering and were joined to the he-goat, or rather to the lamb so as to be offered for a holocaust—whence we set out in its place what seemed to us: but afterward, so that the six animals might be completed, he mentioned the bullock and the ram as a peace offering; and yet in what follows, when they are immolated and repeatedly mentioned, no mention is made of those very animals the ram and the bullock, which he had placed between the he-goat and the lamb, but only that bullock and that ram are mentioned which he had commanded to be offered as a peace offering, so that it may be believed there were now not six animals, but rather four (Cf. Lev 9:4; 9:15, 16):
QsHept.3.36.3
potest fortassis intellegi quod duo illa, quae prius inter hircum et agnum posuerat, iterum nominavit, et non est alius vitulus et alius aries in sacrificium salutaris: ut cum dixisset hircum pro peccato, et arietem et vitulum non dicens in quid, id est in quam rem, agnum vero anniculum in holocaustum; postea dicere voluerit quid de vitulo et ariete faciendum esset, id est, quia neque pro peccato sicut hircus, neque in holocaustum sicut agnus, sed in sacrificium salutaris iubebantur inferri.
it can perhaps be understood that those two, which he had first placed between the he-goat and the lamb, he named again, and that there is not a different bullock and a different ram for the peace offering: so that, when he had said the he-goat for sin, and the ram and the bullock without saying for what, that is, for what purpose, but the year-old lamb for a holocaust; afterward he meant to say what was to be done with the bullock and the ram, that is, that they were commanded to be offered neither for sin like the he-goat, nor for a holocaust like the lamb, but for a peace offering.
QsHept.3.36.3
Sed si hoc intellexerimus, manebit quaestio quare pro peccato synagogae hircus oblatus sit, cum de sacrificiis quae pro peccatis offerenda essent ab initio Dominus loquens, vitulum offerri iusserit pro peccato synagogae, sicut pro peccato sacerdotis, non caprum, sed vitulum; de quo vitulo etiam sanguinem, similiter ut pro peccato sacerdotis, ad tangenda cornua altaris incensi praecepit inferri (Cf. Lev 4, 3-18): et quae causa fuerit, ut pro peccato Aaron, et Moyses vitulum offerret (Cf. Lev 8, 14), et ipse Aaron alterum vitulum (Cf. Lev 9, 8), sicut pro peccato sacerdotis secundum Dei praeceptum offerri oportebat; pro peccato autem populi non vitulus, sicut praeceptum fuerat, sed hircus potius offerretur (Cf. Lev 9, 15).
But if we understand this, the question will remain why a he-goat was offered for the sin of the congregation, when God, speaking from the beginning about the sacrifices that were to be offered for sins, commanded a bullock to be offered for the sin of the congregation, as for the sin of the priest—not a he-goat, but a bullock; and of which bullock he commanded the blood too, similarly as for the priest's sin, to be brought in to touch the horns of the altar of incense (Cf. Lev 4:3–18): and what the reason was that, for Aaron's sin, Moses too offered a bullock (Cf. Lev 8:14), and Aaron himself another bullock (Cf. Lev 9:8), as it ought to be offered for the priest's sin according to God's precept; but for the people's sin not a bullock, as had been prescribed, but rather a he-goat was offered (Cf. Lev 9:15).
QsHept.3.36.3
Quod cum moveret, visum est nobis, ut supra diximus, quod non solus hircus pro peccato populi, sed et aries et vitulus offerri iussus est, ut ad ista tria subaudiatur, pro peccato: quia et principes erant in populo, pro quibus hircus fuerat offerendus: et singuli quique habere propria peccata potuerunt, pro quibus aries; et unum aliquod peccatum omnes, pro quibus vitulus, sicut ab initio praeceptum fuerat, pro peccato universae synagogae vitulum offerri oportebat (Cf. Lev 4, 13-21). Ideo autem cum immolata sunt, hircus tantummodo nominatur, ut alia etiam tacita intellegerentur, locutione a parte totum, quia omnia fuerant pro peccatis.
Since this troubled us, it seemed to us, as we said above, that not the he-goat alone was commanded to be offered for the people's sin, but also the ram and the bullock, so that "for sin" is to be supplied for these three: because there were both rulers in the people, for whom the he-goat was to be offered; and each individual could have his own sins, for which the ram; and all could have some one sin, for which the bullock, as had been prescribed from the beginning, that a bullock ought to be offered for the sin of the whole congregation (Cf. Lev 4:13–21). But for this reason, when they were immolated, the he-goat alone is named, so that the others too, though unmentioned, might be understood, by the idiom of the whole from a part, because all were for sins.
QsHept.3.36.3
Quomodo aqua immundum faciat, an et ipsa immunda sit dicenda.
How water makes a thing unclean, and whether it too is to be called unclean.
37. (11, 33-34) Cum ageret de morticinis immundorum animalium: et omne vas fictile, inquit, in quo ceciderit ex eis intus, quaecumque sunt intus immunda erunt; et illud conteretur, id est, ipsum vas. Et omnis cibus qui manducatur, in quemcumque venerit super illum aqua, immundus erit vobis. Non quaecumque aqua intellegenda est, quae si supervenerit cibo, facit eum immundum; sed ex illo vase quod factum est immundum de morticinis immundis, si forte ipsum vas habuit aquam.
37. (11, 33-34) When he treated of the carcasses of unclean animals: and every earthen vessel, he says, into the inside of which any of them shall fall, whatever is inside shall be unclean; and it shall be broken, that is, the vessel itself. And all food that is eaten, upon which water from it shall come, shall be unclean to you. It is not any water at all that is to be understood, which, if it come upon food, makes it unclean; but water from that vessel which was made unclean by the unclean carcasses, if the vessel itself happened to have water in it.
QsHept.3.36.3
Quae sint animalia vivificantia.
What animals are live-bearing.
38. (11, 47) Instruere filios Israel inter vivificantia quae manducantur, et inter vivificantia quae non manducantur: quae Graecus habet ζωογονοῦντα, nostri quidam vivificantia interpretari maluerunt, quia utcumque hoc verbum noster usus recepit, quam facere novum insolitum, si dici posset vivigignentia. Non enim quae vivificant, id est vivere faciunt, sed quae vivos fetus gignunt, id est non ova, sed pullos, dicuntur ζωογονοῦντα.
38. (11, 47) To instruct the children of Israel between the live-bearing animals that are eaten, and the live-bearing animals that are not eaten: which the Greek has as ζωογονοῦντα, some of our people preferred to render live-bearing, because this word our usage has somehow received, rather than to make an unfamiliar new one, if one could say "living-begetting." For those things are called ζωογονοῦντα which do not vivify, that is, make to live, but which beget living offspring, that is, not eggs but young.
QsHept.3.36.3
Quid sit quod ait de muliere quae peperit.
What it means that he says about the woman who has given birth.
39. (12, 4) Quid est quod ait de muliere quae peperit: omne sanctum non tanget, et in sanctuarium non introibit? Quod sanctuarium vult intellegi; cum legatur in tabernaculum nonnisi sacerdotes solere ingredi, et usque ad velum interius secundum, ultra velum autem ipsum ubi erat Arca, nonnisi unum summum sacerdotem? An et ante tabernaculum, ubi erat altare sacrificiorum, sanctuarium dici potuit? Nam saepe appellatur locus sanctus etiam ipsum atrium, cum dicitur: in loco sancto edent ea (Lev 6, 26). Illuc fortassis solebant intrare mulieres, quando offerebant dona sua, quae imponerentur altari.
39. (12, 4) What does it mean that he says about the woman who has given birth: she shall touch nothing holy, and shall not enter into the sanctuary? What sanctuary does he mean to be understood; when it is read that only the priests were wont to enter the tabernacle, and as far as the inner second veil, but beyond the veil itself where the Ark was, none but the one high priest? Or could the area before the tabernacle too, where the altar of sacrifices was, be called the sanctuary? For often even the courtyard itself is called a holy place, when it is said: in a holy place they shall eat them (Lev 6:26). There, perhaps, women were wont to enter, when they offered their gifts, which were to be placed upon the altar.
QsHept.3.36.3
Quid est quod ait: Si masculum pepererit, immunda erit septem diebus, etc.
What it means that he says: If she bears a male, she shall be unclean seven days, and so forth.
40. 1. (12, 2-8) Quid est quod dicit: si masculum pepererit mulier, immunda erit septem dies; secundum dies secessionis purgationis eius immunda erit: et in die octavo circumcidet carnem praeputii eius; et triginta et tres dies sedebit in sanguine suo mundo. Omne quod sanctum est non continget, et in sanctuarium non introibit? Quae differentia est inter septem dies illos quibus dicit eam immundam, et triginta tres quibus in sanguine suo mundo sedebit? Si enim iam immunda non est per triginta tres dies, quare non tangit quod sanctum est? An hoc adhuc interest, quia in sanguine est, licet mundo: ut hoc distet, quia cum immunda est, ubicumque etiam sederit, immundum facit; cum vero iam in sanguine mundo sedet, tantum quod sanctum est non ei licet tangere, et in sanctuarium intrare? Hoc est enim quod ait: secundum dies secessionis purgationis suae, quoniam dicit alio loco, immunditiam feminae quae menstruis purgatur, septem dierum esse, quando omne super quod sederit immundum erit (Cf. Lev 15, 19-23). Secessionis autem dicit, quoniam secedebat aliquantum, ne omnia coinquinaret, cum perageret illos dies. Hos dies immunditiae eius, si feminam pareret, Lex duplicabat, et quatuordecim faciebat: reliquos autem quibus sedebat in sanguine mundo suo, etiam ipsos duplices iusserat observari, id est sexaginta sex, ut omnes essent in partu masculi quadraginta, in feminae octoginta. Aliqui autem codices graeci non habent, in sanguine mundo suo; sed, in sanguine immundo suo.
40. 1. (12, 2-8) What does it mean that he says: if a woman bears a male, she shall be unclean seven days; according to the days of the separation of her purification she shall be unclean: and on the eighth day he shall circumcise the flesh of his foreskin; and for thirty-three days she shall sit in her clean blood. She shall touch nothing that is holy, and shall not enter into the sanctuary? What difference is there between those seven days during which he says she is unclean, and the thirty-three during which she shall sit in her clean blood? For if she is no longer unclean for the thirty-three days, why does she not touch what is holy? Or is there still this difference, that she is in blood, though clean: so that this is the distinction, that when she is unclean, wherever she sits she makes it unclean; but when she now sits in clean blood, only this is not permitted her—to touch what is holy, and to enter into the sanctuary? For this is what he means by according to the days of the separation of her purification, since he says in another place that the uncleanness of a woman who is purified by her monthly courses is of seven days, when everything upon which she sits will be unclean (Cf. Lev 15:19–23). He says of separation, because she withdrew somewhat, lest she defile everything, while she was passing those days. These days of her uncleanness, if she bore a female, the Law doubled, and made fourteen: but the rest, during which she sat in her clean blood, it had likewise commanded to be observed double, that is, sixty-six, so that all should be in the birth of a male forty, in that of a female eighty. But some Greek codices do not have in her clean blood, but in her unclean blood.
QsHept.3.36.3
40. 2. Et cum adimpleti fuerint dies purgationis eius, super filio aut super filia offeret agnum anniculum sine macula in holocaustum, et pullum columbinum aut turturem, pro peccato, ad ostium tabernaculi testimonii ad sacerdotem: et offeret eum ante Dominum, et exorabit pro ea sacerdos, et purgabit eam a fonte sanguinis eius. Ista Lex eius quae peperit masculum aut feminam. Si autem non invenerit manus eius quod satis est in agnum, et accipiet duos turtures, aut duos pullos columbinos; unum in holocaustum, et unum pro peccato: et exorabit pro ea sacerdos, et purgabitur. Recte ergo superius non legendum est: offeret agnum anniculum sine macula in holocaustum, aut pullum columbinum aut turturem pro peccato, sicut nonnulli codices habent; sed sicut dictum est, et pullum columbinum aut turturem pro peccato: quandoquidem postea dicit: si non invenerit manus eius quod satis est ad agnum, et accipiet duos turtures: ubi plus videtur habere et; nam ea coniunctione detracta, integre sequitur, accipiet duos turtures aut duos pullos columbinos, unam avem scilicet in holocaustum, alteram pro peccato.
40. 2. And when the days of her purification shall be fulfilled, for a son or for a daughter she shall offer a year-old lamb without blemish for a holocaust, and a young pigeon or a turtledove, for sin, at the door of the tabernacle of testimony to the priest: and he shall offer it before the Lord, and the priest shall make atonement for her, and shall purify her from the fountain of her blood. This is the law of her who bears a male or a female. But if her hand does not find what is enough for a lamb, she shall take two turtledoves, or two young pigeons; one for a holocaust, and one for sin: and the priest shall make atonement for her, and she shall be purified. Rightly, then, above it is not to be read: she shall offer a year-old lamb without blemish for a holocaust, or a young pigeon or a turtledove for sin, as some codices have; but as it is said, and a young pigeon or a turtledove for sin: since afterward he says: if her hand does not find what is enough for a lamb, she shall take two turtledoves: where the word and seems superfluous; for when that conjunction is removed, it follows soundly, she shall take two turtledoves or two young pigeons, one bird, namely, for a holocaust, the other for sin.
QsHept.3.36.3
40. 3. Sed quo peccato? Numquid peperisse peccatum est? An hic ostenditur illa propago ex Adam, unde Apostolus dicit: ex uno in condemnationem (Rom 5, 16); et quia per unum hominem peccatum intravit in mundum, et per peccatum mors, et ita in omnes homines pertransiit (Rom 5, 12)? Et hic satis apparet quemadmodum dictum sit: ego enim in iniquitatibus conceptus sum, et in peccatis mater mea in utero me aluit (Ps 50, 7). Cur ergo non illud quod natum est purgari dicit Scriptura per hoc sacrificium, sed ipsam quae peperit? An ad ipsam quidem, unde illa origo trahebatur, relata purgatio est propter sanguinis fontem; non poterat tamen sine ipsius fetus purgatione fieri, qui ex ipso sanguine exortus est? Nam quo pertinet quod superius ait: super filio aut super filia offeret agnum anniculum sine macula in holocaustum, et pullum columbinum aut turturem pro peccato, si nihil per hoc sacrificium fiebat pro eis qui nascebantur?
40. 3. But for what sin? Is it a sin to have given birth? Or is that propagation from Adam here shown, of which the Apostle says: from one to condemnation (Rom 5:16); and because through one man sin entered into the world, and through sin death, and so it passed upon all men (Rom 5:12)? And here it appears well enough how it was said: for I was conceived in iniquities, and in sins my mother nourished me in the womb (Ps 51 (50):7). Why, then, does Scripture not say that what was born is purified by this sacrifice, but rather the woman herself who gave birth? Or was the purification indeed referred to her, from whom that origin was drawn, on account of the fountain of blood; yet could it not be done without the purification of the offspring itself, which arose from that very blood? For to what does it pertain that he said above: for a son or for a daughter she shall offer a year-old lamb without blemish for a holocaust, and a young pigeon or a turtledove for sin, if nothing was done by this sacrifice for those who were born?
QsHept.3.40.3
40. 4. Quod si quisquam ita distinguere conabitur, ut dicat non esse iungendum: super filio aut super filia offeret agnum anniculum sine macula in holocaustum, et pullum columbinum pro peccato; sed ita potius legendum: et cum adimpleti fuerint dies purgationis eius super filio aut super filia, id est dies purgationis impleti fuerint super illo aut super illa, filio scilicet vel filia; ut deinde ab alio sensu sequatur: offeret agnum anniculum sine macula in holocaustum, et pullum columbinum pro peccato, id est, pro peccato suo, cum completi fuerint dies purgationis eius super filio aut super filia: quisquis ergo ita distinguendum putaverit, ex Evangelio convincetur, ubi cum tale aliquid nato ex virgine Domino facerent, magis propter consuetudinem Legis, quam propter necessitatem alicuius in eo expiandi purgandique peccati, sic legitur: et cum inducerent puerum Iesum parentes eius, ut facerent secundum consuetudinem Legis pro eo (Lc 2, 27): non dictum est, "pro matre eius," sed, pro eo; quamvis ea fierent quae hoc loco praecepta sunt de duobus turturibus aut duobus pullis columbinis.
40. 4. But if anyone tries to construe it so as to say that it is not to be joined: for a son or for a daughter she shall offer a year-old lamb without blemish for a holocaust, and a young pigeon for sin; but rather is to be read thus: and when the days of her purification shall be fulfilled for a son or for a daughter, that is, when the days of purification shall be fulfilled over him or over her, namely the son or daughter; so that then, from another sense, it follows: she shall offer a year-old lamb without blemish for a holocaust, and a young pigeon for sin, that is, for her own sin, when the days of her purification over the son or the daughter shall be completed—whoever, then, shall think it is to be construed thus, will be refuted from the Gospel, where, when they did some such thing for the Lord who was born of a virgin, more on account of the custom of the Law than on account of any necessity of expiating and purifying sin in him, it is read thus: and when his parents brought in the boy Jesus, to do for him according to the custom of the Law (Luke 2:27): it is not said "for his mother," but for him; although those things were done which are here prescribed about two turtledoves or two young pigeons.
QsHept.3.40.4
Sic enim baptizari ipse etiam dignatus est baptismo Ioannis, qui erat baptismus poenitentiae in remissionem peccatorum (Cf. Mt 3, 11-13), quamvis nullum haberet ille peccatum. Merito ergo quidam nostri ita interpretati sunt etiam istum in Levitico locum, ut non dicerent, super filio aut super filia; sed, pro filio aut pro filia. Hanc enim vim huius praepositionis esse intellexerunt hoc loco, ubi Graecus ait: [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. Sane advertendum est quam pauper Dominus nasci voluerit, ut non pro illo offerretur agnus et pullus columbinus aut turtur, sed par turturum aut duo pulli columbini, sicut in Evangelio legitur (Lc 2, 24); quod Scriptura Levitici tunc iussit offerri, si non habuerit manus offerentis quod satis est in agnum.
For so even he himself deigned to be baptized with the baptism of John, which was a baptism of repentance for the remission of sins (Cf. Matt 3:11–13), although he had no sin. Rightly, then, some of our people rendered this passage in Leviticus too so as not to say for a son or for a daughter (over), but on behalf of a son or on behalf of a daughter. For they understood this to be the force of this preposition in this passage, where the Greek says: [MISSING GREEK TEXT]. It is indeed to be noted how poor the Lord willed to be born, so that for him there was not offered a lamb and a young pigeon or a turtledove, but a pair of turtledoves or two young pigeons, as is read in the Gospel (Luke 2:24); which the Scripture of Leviticus commanded to be offered then, if the hand of the one offering did not have what is enough for a lamb.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quomodo alterum alterius sit expositivum Lev 13, 20.
How the one is explanatory of the other, Leviticus 13:20.
41. (13, 2) Homini si cui facta fuerit in cute corporis eius cicatrix signi lucida, et fuerit in cute coloris eius tactus leprae. Velut exponendo dixit posterius, unde quod primum dixerat intellegeretur, quoniam dixerat: homini si cui facta fuerit in cute corporis eius cicatrix signi lucida, ne cicatricem sic intellegeremus, quomodo solet esse vestigium sanati vulneris, aperuit hoc se de colore dicere, cum adiunxit: et fuerit in cute coloris eius tactus leprae.
41. (13, 2) If in any man there be made in the skin of his body a shining scar of a mark, and there be in the skin of its color a touch of leprosy. As though by way of explanation he said the latter, so that what he had said first might be understood; for, since he had said, if in any man there be made in the skin of his body a shining scar of a mark, lest we should understand "scar" as the trace usually left by a healed wound is wont to be, he made clear that he was speaking of color, when he added: and there be in the skin of its color a touch of leprosy.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quidquid ergo illud est, coloris vitium est, quod nomine cicatricis appellat. Quod vero ait, tactus leprae, non quod tactu color sentiatur; sed ita dicit tactum leprae, tamquam ipse homo vel corpus eius lepra sit tactum, hoc est maculatum atque vitiatum: sicut dici solet: "tetigit eum," vel "non tetigit febris." Denique ipsam maculam, tactum vocat, et eam semper isto nomine appellat. Unde nonnulli nostri non tactum, sed maculam interpretati sunt: quo nomine quidem planius videretur sonare quod legitur; sed potuit et Graecus non dicere ἀφήν, id est tactum, sed μῶμον, id est maculam, unde ἄμωμον dicit "immaculatum": quamquam non ab illo solo quod in colore contingit, sed ab omni vitio purum solet Scriptura ἄμωμον dicere; unde non maculam coloris, sed omnis vitii notam vult intellegi, quod μῶμον appellat. Posset ergo quod ad solum colorem attinet σπίλον dicere; quo verbo usus est Apostolus, ubi ait de Ecclesia: non habentem maculam aut rugam (Eph 5, 27).
Whatever, then, it is, it is a defect of color which he calls by the name of "scar." But as for his saying a touch of leprosy, it is not that the color is perceived by touch; rather he says a touch of leprosy as though the man himself, or his body, were touched by leprosy, that is, stained and marred: as it is wont to be said, "the fever touched him," or "did not touch him." In short, the spot itself he calls a "touch," and always calls it by this name. Hence some of our people rendered not touch but spot: by which name what is read would indeed seem to sound plainer; but the Greek too could have said not ἀφήν, that is touch, but μῶμον, that is blemish, whence it says ἄμωμον, "unblemished": although Scripture is wont to call ἄμωμον that which is pure not from that alone which occurs in color, but from every defect; whence by μῶμον it means not a spot of color, but the mark of every defect to be understood. It could, then, for what pertains to color alone, say σπίλον; which word the Apostle used, where he says of the Church: not having spot or wrinkle (Eph 5:27).
QsHept.3.40.4
Nec μῶμον autem, nec σπίλον dixit, sed ἀφήν, id est tactum: quod et in Graeca lingua inusitate dicitur in coloribus, et tamen hoc Septuaginta interpretes non piguit graece dicere; cur ergo Latinos piguerit? Quod autem dicitur cicatrix signi, vel ideo dicitur, quod significet aliquid; vel ideo potius, quod ipsum hominem signo quodam discernit a caeteris, hoc est, notabilem reddit.
But he said neither μῶμον nor σπίλον, but ἀφήν, that is touch: which even in the Greek language is said unusually of colors, and yet the Septuagint translators were not loath to say this in Greek; why, then, should the Latins have been loath? But as to its being called a scar of a mark, it is so called either because it signifies something, or rather because it marks off the man himself from the rest by a certain sign, that is, renders him notable.
QsHept.3.40.4
De verbis: et videbit sacerdos et inquinabit eum, etc.
Concerning the words: and the priest shall see, and shall defile him, and so forth.
42. (13, 3) Quid est quod ait: et videbit sacerdos, et inquinabit eum? ad quem veniet ut mundetur. Sed inquinabit dictum est, "inquinatum pronuntiabit," si haec in eo viderit, quae Scriptura dicit de macula leprae.
42. (13, 3) What does it mean that he says: and the priest shall see, and shall defile him? to whom he will come to be cleansed. But shall defile is said for "shall pronounce defiled," if he sees in him those things which Scripture says about the spot of leprosy.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quid est lucidus albus color, etc.
What the bright white color is, and so forth.
43. (13, 4. 7. 2) Si autem lucidus albus erit in cute coloris eius, et humilis non fuerit aspectus eius a cute. Lucidus albus subauditur "tactus," id est, illa macula coloris, non pilus. Quod postea dicit: si autem conversa mutata fuerit significatio in cute; hanc dicit significationem, quod superius signum in latino legitur. Nam Graecus et supra et hic uno eodemque verbo usus est, [MISSING GREEK TEXT] dicens.
43. (13, 4. 7. 2) But if there be a bright white in the skin of its color, and its appearance be not lower than the skin. Bright white—"touch" is to be supplied, that is, that spot of color, not a hair. As to what he afterward says, but if the signification be turned and changed in the skin; he calls "signification" what above is read in Latin as mark. For the Greek both above and here used one and the same word, saying [MISSING GREEK TEXT].
QsHept.3.40.4
De verbis: et segregabit illum sacerdos septem diebus secundo et videbit, etc.
Concerning the words: and the priest shall separate him seven days a second time, and shall see, and so forth.
44. (13, 5-6) Et segregabit illum sacerdos septem diebus in secundo; et videbit illum sacerdos die septimo in secundo: et ecce obscurus tactus non est conversus tactus in cute; et purgabit eum sacerdos: signum enim est: hoc est, purgatum eum, pronuntiabit; non enim est lepra, sed signum.
44. (13, 5-6) And the priest shall separate him seven days a second time; and the priest shall see him on the seventh day a second time: and behold, the touch is dim, the touch has not turned in the skin; and the priest shall purify him: for it is a mark: that is, he shall pronounce him cleansed; for it is not leprosy, but a mark.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quomodo iterum dicatur: inquinabit eum, etc.
How it is said again: he shall defile him, and so forth.
45. (13, 7-8) Si autem conversa mutata fuerit significatio in cute, posteaquam vidit illum sacerdos ut purget illum: et visus fuerit denuo sacerdoti, et viderit eum sacerdos, et ecce commutata significatio in cute; et inquinabit eum sacerdos: lepra est. Etiam hic inquinabit dixit, "inquinatum pronuntiabit": et autem plus habet, ex more locutionis Scripturae. Hoc itaque videtur admonuisse, ut cum visus fuerit solus color albus et lucidus, discolor sano colori, adhuc probetur a sacerdote, ut si viderit etiam pilum mutatum in album colorem, et humiliorem factum cutis locum, in quo est albus color, tunc pronuntiet lepram, id est, inquinet hominem pronuntiando leprosum.
45. (13, 7-8) But if the signification be turned and changed in the skin, after the priest has seen him so as to cleanse him: and he be seen again by the priest, and the priest see him, and behold, the signification is changed in the skin; the priest shall defile him: it is leprosy. Here too he said shall defile for "shall pronounce defiled": and and is superfluous, by the manner of Scripture's speech. By this, then, he seems to have given notice that, when only the white and bright color is seen, of a different hue from the healthy color, it should still be tested by the priest, so that if he sees the hair too changed to a white color, and the place of the skin in which the white color is made lower, then he should pronounce leprosy, that is, defile the man by pronouncing him leprous.
QsHept.3.40.4
Si autem, inquit, lucidus albus fuerit in cute coloris eius, id est, lucidus albus fuerit ille tactus; quo nomine eamdem maculam appellat: et humilis non fuerit aspectus eius a cute; et pilus non erit conversus in album, ipse autem est obscurus, id est ipse pilus, quia non est albus: et segregabit sacerdos tactum septem dies; et videbit sacerdos tactum die septimo, id est illam maculam: et ecce tactus manet ante eum; non commutatus est tactus in cute, id est, non est discolor et dissimilis inventus a cute.
But if, he says, there be a bright white in the skin of its color, that is, if that touch be bright white; by which name he calls the same spot: and its appearance be not lower than the skin; and the hair be not turned to white, but it is dim, that is, the hair itself, because it is not white: and the priest shall separate the touch seven days; and the priest shall see the touch on the seventh day, that is, that spot: and behold, the touch remains before him; the touch has not been changed in the skin, that is, it is not found of a different hue and unlike the skin.
QsHept.3.40.4
Ergo sanatum est quod vitiosum erat: sed adhuc iubet probari eamdem sanitatem per alios septem dies, atque ideo sequitur et dicit: et segregabit illum sacerdos septem dies in secundo, id est septem alios dies; et videbit illum sacerdos die septimo in secundo: et ecce obscurus tactus, id est, quia non albus et lucidus, ac per hoc concolor sano colori; non est mutatus tactus, in cute, sicut et paulo ante dixit, hoc est non est dissimilis a caetera cute: et purgabit eum sacerdos, id est, purgatum pronuntiabit a suspicione leprae; non quod habuerit lepram, quam iam non habet, sed quoniam lepra non fuit, quod in illo lucido et albo colore tactus, id est maculae illius quae apparuerat, cum exspectaretur utrum humilior fieret locus, et pilus illic in album converteretur, non contigit, sed potius ille tactus qui fuit ante lucidus et albus, obscurus inventus est, id est similis caetero colori, non lucidus:
Therefore what was defective has been healed: but still he commands the same soundness to be tested through another seven days, and therefore it follows and says: and the priest shall separate him seven days a second time, that is, another seven days; and the priest shall see him on the seventh day a second time: and behold, the touch is dim, that is, because it is not white and bright, and through this of the same hue as the healthy color; the touch has not been changed in the skin, as he also said a little before, that is, it is not unlike the rest of the skin: and the priest shall purify him, that is, he shall pronounce him cleansed from the suspicion of leprosy; not that he had leprosy, which he no longer has, but because it was not leprosy, in that, in that bright and white color of the touch, that is, of that spot which had appeared, when it was awaited whether the place would become lower and the hair there be turned to white, this did not happen, but rather that touch which had before been bright and white was found dim, that is, like the rest of the color, not bright:
QsHept.3.40.4
non erat ergo lepra, signum est enim, non lepra, quod sic apparuerit: tamen etiam propter hoc purgatus a suspicione leprae, lavabit vestimenta sua; quia et in illo signo aliquid fuit, propter quod lavanda fuerant vestimenta; et mundus erit.
there was, then, no leprosy, for it is a mark, not leprosy, that has appeared in this way: yet on this account too, though cleansed from the suspicion of leprosy, he shall wash his garments; because in that mark too there was something on account of which the garments had to be washed; and he shall be clean.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quomodo mutata dicetur significatio leprae.
How the signification of leprosy is said to be changed.
46. (13, 7-8) Deinde sequitur: si autem conversa mutata fuerit significatio in cute, posteaquam vidit illum sacerdos ut purget illum; id est, posteaquam vidit eum sacerdos septimo die prius sanum, ut purgaret illum, mutata est illa significatio, id est illud signum in cute: et visus fuerit in secundo sacerdoti, id est post alios septem dies: et viderit eum sacerdos, et ecce commutata est significatio in cute, id est, non stetit in illa sanitate, in qua eum viderat post primos septem dies. Et inquinabit illum sacerdos: lepra est.
46. (13, 7-8) Then it follows: but if the signification be turned and changed in the skin, after the priest has seen him so as to cleanse him; that is, after the priest saw him on the seventh day previously healthy, so as to cleanse him, that signification was changed, that is, that mark in the skin: and he be seen a second time by the priest, that is, after another seven days: and the priest see him, and behold, the signification is changed in the skin, that is, it did not remain in that soundness in which he had seen him after the first seven days. And the priest shall defile him: it is leprosy.
QsHept.3.40.4
Iam hic quoniam illud quod visum fuerat post primos septem dies sanum, non stetit in suo, sed mutatum est in pristinum vitium, lepra pronuntiatur; ita ut non illic exspectetur vel locus humilior, vel pilus in album conversus. Cum enim lepra non sit notabilis atque vitiosa, nisi varietas; hoc ipsum de vitioso colore redire ad sanum, et de sano redire ad vitiosum, ita notabile est, ut non ibi fuerit exspectandum, quod in primo exspectari praeceperat, de humiliori loco et pili candore, sed iam etiam ista varietate sine dubitatione sit lepra.
Here, now, because what had appeared healthy after the first seven days did not remain in its state but was changed back into its former defect, leprosy is pronounced; so that there one does not wait either for a lower place or for a hair turned to white. For since leprosy is not notable and defective except by variegation, this very thing—to return from a defective color to a healthy one, and from a healthy one to return to a defective one—is so notable that one was not to wait there for what he had commanded to be waited for in the first instance, namely a lower place and the whiteness of the hair, but now, even by this variegation, it is without doubt leprosy.
QsHept.3.40.4
Item de eadem re.
Likewise on the same matter.
47. (13, 9-17) Deinde sequitur: et tactus leprae si fuerit in homine, veniet ad sacerdotem: et videbit sacerdos; et ecce cicatrix alba in cute; et haec mutavit capillum album, et a sano carnis vivae in cicatrice. Hinc si subtrahamus et, more enim locutionis Scripturarum positum est, iste erit sensus: et videbit sacerdos; et ecce cicatrix alba in cute; et haec mutavit capillum album a sano carnis vivae in cicatrice. Ordo est: mutavit capillum album in cicatrice a sano carnis vivae; id est, cum caro viva et sana habeat capillum obscurum, vel nigrum, haec cicatrix album habet.
47. (13, 9-17) Then it follows: and if there be a touch of leprosy in a man, he shall come to the priest: and the priest shall see; and behold, a white scar in the skin; and this has changed the hair white, and from the soundness of the living flesh into a scar. If from this we remove and—for it is set down by the manner of Scripture's speech—this will be the sense: and the priest shall see; and behold, a white scar in the skin; and this has changed the hair white from the soundness of the living flesh into a scar. The order is: it has changed the hair white in the scar from the soundness of the living flesh; that is, whereas the living and sound flesh has dark or black hair, this scar has white hair.
QsHept.3.40.4
Lepra veterascens est in cute coloris eius: et inquinabit eum sacerdos, id est, inquinatum pronuntiabit. Non segregabit eum, quia immundus est: hoc videtur dicere, quia ubi inventus fuerit pilus in album mutatus concolor albo vitio cutis, iam non segregatur, ut probetur; nec exspectatur utrum etiam humilior fiat locus; sed ex hoc tantum quod alba est cutis discolor caeterae, et album habet pilum discolorem caeteris qui sunt in carne viva et sana, lepra veterascens pronuntiatur: ideo veterascens, quia iam non est probanda illis bis septem diebus.
It is an old leprosy in the skin of his color: and the priest shall defile him, that is, shall pronounce him defiled. He shall not separate him, because he is unclean: this he seems to say, because where the hair has been found changed to white, of the same hue as the white defect of the skin, he is no longer separated to be tested; nor is it awaited whether the place will also become lower; but from this alone, that the skin is white, of a different hue from the rest, and has white hair of a different hue from the rest which are in living and sound flesh, an old leprosy is pronounced: "old" for this reason, that it is no longer to be tested through those twice-seven days.
QsHept.3.40.4
Si autem restitutus fuerit color sanus, et conversus fuerit albus: quoniam dixerat totum album factum per totam cutem, eo ipso iam mundum esse; quia varietas ibi iam non esset.
But if the healthy color be restored, and it be turned white: since he had said that, the whole having become white throughout the whole skin, by that very fact he is now clean; because there would no longer be any variegation there.
QsHept.3.40.4
Deinde ait: et quacumque die visus fuerit in eo color vivus, inquinabitur: ubi satis ostendit varietatem improbari.
Then he says: and on whatever day the living color be seen in him, he shall be defiled: where he shows well enough that variegation is disapproved.
QsHept.3.40.4
Ac per hoc quod modo dixit: si autem restitutus fuerit color sanus, et conversus fuerit albus, et veniet ad sacerdotem; et videbit sacerdos: et ecce conversus tactus in album; et purgabit sacerdos tactum; mundus est. Restitutum colorem sanum non debemus accipere, ut color sanus esset; iam enim ipse erat per quem tamen fiebat immundus propter varietatem.
And through this what he has just said: but if the healthy color be restored, and it be turned white, and he shall come to the priest; and the priest shall see: and behold, the touch has turned to white; and the priest shall purify the touch; he is clean. We ought not to take "the healthy color restored" to mean that the healthy color was there; for it was already that very color through which, nevertheless, he was being made unclean on account of the variegation.
QsHept.3.40.4
Restitutum ergo dixit colorem sanum, ut illud esset quod fuerat, id est albus sano pereunte. Tunc enim rursus mundus erit, cum totus albus fuerit, quia nulla ibi varietas erit. Sed "restitutum" pro "pereunte" accipere, nimis inusitata locutio est. Magis enim videtur dicere debuisse: "si autem restitutus fuerit color albus": nunc vere ait, restitutus sanus, et conversus fuerit albus; tamquam diceret: "sanus color si restitutus fuerit in album."
He therefore said "the healthy color restored" so that it should be what it had been, that is, white, the healthy color perishing. For then again he will be clean, when the whole has become white, because there will be no variegation there. But to take "restored" for "perishing" is too unusual an expression. For he seems rather to have had to say: "but if the white color be restored": yet he in fact says, the healthy color restored, and it be turned white; as though he said: "if the healthy color be restored into white."
QsHept.3.40.4
Cum de lepra capitis loqueretur eam etiam quassationem appellavit.
When he spoke of leprosy of the head, he also called it a battering.
48. (13, 30) Quid est, quod cum de lepra capitis loqueretur, eam etiam quassationem appellavit, cum in solo colore fiat, vel cutis vel capillorum, et quod humilior aspectus eius a caetera cute appareat, sine dolore tamen et sine ulla vexatione? An hoc quod immundum est quassationem voluit appellare pro plaga, velut hac immunditia homo percussus sit?
48. (13, 30) What does it mean that, when he spoke of leprosy of the head, he also called it a battering, although it occurs only in color, whether of the skin or of the hair, and although its appearance seems lower than the rest of the skin, yet without pain and without any vexation? Or did he mean to call what is unclean a "battering" for a "blow," as though the man had been struck by this uncleanness?
QsHept.3.40.4
Quod dicit de lepra vestimentorum aliarumque rerum, etc.
What he says about the leprosy of garments and other things, and so forth.
49. (13, 47-48) Quid sibi vult, quod cum diceret de lepra vestimentorum aliarumque rerum ad usus hominum pertinentium, ait: aut in vestimento laneo, aut in vestimento stuppeo, aut in stamine, aut in lana, aut in lineis, aut in laneis; cum iam supra dixisset, in vestimento laneo, aut in vestimento stuppeo? Nam stuppeum est utique lineum. An illic vestimenta intellegi voluit; hic autem quodlibet laneum et quodlibet lineum? Non enim vestimenta sunt stramina iumentorum, cum sint lanea; aut vestimenta sunt retia, cum sint linea. Prius ergo specialiter de vestimentis, deinde generaliter de omnibus rebus laneis et lineis dicere voluit.
49. (13, 47-48) What does it mean that, when he spoke of the leprosy of garments and of other things pertaining to the uses of men, he says: either in a woolen garment, or in a tow garment, or in the warp, or in the wool, or in linens, or in woolens; when he had already said above, in a woolen garment, or in a tow garment? For tow is surely linen. Or did he mean garments to be understood there, but here any woolen thing and any linen thing whatever? For the saddlecloths of beasts are not garments, though they be woolen; nor are nets garments, though they be linen. First, then, he meant to speak specifically of garments, then generally of all woolen and linen things.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quid dixerit: In omni operaria pelle.
What he meant by: In any workable skin.
50. (13, 48) Quaeritur quid dixerit: in omni operaria pelle; quod nonnulli interpretati sunt: in omni confecta pelle. Sed non ait Graecus: ἐργασμένῳ δέρματι, ait autem: ἐργασίμῳ, quod verbum etiam in Regnorum libro positum est, ubi Ionathan loquitur ad David: esto in agro in die operaria (1 Reg 20, 19), id est, in die qua fit opus. Ac per hoc etiam hic pellem operariam in qua fit opus debemus accipere, id est alicui operi accommodatam. Sunt enim pelles quae tantummodo ad ornamentum habentur, non ad opus.
50. (13, 48) It is asked what he meant by: in any workable skin; which some rendered: in any prepared skin. But the Greek does not say ἐργασμένῳ δέρματι, but says ἐργασίμῳ, which word is also set down in the book of Kings, where Jonathan says to David: be in the field on the workable day (1 Sam 20:19), that is, on the day on which work is done. And through this here too we ought to take a workable skin as one on which work is done, that is, one fitted for some work. For there are skins which are had only for ornament, not for work.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quomodo graece dicatur in omni operaria pelle.
How it is said in Greek, in any workable skin.
51. (13, 49) Quid est quod ait: in omni vase operario pellis; nisi quod est ex pelle factum, hoc est in omni vase pelliceo? Hoc autem isto loco vas dicit, quod Graeci appellant σκεῦος; hoc enim nomen generale est omnium utensilium. Aliud est autem quod appellatur ἀγγεῖον; nam et hoc Latina lingua vas dicitur: sed ἀγγεῖον, illud magis intellegitur vas quod liquorem capit.
51. (13, 49) What does it mean that he says: in any workable vessel of skin; if not what is made of skin, that is, in any leathern vessel? But in this passage he says vessel for what the Greeks call σκεῦος; for this name is general for all utensils. But it is another thing that is called ἀγγεῖον; for this too is called a vessel in the Latin language: but ἀγγεῖον is rather understood as the vessel that holds liquid.
QsHept.3.40.4
De verbis: Et quemcumque tetigerit qui fluorem seminis patitur, etc.
Concerning the words: And whomever he touches who suffers an issue of seed, and so forth.
52. (15, 11) Quid est quod ait: et quemcumque tetigerit qui fluorem seminis patitur, et manus suas non lavit aqua, lavabit vestimenta, et lavabit corpus suum aqua, et immundus erit usque in vesperam? Ambigue quippe positum est quod ait, manus suas non lavit aqua, velut posteaquam tetigerit. Sed intellegendum est, "quemcumque non lotis manibus tetigerit, ipse quem tetigerit, lavabit vestimenta," etc.
52. (15, 11) What does it mean that he says: and whomever he touches who suffers an issue of seed, and has not washed his hands with water, shall wash his garments, and shall wash his body with water, and shall be unclean until evening? For it is set down ambiguously, his saying has not washed his hands with water, as though after he has touched. But it is to be understood, "whomever he touches with unwashed hands, that very one whom he touches shall wash his garments," and so forth.
QsHept.3.40.4
Quid sit quod dicitur de summo sacerdote.
What it means that is said about the high priest.
53. 1. (16, 16. 19) Quid est, quod cum praeciperet quomodo intrare deberet sacerdos summus in sanctum, quod est intra velum, ait inter caetera: et exorabit pro sanctis ab immunditiis filiorum Israel, et ab iniustitiis eorum, et de omnibus peccatis eorum? Quomodo ergo pro sanctis, si ab immunditiis filiorum Israel et ab iniustitiis eorum de omnibus peccatis eorum?
53. 1. (16, 16. 19) What does it mean that, when he prescribed how the high priest ought to enter the holy place, which is within the veil, he said among other things: and he shall make atonement for the holy ones from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, and from their iniquities, and concerning all their sins? How, then, for the holy ones, if from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel and from their iniquities concerning all their sins?
QsHept.3.40.4
An quia non ait, "pro immunditiis" filiorum Israel, sed ab immunditiis, hoc intellegendum est: exorabit pro sanctis ab immunditiis filiorum Israel, id est pro eis qui sancti sunt ab immunditiis filiorum Israel, non consentientes immunditiis eorum: non quia pro ipsis tantum exorandum erat, sed quia etiam pro ipsis, ne quisquam putaret ita fuisse sanctos, ut nihil esset unde pro eis exoraretur, quamvis essent ab immunditiis filiorum Israel et ab iniustitiis eorum alieni? De omnibus peccatis eorum, id est, quae iniustitiae veniebant de omnibus peccatis eorum.
Or is it because he does not say "for the uncleannesses" of the children of Israel, but from the uncleannesses, that this is to be understood: he shall make atonement for the holy ones from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, that is, for those who are holy from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, not consenting to their uncleannesses: not because atonement was to be made for them alone, but because it was to be made for them too, lest anyone should think they had been so holy that there was nothing for which atonement should be made for them, although they were free from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel and from their iniquities? Concerning all their sins, that is, the iniquities which came from all their sins.
QsHept.3.40.4
53. 2. Potest et iste esse sensus: exorabit pro sanctis ab immunditiis filiorum Israel; id est, ut hoc pro illis exorari intellegatur, ut ab immunditiis filiorum Israel tuti essent. Sed exorabit non potest accipi, nisi quod alio verbo dicitur, "propitiabit."
This sense too is possible: he shall make atonement for the holy ones from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel; that is, that this is to be understood as being entreated for them, namely that they should be safe from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel. But he shall make atonement can only be taken as what is said by another word, "he shall propitiate."
QsHept.3.53.2
Unde et "propitiatorium" vocatur, quod alii "exoratorium" interpretati sunt: Graece autem dicitur ἱλαστήριον. At quod hoc loco Latinus ait: exorabit pro sanctis, graecus habet ἐξιλάσεται, quod non intellegitur nisi pro peccatis. Unde scriptum est in Psalmo: qui propitius fit omnibus iniquitatibus tuis (Ps 102, 3).
Hence too it is called a "propitiatory" (propitiatorium), which others rendered "place of atonement"; but in Greek it is called Ἱλαστήριον. But what in this passage the Latin says, he shall make atonement for the holy ones, the Greek has ἐξιλάσεται, which is understood only for sins. Whence it is written in the Psalm: who is propitious to all your iniquities (Ps 103 (102):3).
QsHept.3.53.2
Hic ergo aptior sensus est, ut intellegatur sacerdos etiam pro his propitiare Deum, qui sancti sunt ab immunditiis filiorum Israel; et quia licet ita sancti sint ut immunditiis filiorum Israel et iniustitiis non consentiant, habent tamen aliquid propter quod eis necessaria sit propitiatio Dei.
Here, then, the more fitting sense is that the priest is understood to propitiate God also for those who are holy from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel; and because, although they are holy in such a way that they do not consent to the uncleannesses and iniquities of the children of Israel, they nevertheless have something on account of which God's propitiation is necessary for them.
QsHept.3.53.2
53. 3. Sane in quodam graeco invenimus: et exorabit sanctum; non, pro sanctis: et illud quidem sanctum, genere neutro, id est ἅγιον. Nam posset intellegi, exorabit sanctum Deum, et nulla esset quaestio: quomodo autem possit intellegi, exorabit hoc sanctum, difficile est dicere, nisi forte illud sanctum quidquid est quod Deus est; quia et Spiritus Sanctus, qui utique Deus est, neutro genere Graece dicitur τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον. Et forte hoc est, si tamen ille codex verior est, qui emendatior videbatur, ἐξιλάσεται τὸ ἅγιον, hoc est, τό πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, quod Latine genere neutro dici non potest. Quamvis et in tribus aliis codicibus, uno Graeco et duobus Latinis, non invenerimus, nisi quod supra diximus: exorabit pro sanctis.
In a certain Greek copy, indeed, we found: and he shall make atonement for the holy thing; not for the holy ones: and that holy thing in the neuter gender, that is ἄγιον. For it could be understood, he shall entreat the holy God, and there would be no question: but how it can be understood, he shall entreat this holy thing, is hard to say, unless perhaps that holy thing is whatever God is; because the Holy Spirit too, who is surely God, is said in Greek in the neuter gender, τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἄγιον. And perhaps this is so, if indeed that codex is the truer, which seemed the more correct, ἐξιλάσεται τὸ ἄγιον, that is, τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἄγιον, which cannot be said in Latin in the neuter gender. Although in three other codices, one Greek and two Latin, we found nothing but what we said above: he shall make atonement for the holy ones.
QsHept.3.53.3
Quod potest et sic accipi, ut non pro sanctis hominibus, sed pro iis quae sancta sunt intellegatur, id est tabernaculo ipso, et quaecumque in eis essent sanctificata Domino: ut hoc sit: exorabit pro sanctis ab immunditiis filiorum Israel, propitiabit Deum pro iis quae sanctificata sunt Domino, ab immunditiis filiorum Israel; quia in medio eorum erat tabernaculum.
This can also be taken so that it is understood not of holy men, but of those things which are holy, that is, the tabernacle itself, and whatever in them had been sanctified to the Lord: so that this is the meaning: he shall make atonement for the holy things from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, he shall propitiate God for the things that have been sanctified to the Lord, from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel; because the tabernacle was in their midst.
QsHept.3.53.3
Sic enim sequitur: nam cum dixisset: exorabit pro sanctis ab immunditiis filiorum Israel, et ab iniustitiis eorum, de omnibus peccatis eorum; continuo subiecit: et ita faciet tabernaculo testimonii quod creatum est in eis, in medio immunditiae eorum: ut ad hoc necessaria videatur illa propitiatio pro sanctis, id est pro tabernaculo et omnibus quae in eo sancta dicuntur. Nam et paulo post hoc dicit de altari, quod aspersione sanguinis mundaret illud sacerdos, et sanctificaret ab immunditiis filiorum Israel.
For so it follows: for when he had said, he shall make atonement for the holy ones from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel, and from their iniquities, concerning all their sins; he at once added: and so he shall do to the tabernacle of testimony which is created among them, in the midst of their uncleanness: so that for this purpose that propitiation for the holy ones seems necessary, that is, for the tabernacle and all the things in it that are called holy. For a little later too he says this of the altar, that by the sprinkling of blood the priest should cleanse it, and sanctify it from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel.
QsHept.3.53.3
De verbis: Et perficiens exorans sanctum.
Concerning the words: And making an end, making atonement for the holy thing.
54. (16, 20) Et perficiet exorans sanctum. Utrum perficiet sanctum? an exorans sanctum, secundum id quod supra diximus? nam et hic neutro genere Graece dictum est τὸ ἅγιον. Utrum ergo exorans Dominum perficiet sanctum, id est perfecte sanctificat quod sanctificat? an perficiet, quod ait, exorans sanctum, id est, illud sanctum quod est τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον?
54. (16, 20) And he shall make an end, making atonement for the holy thing. Will he make an end of the holy thing? Or, making atonement for the holy thing, according to what we said above? For here too it is said in Greek in the neuter gender, τὸ ἄγιον. Will he, then, making atonement to the Lord, make an end of the holy thing, that is, perfectly sanctify what he sanctifies? Or does he shall make an end—which he says—mean making atonement for the holy thing, that is, that holy thing which is τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἄγιον?
QsHept.3.53.3
De duobus hircis immolandis.
Concerning the two he-goats to be immolated.
55. (16, 8-10. 26-33) De duobus hircis, uno immolando, et alio in desertum dimittendo, quem ἀποπομπαῖον vocant, solet esse disceptatio: et a quibusdam ille immolandus in bono accipitur, ille autem dimittendus in malo.
55. (16, 8-10. 26-33) Concerning the two he-goats, one to be immolated and the other to be sent away into the desert—which they call ἀποπομπαῖον—there is wont to be dispute: and by some the one to be immolated is taken in a good sense, but the one to be sent away in a bad sense.
QsHept.3.53.3
Non tamen iste sensus ideo confirmandus est, quia homo in cuius manu in eremum hircus dimittitur, cum redierit, lavare iussus est vestimenta sua et corpus suum aqua, et sic ingredi in castra; tamquam et hoc sit indicium cur in malo sit ille hircus accipiendus, a cuius contagione homo abluendus est. Sic enim dicit abluendum et qui alterius hirci vitulique acceperit carnes, et extra castra combusserit; quia ita de illo et de vitulo fieri iubet, de quorum immolatorum sanguine fit aspersio, et sunt pro peccatis: ac per hoc non neglegenter istorum duorum hircorum distinctio in allegorica significatione tractanda est.
Yet this sense is not to be confirmed for the reason that the man in whose hand the he-goat is sent away into the wilderness is, when he returns, commanded to wash his garments and his body with water, and so to enter the camp; as though this too were an indication why that he-goat is to be taken in a bad sense, from whose contagion the man must be washed. For he likewise says that the man who has taken the flesh of the other he-goat and of the bullock, and burned it outside the camp, must be washed; because he commands it to be done thus with that one and with the bullock, of whose immolated blood the sprinkling is made, and which are for sins: and through this the distinction of these two he-goats is not to be treated negligently in its allegorical signification.
QsHept.3.53.3
Item cum constituisset diem decimum septimi mensis Sabbato Sabbatorum, quo fieret supradicta purgatio a sacerdote illo uno qui patri succedit, loquens de eodem sacerdote ait: exorabit Sanctum Sancti: quod iam nescio utrum aliter accipiendum sit, quam: "exorabit in Sancto Sancti," quodam genere locutionis; in illo scilicet sancto quo solus ipse summus sacerdos intrabat, quod est intra velum, ubi Arca erat Testimonii et altare incensi.
Likewise, when he had appointed the tenth day of the seventh month as a Sabbath of Sabbaths, on which the aforesaid purification should be made by that one priest who succeeds the father, speaking of the same priest he says: he shall make atonement for the Holy of the Holy: which I do not now know whether it is to be taken otherwise than: "he shall make atonement in the Holy of the Holy," by a certain manner of speech; namely in that holy place which the high priest alone entered, which is within the veil, where was the Ark of testimony and the altar of incense.
QsHept.3.53.3
Non enim eumdem locum tamquam Deum exorabit, sed quia ibi exorabit Deum, ita positum est: exorabit sanctum sancti. Nam et hoc genere neutro in Graeco positum est, τὸ ἅγιον τοῦ ἁγίου. An forte Spiritum Sanctum sancti Dei, hoc est, τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα τοῦ ἁγίου θεοῦ? An potius exorabit dictum est: "exorando purgabit?"
For he will not entreat that same place as though it were God, but because he will there entreat God, it is so set down: he shall make atonement for the holy of the holy. For this too is set down in Greek in the neuter gender, τὸ ἄγιον τοῦ ἁγίου. Or is it perhaps the Holy Spirit of the holy God, that is, τὸ ἄγιον πνεῦμα τοῦ ἁγίου θεοῦ? Or is it rather that he shall make atonement is said for "by entreating he shall cleanse"?
QsHept.3.53.3
Nam sic verba contexit: et exorabit Sanctum Sancti, et tabernaculum testimonii, et altare exorabit, et pro sacerdotibus et pro omni synagoga exorabit. Quomodo ergo exorabit tabernaculum et altare, nisi, ut dictum est, intellegamus, "exorando purgabit"?
For he weaves the words thus: and he shall make atonement for the Holy of the Holy, and the tabernacle of testimony, and the altar he shall make atonement, and for the priests and for the whole congregation he shall make atonement. How, then, will he make atonement for the tabernacle and the altar, unless, as has been said, we understand "by entreating he shall cleanse"?
QsHept.3.53.3
De quibus pecoribus occisis minetur lex.
Concerning what animals slain the law makes threats.
56. (17, 3-4) Illud quod dicit: quicumque occiderit vitulum, aut ovem, aut capram in castris, et quicumque occiderit extra castra, et ad ostium tabernaculi testimonii non attulerit, et in hoc constituit peccatum, et comminatur facienti; non de iis dicit quae occiduntur ad usum vescendi, vel si quid aliud, sed de sacrificiis. Prohibuit enim privata sacrificia, ne sibi quisque quodammodo sacerdos esse audeat; sed illuc afferat, ubi per sacerdotem offerantur Deo. Ita enim nec vanis sacrificabunt: nam et hoc in ea consuetudine cavendum praemonuit.
56. (17, 3-4) As to what he says: whoever shall kill a bullock, or a sheep, or a goat in the camp, and whoever shall kill it outside the camp, and shall not have brought it to the door of the tabernacle of testimony,—and in this he establishes a sin, and threatens the doer; he is not speaking of those that are killed for the use of eating, or for anything else, but of sacrifices. For he forbade private sacrifices, lest each person dare in a way to be a priest for himself; but rather should bring it there, where through the priest it may be offered to God. For so they will not sacrifice to vain things: for he gave warning that this too was to be guarded against in that custom.
QsHept.3.53.3
Cum ergo non liceret offerri sacrificia nisi in tabernaculo, cui Templum postea successit; unde et rex Israel Ieroboam vaccas facere ausus est, quibus populus sacrificaret, ne huius Legis necessitate seducerentur ab eo qui sub regno eius erant, dum pergerent Ierusalem ut in Templo Dei offerrent sacrificia sua, in quo facto a Domino condemnatus est (Cf. 3 Reg 12, 28-30): merito quaeritur quomodo licite sacrificaverit Elias extra Templum Dei, quando et ignem de coelo impetravit, et prophetas daemoniorum convicit (Cf. 3 Reg 18, 36-39).
Since, then, it was not permitted to offer sacrifices except in the tabernacle, to which the Temple afterward succeeded—whence too Jeroboam, king of Israel, dared to make calves, to which the people might sacrifice, lest by the necessity of this Law those who were under his kingdom should be drawn away from him while they went to Jerusalem to offer their sacrifices in the Temple of God; in which deed he was condemned by the Lord (Cf. 1 Kgs 12:28–30)—it is rightly asked how Elijah lawfully sacrificed outside the Temple of God, when he both obtained fire from heaven and confounded the prophets of demons (Cf. 1 Kgs 18:36–39).
QsHept.3.53.3
Quod mihi non videtur alia ratione defendi, quam illa qua defenditur et Abrahae factum, quod filium Deo iussus voluit immolare (Cf. Gen 22, 3-10). Cum enim iubet ille qui Legem constituit, aliquid fieri quod in Lege prohibuit, iussio ipsa pro Lege habetur, quoniam auctor est Legis. Non enim deesse possent miracula alia praeter sacrificium, quibus superarentur et convincerentur prophetae lucorum: sed Spiritus Dei qui fuerat in Elia, quidquid in hac re fecit, contra Legem esse non potest, quia dator est Legis.
This does not seem to me to be defended by any other reasoning than that by which Abraham's deed too is defended, namely that, commanded, he was willing to immolate his son to God (Cf. Gen 22:3–10). For when he who established the Law commands something to be done which he forbade in the Law, the command itself is held as Law, since he is the author of the Law. For there could not be lacking other miracles besides sacrifice, by which the prophets of the groves might be overcome and confounded: but the Spirit of God, who had been in Elijah, whatever he did in this matter, cannot be against the Law, because he is the giver of the Law.
QsHept.3.53.3
De verbis: Anima omnis carnis sanguis eius est?
Concerning the words: The soul of all flesh is its blood?
57. 1. (17, 10-12) Quid est quod prohibens edendum sanguinem dicit: anima omnis carnis, sanguis eius est? Quem totum locum sic explicat: et homo, homo filiorum Israel, aut de proselytis qui appositi sunt in vobis, quicumque ederit omnem sanguinem; et statuam faciem meam super animam quae manducat sanguinem, et perdam illam de populo suo. Anima enim omnis carnis, sanguis eius est. Et ego dedi illum vobis exorare pro animabus vestris: sanguis enim eius pro anima exorabit. Propterea dixi filiis Israel: 'omnis anima ex vobis non edet sanguinem; et proselytus qui appositus est in vobis, non edet sanguinem.'
57. 1. (17, 10-12) What does it mean that, forbidding blood to be eaten, he says: the soul of all flesh is its blood? Which whole passage he sets out thus: and a man, a man of the children of Israel, or of the proselytes who are joined among you, whoever shall eat any blood; I will set my face against the soul that eats blood, and will destroy it from its people. For the soul of all flesh is its blood. And I have given it to you to make atonement for your souls: for its blood shall make atonement for the soul. Therefore I said to the children of Israel: No soul of you shall eat blood; and the proselyte who is joined among you shall not eat blood.
QsHept.3.53.3
Numquidnam si animam pecoris sanguinem dicimus, etiam anima hominis sanguis putanda est? Absit. Quomodo ergo non ait: "anima omnis carnis pecoris sanguis eius est"; sed: anima, inquit, omnis carnis sanguis eius est? In omni utique carne, etiam hominis caro deputatur. An quia vitale aliquid est in sanguine, quia per ipsum maxime in hac carne vivitur, qui in omnibus venis per corporis cuncta diffunditur, ipsam vitam corporis vocavit animam, non vitam quae migrat ex corpore, sed quae morte finitur? Qua locutione dicimus istam vitam temporalem esse, non aeternam; mortalem, non immortalem: cum sit immortalis animae natura, quae ablata est ab Angelis in sinu Abrahae (Cf. Lc 16, 22); et cui dicitur: hodie mecum eris in paradiso (Lc 23, 43); et quae in tormentis ardebat inferni (Cf. Lc 16, 23).
Surely, if we say that the soul of a beast is its blood, is the soul of a man too to be thought blood? God forbid. How, then, does he not say: "the soul of all flesh of a beast is its blood"; but, the soul, he says, of all flesh is its blood? In all flesh, surely, the flesh of a man too is reckoned. Or is it because there is something vital in the blood, since by it most of all there is life in this flesh, which is diffused through all the veins throughout the whole body, that he called the very life of the body the soul—not the life that departs from the body, but that which is ended by death? By which manner of speech we say that this life is temporal, not eternal; mortal, not immortal: although the nature of the soul is immortal, which was carried away by the angels into Abraham's bosom (Cf. Luke 16:22); and to which it is said: today you shall be with me in paradise (Luke 23:43); and which was burning in the torments of hell (Cf. Luke 16:23).
QsHept.3.53.3
Secundum istam ergo significationem, qua perhibetur anima etiam haec temporalis vita, dixit Apostolus Paulus: non enim facio animam meam pretiosam quam mihi (Act 20, 24); ubi se ostendere voluit et mori paratum pro Evangelio. Nam secundum significationem qua anima dicitur illa quae migrat ex corpore, magis eam pretiosam faciebat, cui tantum meritum conquirebat. Sunt et aliae huiusmodi locutiones. Vita itaque ista temporalis maxime sanguine continetur in corpore. Sed quid est quod ait: dedi vobis eum ad altare Dei, exorare pro anima vestra; tamquam anima pro anima exoret? Numquid sanguis pro sanguine, quasi de nostro sanguine solliciti simus, cum pro anima nostra volumus exorari? Absurdum est hoc.
According to this signification, then, by which this temporal life too is called soul, the Apostle Paul said: for I do not hold my soul more precious than myself (Acts 20:24); where he meant to show himself prepared even to die for the Gospel. For according to the signification by which that soul is called which departs from the body, he was rather making it precious, for which he was acquiring so great a merit. There are also other expressions of this kind. This temporal life, then, is held in the body most of all by the blood. But what does it mean that he says: I have given it to you at the altar of God, to make atonement for your soul; as though soul made atonement for soul? Is it that blood makes atonement for blood, as though we were anxious about our blood, when we want atonement to be made for our soul? This is absurd.
QsHept.3.53.3
57. 2. Sed multo est absurdius ut sanguis pecoris exoret pro anima hominis, quae mori non potest: cum manifeste Scriptura testetur in Epistola ad Hebraeos, illum sanguinem victimarum nihil profuisse ad exorandum Deum pro peccatis hominum; sed significasse aliquid quod prodesset. Impossibile est enim, inquit, sanguinem hircorum et taurorum auferre peccata (Hebr 10, 4). Restat itaque ut quoniam pro anima nostra exorat Mediator ille, qui omnibus illis sacrificiis quae pro peccatis offerebantur praefigurabatur, illud appelletur anima quod significat animam.
57. 2. But it is much more absurd that the blood of a beast should make atonement for the soul of a man, which cannot die: since Scripture manifestly testifies in the Epistle to the Hebrews that that blood of the victims availed nothing toward entreating God for the sins of men, but signified something that would avail. For it is impossible, it says, that the blood of goats and bulls should take away sins (Heb 10:4). It remains, then, that, since that Mediator makes atonement for our soul, who was prefigured by all those sacrifices which were offered for sins, that should be called soul which signifies the soul.
QsHept.3.57.2
57. 3. Solet autem res quae significat eius rei nomine quam significat nuncupari; sicut scriptum est: septem spicae, septem anni sunt; non enim dixit, septem annos significant: et: septem boves, septem anni sunt (Gen 41, 46); et multa huiusmodi. Hinc est quod dictum est: petra erat Christus (1 Cor 10, 4): non enim dixit: "petra significat Christum," sed tamquam hoc esset, quod utique per substantiam non hoc erat, sed per significationem. Sic et sanguis quoniam propter vitalem quamdam corpulentiam animam significat, in sacramentis anima dictus est.
57. 3. Now the thing that signifies is wont to be named by the name of the thing it signifies; as it is written: the seven ears are seven years; for he did not say, they signify seven years: and: the seven oxen are seven years (Gen 41:26); and many things of this kind. Hence it is that it was said: the rock was Christ (1 Cor 10:4): for he did not say: "the rock signifies Christ," but as though it were this, which surely in substance it was not, but by signification. So too blood, because on account of a certain vital corporeity it signifies the soul, is in the sacraments called soul.
QsHept.3.57.3
Verum si quisquam putat animam pecoris esse sanguinem, non est in ista quaestione laborandum. Tantum ne anima hominis, quae carnem humanam vivificat, et est rationalis, sanguis putetur, valde cavendum est, et hic error modis omnibus refutandus. Quaerendae etiam locutiones, quibus per id quod continet, significetur id quod continetur, ut quoniam anima sanguine tenetur in corpore (nam si fuerit effusus abscedit), per ipsum aptius significata sit anima, et eius nomen sanguis acceperit. Sicut ecclesia dicitur locus quo Ecclesia congregatur. Nam Ecclesia homines sunt, de quibus dicitur: ut exhiberet sibi gloriosam Ecclesiam (Eph 5, 27). Hoc tamen vocari etiam ipsam domum orationum, idem Apostolus testis est, ubi ait: numquid domus non habetis ad manducandum et bibendum? an ecclesiam Dei contemnitis? (1 Cor 11, 22) Et hoc quotidianus loquendi usus obtinuit, ut "in ecclesiam prodire," aut "ad ecclesiam confugere" non dicatur, nisi qui ad locum ipsum parietesque prodierit vel confugerit, quibus Ecclesiae congregatio continetur. Scriptum est etiam: et effundens sanguinem, qui fraudat mercedem mercenarii (Eccli 34, 27). Mercedem sanguinem dixit, quoniam ea sustentatur vita, quae nomine sanguinis appellatur.
But if anyone thinks the soul of a beast is the blood, there is no need to labor over this question. Only it must be very much guarded against that the soul of a man, which gives life to human flesh, and is rational, be thought blood, and this error must be refuted in every way. Expressions are also to be sought by which, through that which contains, that which is contained is signified, so that, since the soul is held in the body by the blood (for if it has been poured out the soul departs), the soul is more fittingly signified through it, and its name has been received as blood. As a church is called the place where the Church is gathered. For the Church is human beings, of whom it is said: that he might present to himself a glorious Church (Eph 5:27). Yet that the house of prayers itself too is called by this name, the same Apostle is witness, where he says: have you not houses to eat and drink in? Or do you despise the church of God? (1 Cor 11:22) And the daily usage of speech has secured this, that "to go forth into the church," or "to take refuge at the church," is not said except of one who has gone forth to or taken refuge at the very place and walls in which the gathering of the Church is contained. It is also written: and he who sheds blood is he who defrauds the hireling of his wages (Sir 34:22). He called the wages blood, because by them is sustained the life which is called by the name of blood.
QsHept.3.57.3
57. 4. Sed cum Dominus dicat: nisi manducaveritis carnem meam, et biberitis meum sanguinem, non habebitis in vobis vitam (Io 6, 54); quid sibi vult quod a sanguine sacrificiorum, quae pro peccatis offerebantur, tantopere populus prohibetur, si illis sacrificiis unum hoc sacrificium significabatur, in quo vera fit remissio peccatorum: a cuius tamen sacrificii sanguine in alimentum sumendo, non solum nemo prohibetur, sed ad bibendum potius omnes exhortantur, qui volunt habere vitam? Quaerendum igitur quid significet, quod homo prohibetur in Lege sanguinem manducare, eumque Deo fundere iubetur. Nam de animae natura, cur per sanguinem significata sit, quantum in praesentia satis visum est, diximus.
57. 4. But since the Lord says: unless you eat my flesh, and drink my blood, you shall not have life in you (John 6:53); what does it mean that the people is so greatly forbidden the blood of the sacrifices which were offered for sins, if by those sacrifices was signified this one sacrifice, in which true remission of sins takes place: from whose blood, however, taken as nourishment, not only is no one forbidden, but rather all are exhorted to drink it who wish to have life? It is therefore to be asked what it signifies, that a man is forbidden in the Law to eat blood, and is commanded to pour it out to God. For concerning the nature of the soul, why it was signified through the blood, we have said as much as for the present seemed enough.
QsHept.3.57.4
Ubi est turpitudo patris et matris.
Where the nakedness of father and mother is.
58. (18, 7-8) Turpitudinem patris tui et turpitudinem matris tuae non revelabis, turpitudinem eorum. Prohibet cum matre concumbere: ibi est enim turpitudo patris et matris. Nam postea prohibet et novercae, ubi dicit: turpitudinem uxoris patris tui non revelabis; turpitudo enim patris tui est: ubi exposuit quomodo in matre utriusque sit turpitudo, id est patris et matris; in noverca enim tantum patris.
58. (18, 7-8) You shall not uncover the nakedness of your father and the nakedness of your mother, their nakedness. He forbids lying with one's mother: for there is the nakedness of father and mother. For afterward he forbids that of the stepmother too, when he says: you shall not uncover the nakedness of your father's wife; for it is your father's nakedness: where he explained how in the mother there is the nakedness of both, that is, of father and mother; for in the stepmother there is only the father's.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid turpitudo sororis domi, aut foris natae.
What the nakedness of a sister born at home or abroad is.
59. (18, 9. 11) Turpitudinem sororis tuae ex patre tuo, aut ex matre tua, quae domi est nata, vel quae foris nata est, non revelabis turpitudinem earum. Quae domi nata est, intellegitur ex patre: quae foris nata est, intellegitur ex matre, si forte de priore viro eam mater susceperat, et cum illa in domum venerat, quando patri eius nupsit, quem monet Scriptura ne revelet turpitudinem sororis suae.
59. (18, 9. 11) You shall not uncover the nakedness of your sister by your father, or by your mother, who was born at home, or who was born abroad—their nakedness. She who was born at home is understood as by the father; she who was born abroad is understood as by the mother, if perhaps the mother had borne her by a former husband, and had come into the house with her when she married this man's father, whom Scripture warns not to uncover the nakedness of his sister.
QsHept.3.57.4
Hic videtur non prohibuisse, et quasi praetermisisse concubitum cum sorore de utroque parente nata: non enim dicit: "turpitudinem non revelabis sororis tuae ex patre et matre," sed, ex patre aut ex matre. Verum quis non videat etiam illud esse prohibitum multo maxime? Si enim non licet sororis turpitudinem revelare ex quolibet parente natae, quanto magis ex utroque? Quid est autem quod interposita prohibitione concubitus, etiam cum suis neptibus, sive de filio, sive de filia, sequitur et dicit: turpitudinem filiae uxoris patris tui non revelabis?
Here he seems not to have forbidden, and as it were to have passed over, lying with a sister born of both parents: for he does not say, "you shall not uncover the nakedness of your sister by your father and mother," but, by your father or by your mother. But who does not see that this too is forbidden, all the more? For if it is not permitted to uncover the nakedness of a sister born of either parent, how much more of one born of both? But what does it mean that, after inserting the prohibition of lying even with one's granddaughters, whether by a son or by a daughter, it follows and says: you shall not uncover the nakedness of the daughter of your father's wife?
QsHept.3.57.4
Si enim huc usque dixisset, intellegeremus etiam cum filia novercae prohibitum fuisse concubitum, quam ex priore viro noverca peperisset, nec huius qui prohibetur soror esset, vel ex patre, vel ex matre: cum vero addidit: ex eodem patre soror tua est, non revelabis turpitudinem eius, manifestat de sorore factam esse istam prohibitionem, cum fuerit ex patre et ex noverca, de qua iam superius dixerat. An ideo iterum hoc apertius voluit prohibere, quia superius subobscurum fuit? saepe enim hoc facit Scriptura.
For if he had said only this far, we would understand that lying was forbidden even with a stepmother's daughter, whom the stepmother had borne by a former husband, and who was not this man's sister, either by father or by mother: but when he added, she is your sister by the same father, you shall not uncover her nakedness, he makes clear that this prohibition was made about a sister, being a daughter of the father and of the stepmother, of whom he had already spoken above. Or did he mean to forbid this again more openly, because above it was somewhat obscure? For Scripture often does this.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid turpitudo fratris, etc.
What the nakedness of a brother is, and so forth.
60. (18, 14) Turpitudinem fratris patris tui non revelabis, et ad uxorem eius non introibis. Exposuit quid dixerit: turpitudinem fratris patris tui, id est, patrui tui, non revelabis: hoc est enim, ad uxorem eius non introibis. In uxore quippe patrui, voluit intellegi turpitudinem patrui; sicut in uxore patris, turpitudinem patris.
60. (18, 14) You shall not uncover the nakedness of your father's brother, and you shall not go in to his wife. He explained what he meant by you shall not uncover the nakedness of your father's brother, that is, of your paternal uncle: for this is what you shall not go in to his wife means. For in the wife of the paternal uncle he meant the nakedness of the uncle to be understood; as in the father's wife, the father's nakedness.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid turpitudo uxoris fratris, etc.
What the nakedness of a brother's wife is, and so forth.
61. (18, 16) Turpitudinem uxoris fratris tui non revelabis; turpitudo fratris tui est. Quaeritur utrum hoc vivo fratre, an mortuo sit prohibitum: et non parva quaestio est. Si enim dixerimus de vivi fratris uxore locutam Scripturam, uno generali praecepto, quo prohibetur homo ad uxorem accedere alienam, etiam hoc utique continetur (Cf. Ex 20, 17). Quid est ergo quod tam diligenter has personas, quas appellat domesticas, propriis prohibitionibus distinguit a caeteris? Non enim et quod prohibet de uxore patris, hoc est de noverca, vivo patre accipiendum est, et non potius mortuo. Nam vivo patre quis non videat multo maxime prohibitum, si cuiuslibet hominis uxor aliena prohibita est maculari adulterio? De his ergo personis videtur loqui, quae possent non habentes viros in matrimonium convenire, nisi Lege prohiberentur, sicut fertur esse consuetudo Persarum.
61. (18, 16) You shall not uncover the nakedness of your brother's wife; it is your brother's nakedness. It is asked whether this is forbidden while the brother is alive, or when he is dead: and it is no small question. For if we say that Scripture spoke of the wife of a living brother, this too is surely contained in the one general precept by which a man is forbidden to approach another man's wife (See Ex 20, 17). What, then, does it mean that he so carefully distinguishes these persons, whom he calls members of the household, from the rest by particular prohibitions? For what he forbids about the father's wife—that is, the stepmother—is not to be taken of a living father, but rather of a dead one. For while the father is alive, who does not see that it is forbidden all the more, if any man's wife is forbidden to be defiled by adultery? Of these persons, then, he seems to speak, who, not having husbands, could come together in marriage, were they not forbidden by the Law, as the custom of the Persians is said to be.
QsHept.3.57.4
Sed rursus, si fratre mortuo intellexerimus prohibitum esse ducere fratris uxorem, occurrit illud, quod excitandi seminis causa, si ille sine filiis defunctus esset, iubet Scriptura esse faciendum (Cf. Deut 25, 5): ac per hoc collata ista prohibitione cum illa iussione, ne invicem adversentur, intellegenda est exceptio, id est, non licere cuiquam defuncti fratris ducere uxorem, si defunctus posteros dereliquit; aut etiam illud esse prohibitum, ne liceret ducere fratris uxorem, etiam quae a fratre vivo per repudium recessisset. Tunc enim, sicut Dominus dicit, ad duritiam Iudaeorum Moyses permiserat dare libellum repudii (Cf. Mt 19, 8), et per hanc dimissionem potuit putari quod licite quisquam sibi uxorem copularet fratris, ubi adulterium non timeret, quoniam repudio discessisset.
But again, if we understand it to be forbidden, when the brother is dead, to marry the brother's wife, there occurs that which Scripture commands to be done, for the sake of raising up seed, if he had died without children (See Deut 25, 5): and through this, when this prohibition is compared with that command, lest they be contrary to each other, an exception is to be understood, that is, that it is not permitted to anyone to marry a dead brother's wife if the dead man left descendants; or even that this was forbidden, that it should not be permitted to marry a brother's wife, even one who had departed from a living brother by divorce. For then, as the Lord says, on account of the hardness of the Jews Moses had permitted them to give a bill of divorce (See Mt 19, 8), and through this dismissal it could be thought that anyone might lawfully join to himself a brother's wife, where he need not fear adultery, since she had departed by divorce.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid turpitudo mulieris et filiae eius, etc.
What the nakedness of a woman and her daughter is, and so forth.
62. (18, 17) Turpitudinem mulieris et filiae eius non revelabis: id est, ne putet quisquam licere sibi ducere filiam uxoris suae. Simul enim mulieris et filiae eius non licet revelare turpitudinem, id est ambabus misceri, et matri et filiae.
62. (18, 17) You shall not uncover the nakedness of a woman and her daughter: that is, lest anyone think it permitted him to marry the daughter of his wife. For it is not permitted to uncover the nakedness of a woman and her daughter at the same time, that is, to be joined with both, the mother and the daughter.
QsHept.3.57.4
Non licet accedere ad filiam filii aut filiae coniugis.
It is not permitted to approach the daughter of a wife's son or daughter.
63. (18, 17-18) Filiam filii eius et filiam filiae eius non accipies. Etiam neptem uxoris de filio vel de filia duci prohibuit. Uxorem super sororem eius non accipies in zelum.
63. (18, 17-18) You shall not take the daughter of her son and the daughter of her daughter. He forbade also marrying the granddaughter of a wife, by her son or by her daughter. You shall not take a wife in addition to her sister, to be a rival.
QsHept.3.57.4
Hic non prohibuit superducere, quod licebat antiquis propter abundantiam propagationis: sed sororem sorori noluit superduci; quod videtur fecisse Iacob (Cf. Gen 30, 22-28), sive quia nondum fuerat Lege prohibitum, sive quia suppositae alterius fraude deceptus est, et illa magis de placito veniebat, quam posterius accepit; sed iniustum erat priorem dimitti, ne faceret eam moechari.
Here he did not forbid taking an additional wife, which was permitted to the ancients on account of the abundance of propagation: but he did not want a sister to be taken in addition to a sister; which Jacob seems to have done (See Gen 30, 22-28), either because it had not yet been forbidden by the Law, or because he was deceived by the fraud of another substituted for her, and she rather came by agreement whom he received later; but it was unjust for the first to be dismissed, lest he cause her to commit adultery.
QsHept.3.57.4
Hoc autem quod ait in zelum, utrum ideo positum est, ne sit zelus inter sorores, qui inter illas quae sorores non essent contemnendus fuit? an ideo potius, ne propter hoc fiat, id est ne hoc animo fiat, ut in zelum sororis soror superducatur?
But as for his saying to be a rival, is it set down so that there should not be rivalry between sisters, which between those who were not sisters would have been something to make light of? Or is it rather so that it should not be done for this reason, that is, lest it be done with this intent, that a sister be taken in addition to be a rival to her sister?
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo nec menstruatam attingere.
How a menstruous woman too is not to be touched.
64. (18, 19) Et ad mulierem in segregatione immunditiae eius non accedes revelare turpitudinem eius: id est, ad menstruatam mulierem non accedes. Segregabatur enim secundum Legem, propter immunditiam. Hoc cum superius satis sufficienter prohibuisset (Cf. Lev 15, 19-27), quid sibi vult quod etiam hic hoc eisdem praeceptis voluit adiungere? An forte in superioribus quoniam dictum est, ne figurate accipiendum putaretur, etiam hic positum est, ubi talia prohibita sunt, quae etiam tempore Novi Testamenti remota umbrarum veterum observatione, sine dubio custodienda sunt? Quod videtur etiam per prophetam Ezechielem significasse, qui inter illa peccata quae non figuratae, sed manifestae iniquitatis sunt, etiam hoc commemorat, ad mulierem menstruatam si quis accedat; et inter iustitiae merita, si non accedat (Cf. Ez 18, 6; 22, 10). Qua in re non natura damnatur, sed concipiendae proli noxium perhibetur.
64. (18, 19) And you shall not approach a woman in the separation of her uncleanness to uncover her nakedness: that is, you shall not approach a menstruous woman. For she was separated according to the Law, on account of the uncleanness. Since he had forbidden this sufficiently enough above (See Lev 15, 19-27), what does it mean that here too he meant to join this to the same precepts? Or is it perhaps that, because it was said among the things above, lest it be thought to be taken figuratively, it is set down here too, where such things are forbidden as are without doubt to be observed even in the time of the New Testament, when the observance of the old shadows has been removed? Which he seems to have signified also through the prophet Ezekiel, who, among those sins which are of manifest, not figurative, iniquity, mentions this too, if anyone approach a menstruous woman; and among the merits of righteousness, if he does not approach her (See Ezek 18, 6; 22, 10). In which matter nature is not condemned, but it is declared harmful to the offspring to be conceived.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo nec coniugem proximi.
How a neighbor's wife too is not to be approached.
65. (18, 20) Et ad uxorem proximi tui non dabis concubitum seminis tui inquinari ad eam. Ecce ubi rursus prohibet adulterium, quod cum aliena uxore committitur, quod etiam in Decalogo prohibetur (Cf. Ex 20, 17). Unde apparet illa ita prohibita, ut etiam mortuis viris suis non ducantur uxores, quarum prohibet turpitudinem revelari.
65. (18, 20) And you shall not give the lying of your seed to your neighbor's wife, to be defiled by her. See where he again forbids adultery, which is committed with another man's wife, which is forbidden in the Decalogue too (See Ex 20, 17). Whence it appears that those women, whose nakedness he forbids to be uncovered, are forbidden in such a way that they are not to be married even when their husbands are dead.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo vetetur idolatria.
How idolatry is forbidden.
66. (18, 21) Et a semine tuo non dabis servire principi. Hic non video quid intellegatur, nisi principi qui pro Deo colitur. Non enim ait: δουλεύειν, sed: λατρεύειν, in Graeco, quod latinus non solet interpretari, nisi ut dicat servire; plurimum autem distat. Nam servire hominibus sicut servi serviunt, quod non est: λατρεύειν, sed: δουλεύειν, Scriptura non prohibet: servire autem secundum id quod est λατρεύειν, non iubetur hominibus, nisi uni vero Deo, sicut scriptum est: Dominum Deum tuum adorabis, et illi soli servies (Deut 6, 13).
66. (18, 21) And of your seed you shall not give to serve a ruler. Here I do not see what is to be understood, except a ruler who is worshiped in place of God. For he does not say δουλεύειν, but λατρεύειν, in the Greek, which the Latin is not wont to render except by saying to serve; but there is a great difference. For to serve men as servants serve, which is not λατρεύειν but δουλεύειν, Scripture does not forbid: but to serve in the sense of λατρεύειν is not commanded toward men, but only toward the one true God, as it is written: you shall adore the Lord your God, and him only shall you serve (Deut 6, 13).
QsHept.3.57.4
Non solum autem hoc verbo, quod ait: λατρεύειν, satis significat quem principem dicat, id est, cui cultus tamquam Deo exhibetur; verum etiam eo quod adiungit: et non profanabis nomen sanctum, sive Dei, de cuius populo datur illo modo servire principi; sive nomen sanctum ipsius populi Israel, propter quod dicitur: sancti estis, quoniam e ego sanctus sum (Lev 11, 44; 19, 2; 1 Pt 1, 16). Opportunissime etiam hic adiungit: ego Dominus; hoc utique admonens, quia illi soli debetur λατρεία, id est ea servitus qua servitur Deo.
But not only by this word which he uses, λατρεύειν, does he sufficiently signify what ruler he means, that is, one to whom worship is given as to God; but also by what he adds: and you shall not profane the holy name, whether of God, of whose people it is given in that way to serve a ruler; or the holy name of the people of Israel itself, on account of which it is said: be holy, for I am holy (Lev 11, 44; 19, 2; 1 Pet 1, 16). Most opportunely too he adds here: I am the Lord; warning, surely, that to him alone is owed λατρεία, that is, that service by which God is served.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo terra dicatur exhorrere.
How the land is said to shudder.
67. (18, 25) Quod dicit: et exhorruit terra eos qui insident super eam, propter mala facta eorum, quae superius commemoravit, non ideo dictum putandum est, quod habeat terra sensum quo ista sentiat et exhorreat; sed nomine terrae homines significat, qui sunt super terram. Proinde cum haec mala faciunt homines, inquinant terram, quia inquinantur homines qui haec imitantur; et exhorret terra, quia exhorrent homines qui nec faciunt nec imitantur.
67. (18, 25) As to what he says, and the land shuddered at those who dwell upon it, on account of their evil deeds, which he mentioned above, it is not to be thought said because the land has sense by which it perceives and shudders at these things; but by the name land he signifies the men who are upon the land. Accordingly, when men do these evils, they defile the land, because the men who imitate these things are defiled; and the land shudders, because the men who neither do nor imitate them shudder.
QsHept.3.57.4
De verbis: Non mentiemini, neque calumniam facietis.
Concerning the words: You shall not lie, nor make a false accusation.
68. (19, 11) Non furtum facietis neque mentiemini, neque calumniam faciet unusquisque proximo. Illud de furto positum est in Decalogo (Cf. Ex 20, 15). Quod autem dicit: neque mentiemini, neque calumniam faciet unusquisque proximo, mirum si non eo praecepto continetur, quod ibi positum est: neque falsum testimonium dices adversum proximum tuum (Ex 20, 16); quoniam neque calumnia sine mendacio fieri potest, quod falsi testimonii generalitate concluditur. Sed utrum haec aliqua compensatione admittenda sint, magna quaestio est: sicut de mendacio pene omnibus videtur, quod ubi nemo laeditur, pro salute mentiendum est.
68. (19, 11) You shall not steal, nor lie, nor shall anyone make a false accusation against his neighbor. That about stealing is set down in the Decalogue (See Ex 20, 15). But as for his saying, nor lie, nor shall anyone make a false accusation against his neighbor, it would be strange if it were not contained in that precept which is set down there: nor shall you bear false witness against your neighbor (Ex 20, 16); since a false accusation cannot be made without a lie, which is comprehended under the general head of false witness. But whether these things are to be admitted by some compensation is a great question: as concerning lying it seems to almost everyone that, where no one is harmed, one ought to lie for someone's welfare.
QsHept.3.57.4
Utrum ergo ita et de furto? an furtum fieri non potest, ubi nullus laeditur? Quinimo fieri potest, etiam quando ei cui fit consulitur, tamquam si quisquam homini volenti se occidere, gladium furetur. Nam calumnia nescio utrum cuiquam ad eius utilitatem fieri possit: nisi forte quod ad maius gaudium fiebat, quo postea fruerentur, quod Ioseph de scypho calumniabatur fratribus suis, quibus etiam explorationis falsum crimen intenderat (Cf. Gen 42, 9. 14; 44, 4-5). Quamquam si definitionibus ista determinare tentemus, fortasse furtum non est, nisi quando alieno occulte ablato proximus laeditur; et calumnia non est, nisi quando falsi criminis obiectione proximus laeditur: mendacium autem non possumus dicere tunc tantummodo esse, quando proximus laeditur; cum enim falsum ab sciente dicitur, procul dubio mendacium est, sive illo quisquam, sive nemo laedatur.
Is it, then, so also with theft? Or can theft not be committed where no one is harmed? On the contrary, it can be committed even when the one to whom it is done is being looked after, as if someone should steal a sword from a man who wants to kill himself. For a false accusation I do not know whether it can be made for anyone's benefit: unless perhaps it was for a greater joy, which they would afterward enjoy, that Joseph made a false accusation about the cup against his brothers, on whom he had also pressed the false charge of spying (See Gen 42, 9. 14; 44, 4-5). Although, if we try to determine these things by definitions, perhaps theft is not theft except when, by something belonging to another being secretly taken away, a neighbor is harmed; and a false accusation is not a false accusation except when, by the charging of a false crime, a neighbor is harmed: but we cannot say that lying exists only then, when a neighbor is harmed; for when what is false is said by one who knows it, beyond doubt it is a lie, whether anyone or no one be harmed by it.
QsHept.3.57.4
Proinde magna quaestio de mendacio, utrum possit aliquando iustum esse mendacium, facile solveretur fortasse, si sola praecepta intueremur, non et exempla. Nam quid isto praecepto absolutius: non mentiemini? Sic enim dictum est, quomodo: non facies tibi idolum; quod factum non potest aliquando iustum esse; et quomodo dictum est: non moechaberis: quis autem dicat aliquando moechiam iustam esse posse? Et: non furaberis: secundum enim definitionem illam furti, iustum esse furtum nunquam potest. Et: non occides (Ex 20, 4. 13-15); quoniam cum homo iuste occiditur, Lex eum occidit, non tu: numquid ita dici potest: "cum homo iuste mentitur, Lex mentitur"?
Accordingly the great question about lying—whether a lie can ever be just—would perhaps easily be solved, if we looked only at the precepts, not also at the examples. For what is more absolute than this precept: you shall not lie? For it is said in the same way as: you shall not make for yourself an idol; which, once done, can never be just; and as it is said: you shall not commit adultery: but who would say that adultery can ever be just? And: you shall not steal: for according to that definition of theft, theft can never be just. And: you shall not kill (Ex 20, 4. 13-15); for when a man is justly killed, the Law kills him, not you: can it likewise be said: "when a man justly lies, the Law lies"?
QsHept.3.57.4
Sed exempla faciunt difficillimam quaestionem. Mentitae sunt obstetrices Aegyptiae, et bona illis Deus retribuit (Cf. Ex 1, 19-20); mentita est Raab pro exploratoribus terrae, et ideo liberata est (Cf. Ios 2, 4; 6, 25). An ex quo dictum est in Lege: non mentiemini, ex illo intellegendum est nec in tali causa licere mendacium, in quali causa legitur Raab esse mentita? Sed magis credibile est, quia iniustum erat mendacium, ideo prohibitum; non quia prohibitum, ideo factum iniustum. Fortassis ergo, sicut de obstetricibus diximus, non hoc in eis remuneratum quod mentitae sunt, sed quod infantes Hebraeos liberaverunt, ut propter hanc misericordiam illud peccatum veniale sit factum, non tamen existimetur non fuisse peccatum: sic etiam de Raab intellegendum est, remuneratam in illa liberationem exploratorum, ut propter eamdem liberationem venia sit data mendacio. Ubi autem venia datur, manifestum est esse peccatum. Sed illud cavendum est, ne ita quisque existimet etiam caeteris peccatis, si propter liberationes hominum fiant, ita veniam posse concedi. Multa enim mala intolerabilia et nimium detestanda istum consequuntur errorem.
But the examples make the question most difficult. The Egyptian midwives lied, and God rewarded them with good things (See Ex 1, 19-20); Rahab lied on behalf of the spies of the land, and was therefore freed (See Josh 2, 4; 6, 25). Or, from the time it was said in the Law, you shall not lie, is it to be understood that not even in such a cause is a lie permitted, as that in which Rahab is read to have lied? But it is more credible that, because the lie was unjust, it was therefore forbidden; not that, because it was forbidden, it was therefore made unjust. Perhaps, then, as we said of the midwives, what was rewarded in them was not that they lied, but that they freed the Hebrew infants, so that on account of this mercy that sin was made venial, yet not so that it should be thought not to have been a sin: so too of Rahab it is to be understood that the freeing of the spies was rewarded in her, so that on account of that same freeing pardon was given to the lie. But where pardon is given, it is clear there is a sin. But this must be guarded against, lest anyone thus think that, even for other sins, if they be done for the freeing of men, pardon can thus be granted. For many intolerable and too detestable evils follow from this error.
QsHept.3.57.4
De verbis: Non nocebis proximo.
Concerning the words: You shall not harm your neighbor.
69. (19, 13) Non nocebis proximo. Si quid sit nocere et non nocere, pateret hominibus, hoc generale praeceptum ad innocentiam retinendam fortasse sufficeret. Omnia enim quae prohibentur committi in proximum, ad hoc unum referenda sunt, quod dictum est: non nocebis proximo. Nam quod sequitur: non rapies, nisi ad hoc referatur, ne rapiendo noceatur, aliquando evenit, ut non rapiendo quisque noceat. Nam gladius insanienti rapiendus est, et si non fecerit quis ut oportuerit, magis nocuerit.
69. (19, 13) You shall not harm your neighbor. If it were clear to men what it is to harm and not to harm, this general precept would perhaps suffice for keeping innocence. For all the things that are forbidden to be committed against a neighbor are to be referred to this one thing that was said: you shall not harm your neighbor. For as to what follows, you shall not seize by force, unless it be referred to this, that one should not be harmed by seizing, it sometimes happens that someone harms by not seizing. For a sword must be seized from a madman, and if one does not act as he ought, he will rather have harmed.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo addatur: Non vindicatur manus tua.
How it is added: Your hand shall not be avenged.
70. (19, 17-18) Quid est quod cum supra dixisset: non odio habebis fratrem tuum in animo tuo: arguendo argues proximum tuum, et non accipies propter ipsum peccatum, consequenter adiunxit: et non vindicatur manus tua? utrum pro eo quod est, "non punitur"? Animo enim bono facis, cum disciplinam peccanti proximo imponis, ne accipias peccatum eius neglegendo. Ad hoc enim pertinet quod ante posuit: non odio habebis proximum tuum in animo tuo. Videri enim potest ei qui arguitur, quod oderis eum, cum non sit in animo tuo. An, non vindicatur manus tua, hoc potius admonet, ne quaeras vindicari manum tuam, nec ulciscendi libidine rapiaris? Nam quid est aliud, vindicari velle, nisi laetari vel consolari de alieno malo? Et ideo dictum est: non irasceris filiis populi tui. Sic enim recte ira definita est, quod sit ulciscendi libido. Quidam vero codices habent: et non vindicabitur manus tua: id est, ne arguendo vindicare te velis, sed potius consulere illi quem arguis.
70. (19, 17-18) What does it mean that, when he had said above: you shall not hold your brother in hatred in your mind: reproving you shall reprove your neighbor, and you shall not incur sin on his account, he consequently added: and your hand shall not be avenged? Is it for what is meant by "shall not be punished"? For you act with a good mind when you impose discipline on a sinning neighbor, lest you incur his sin by neglecting him. For to this pertains what he set down before: you shall not hold your neighbor in hatred in your mind. For it can seem to the one who is reproved that you hate him, though it is not in your mind. Or does your hand shall not be avenged rather warn this, that you should not seek to have your hand avenged, nor be carried away by the lust for revenge? For what else is it to wish to be avenged, but to rejoice or take comfort in another's evil? And therefore it was said: you shall not be angry at the children of your people. For thus has anger rightly been defined, as being the lust for revenge. But some codices have: and your hand shall not avenge: that is, that by reproving you should not wish to avenge yourself, but rather to look after him whom you reprove.
QsHept.3.57.4
Deus prohibet consuetudinem secare corpora.
God forbids the custom of cutting the body.
71. (19, 28) Et incisiones super animam non facietis in corpore vestro. Super animam dixit, "super funus mortui": de anima quippe dolor est quae recessit. Ad hunc autem dolorem pertinet luctus, in quo luctu nonnullae gentes habent consuetudinem secare corpora sua. Hoc fieri Deus prohibet.
71. (19, 28) And you shall not make cuttings over a soul in your body. He said over a soul, "over the funeral of a dead person": for grief is for the soul that has departed. To this grief pertains mourning, in which mourning some nations have the custom of cutting their bodies. God forbids this to be done.
QsHept.3.57.4
De verbis: Ita ut fornicentur principes de populo suo.
Concerning the words: So that the rulers commit fornication from their people.
72. (20, 5) Ita ut fornicentur in principes de populo suo. Non de populo suo principes, sed de populo suo fornicentur. Eos quippe principes vult hic intellegi, qui pro diis colebantur: sicut Apostolus dicit: secundum principem potestatis aeris (Eph 2, 2); et in Evangelio Dominus: nunc princeps huius mundi missus est foras (Io 12, 31); et: ecce veniet princeps mundi, et in me nihil inveniet (Io 14, 30).
72. (20, 5) So that they commit fornication after the rulers from their people. Not that the rulers are from their people, but that they commit fornication from their people. For he means here those rulers to be understood who were worshiped in place of gods: as the Apostle says: according to the ruler of the power of the air (Eph 2, 2); and in the Gospel the Lord: now the ruler of this world has been cast out (Jn 12, 31); and: behold, the ruler of the world will come, and in me he will find nothing (Jn 14, 30).
QsHept.3.57.4
De verbis: Homo quicumque adulteraverit uxorem viri, etc.
Concerning the words: Whatever man shall commit adultery with the wife of a man, and so forth.
73. (20, 10) Homo, homo quicumque adulteraverit uxorem viri, aut quicumque adulteraverit uxorem proximi sui, morte moriantur: pluraliter dixit, morte moriantur, hoc est qui adulteravit, et quae adulterata est. Hic aliquid distare voluit inter quemlibet virum et proximum, quamvis multis locis proximum pro "omni homine" ponat.
73. (20, 10) A man, any man whatever who shall commit adultery with the wife of a man, or whoever shall commit adultery with the wife of his neighbor, let them die the death: he said in the plural, let them die the death, that is, he who committed adultery, and she who was adulterated. Here he meant some difference between any man whatever and a neighbor, although in many places he puts neighbor for "every man."
QsHept.3.57.4
Sed quae est ista locutio, ut cum iam dixisset de viro, hoc idem repetierit de proximo, cum sit consequens, ut multo magis ab uxore proximi abstinendum sit, si ab uxore cuiuslibet viri abstinendum est? Nam si prius de proximo dixisset, ne putaretur uxorem licere adulterare non proximi, addendum fuisset de quolibet viro: nunc vero, si quod minus est non licet; quanto minus licet quod maius malum est? Nam si non licet adulterare uxorem cuiuslibet viri, quanto magis proximi?
But what kind of expression is this, that, having already spoken of a man, he repeated the same about a neighbor, when it is a consequence that one ought all the more to abstain from a neighbor's wife, if one ought to abstain from the wife of any man whatever? For if he had spoken first of a neighbor, then, lest it be thought permitted to commit adultery with the wife of a non-neighbor, it would have had to be added about any man whatever: but as it is, if what is less is not permitted, how much less is permitted what is the greater evil? For if it is not permitted to commit adultery with the wife of any man whatever, how much more with a neighbor's?
QsHept.3.57.4
An forte ista repetitio tamquam exponit quid prius dictum sit, ut ideo intellegat homo quantum malum sit adulterare uxorem viri, quia si hoc fecerit, uxorem proximi adulterat? Proximus est enim omnis homo homini.
Or does this repetition perhaps as it were explain what was said first, so that a man may understand how great an evil it is to commit adultery with the wife of a man, because, if he does this, he commits adultery with a neighbor's wife? For every man is a neighbor to a man.
QsHept.3.57.4
De verbis: Et mulier quae accesserit ad omne pecus ascendi ab eo, etc.
Concerning the words: And the woman who shall approach any animal to be mounted by it, and so forth.
74. (20, 16) Et mulier quae accesserit ad omne pecus, ascendi ab eo, interficietis mulierem et pecus: morte moriantur; rei sunt. Quaeritur quomodo sit reum pecus, cum sit irrationale, nec ullo modo Legis capax. An quemadmodum transferuntur verba modo locutionis, quae Graece appellatur: μεταφορά, ab animali ad inanimale, sicut dicitur "improbus" ventus, vel "iratum" mare; ita et hic translatum est a rationali ad irrationale? Nam pecora inde credendum est iussa interfici, quia tali flagitio contaminata, indignam refricant facti memoriam.
74. (20, 16) And the woman who shall approach any animal to be mounted by it, you shall kill the woman and the animal: let them die the death; they are guilty. It is asked how an animal can be guilty, since it is irrational and in no way capable of the Law. Or is it that, just as words are transferred by the manner of speech which in Greek is called μεταφορά, from the animate to the inanimate, as the wind is called "wicked," or the sea "angry"; so here too there is a transfer from the rational to the irrational? For the animals are, it must be believed, ordered to be killed because, contaminated by such an outrage, they bring back to mind the unworthy memory of the deed.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid significet videre, cum dicitur: Qui viderit turpitudinem sororis suae.
What "to see" signifies, when it is said: He who sees the nakedness of his sister.
75. (20, 17) Quicumque acceperit sororem suam ex patre suo, aut ex matre sua, et viderit turpitudinem eius <et ipsa viderit turpitudinem eius>; improperium est: exterminabuntur in conspectu generis sui. Turpitudinem sororis suae revelavit, peccatum suum accipient. Quid ait in hoc loco, viderit, nisi concumbendo cognoverit? sicut in Lege dicitur: cognovit uxorem suam (Gen 4, 1. 17. 25), pro eo quod est, mixtus est ei. Et quid ait, peccatum suum accipient, cum de poena eorum loqueretur, nisi quia et ipsam poenam peccati, peccatum voluit appellare?
75. (20, 17) Whoever takes his sister, by his father or by his mother, and sees her nakedness <and she sees his nakedness>; it is a disgrace: they shall be cut off in the sight of their kindred. He has uncovered the nakedness of his sister, they shall bear their sin. What does he mean in this passage by sees, if not "has known by lying with"? as in the Law it is said: he knew his wife (Gen 4, 1. 17. 25), for "he was joined with her." And what does he mean by they shall bear their sin, when he was speaking of their punishment, if not that he meant to call the punishment of sin itself sin?
QsHept.3.57.4
Quo gradu cognationis prohibeatur cognata.
In what degree of kinship a kinswoman is forbidden.
76. 1. (20, 20. 25) Quicumque dormierit cum cognata sua, turpitudinem cognationis suae revelavit: sine filiis morientur. Quaeritur quousque sit intellegenda ista cognatio, cum ex longo gradu liceat utique accipere uxorem, semperque licuerit. Sed intellegendum est ex his gradibus quos prohibuit, non licere, et secundum ipsos dictum: quicumque dormierit cum cognata sua: ubi et aliqua non commemorata intellegenda dimisit, sicut sororem de utroque parente, sicut uxorem fratris matris, id est avunculi. Nam de uxore patrui primum prohibuit, quamvis haec non cognatio, sed affinitas perhibetur.
76. 1. (20, 20. 25) Whoever lies with his kinswoman has uncovered the nakedness of his kinship: they shall die without children. It is asked how far this kinship is to be understood, since from a distant degree it is surely permitted to take a wife, and always has been permitted. But it is to be understood that, from those degrees which he forbade, it is not permitted, and that it was said with reference to them: whoever lies with his kinswoman: where he also left some unmentioned ones to be understood, such as a sister by both parents, such as the wife of the mother's brother, that is, of the maternal uncle. For about the wife of the paternal uncle he forbade it first, although this is declared to be not kinship but affinity.
QsHept.3.57.4
Sed quid est, sine filiis morientur; cum filii ex huiusmodi coniunctionibus et ante nati sint, et hodieque nascantur? An hoc intellegendum est Lege Dei constitutum, ut quicumque ex eis nati fuerint, non deputentur filii, id est nullo parentibus iure succedant?
But what does they shall die without children mean; since children both were born before from unions of this kind, and are born even today? Or is this to be understood as established by the Law of God, that whoever are born of them should not be reckoned as children, that is, should succeed to their parents by no right?
QsHept.3.57.4
76. 2. Et non exsecrabiles facietis animas et in pecoribus, et in volucribus, et in omnibus serpentibus terrae, quae ego segregavi vobis in immunditiam. Videtur hic significare non haec natura immunda esse, sed aliquo sacramenti signo; quandoquidem dicit, quae ego segregavi vobis in immunditiam, tamquam immunda eis non essent, si eis segregata non essent.
76. 2. And you shall not make your souls abominable in cattle, and in birds, and in all the creeping things of the earth, which I have separated for you as unclean. Here he seems to signify that these things are not unclean by nature, but by some sign of sacred symbolism; since he says, which I have separated for you as unclean, as though they would not be unclean to them, if they had not been separated for them.
QsHept.3.57.4
Utrum obrui praecipiatur an ventriloquus tantum an mulier habens eum.
Whether the stoning is commanded, or only of the one having a familiar spirit, or of the woman who has one.
77. (20, 27) Et vir aut mulier, si forte fuerit illi ventriloquus, aut incantator, morte moriantur ambo: lapidibus lapidabitis eos; rei sunt. Utrum vir et mulier, an vir et ventriloquus, aut mulier et ventriloquus sive incantator. Sed hoc magis, et qui habet, et quem habet.
77. (20, 27) And a man or a woman, if perhaps there be in him one having a familiar spirit, or an enchanter, let them both die the death: you shall stone them with stones; they are guilty. Whether the man and the woman, or the man and the one having a familiar spirit, or the woman and the one having a familiar spirit or the enchanter. But rather this: both the one who has it, and the one whom he has.
QsHept.3.57.4
De verbis: Mulierem fornicariam non accipient quoniam sanctus est.
Concerning the words: They shall not take a harlot, because he is holy.
78. (21, 7-8) Mulierem fornicariam et profanam non accipient, et mulierem eiectam a viro suo; quoniam sanctus est Domino Deo suo. Superius, non accipient dixerat; nunc autem, quoniam sanctus est, non, "quoniam sancti sunt": de pluribus qui uno sunt tempore sacerdotibus loquebatur, et de unoquoque eorum dixit, quoniam sanctus est; locutione qua solet uti Scriptura. Nam unum illum summum postea commemorat, qui intrabat ad Sancta Sanctorum. Nam et pluraliter conclusit, dicens: et sanctificabis eum: dona Domini Dei vestri iste offeret; sanctus est, quoniam sanctus ego Dominus, qui sanctifico eos. Quantum autem pertinet ad dona, quoniam dixit, dona Domini Dei vestri ipse offeret, non solum summus ille offerebat, sed etiam secundi sacerdotes. Ac per hoc quod ait: mulierem fornicariam et profanam et eiectam a viro suo non accipient, hoc et secundi sacerdotes prohibiti sunt: nam de summo postea dicit, qui etiam nonnisi virginem accipere iussus est (Cf. Lev 21, 13).
78. (21, 7-8) They shall not take a harlot and a profane woman, and a woman cast out by her husband; because he is holy to the Lord his God. Above he had said, they shall not take; but now, because he is holy, not "because they are holy": he was speaking of the several priests who are at one time, and of each one of them he said, because he is holy; by the manner of speech Scripture is wont to use. For afterward he mentions that one high priest who entered into the Holy of Holies. For he also concluded in the plural, saying: and you shall sanctify him: he shall offer the gifts of the Lord your God; he is holy, because I the Lord am holy, who sanctify them. But as far as the gifts are concerned, since he said, he shall offer the gifts of the Lord your God, not only that high priest offered, but also the priests of second rank. And through this, as for his saying, they shall not take a harlot and a profane woman and one cast out by her husband, the priests of second rank too were forbidden this: for of the high priest he speaks afterward, who was also commanded to take none but a virgin (See Lev 21, 13).
QsHept.3.57.4
Quis sacerdos magnus a fratribus suis.
Who is the great priest among his brethren.
79. (21, 10) Et sacerdos magnus a fratribus suis: id est, qui inter fratres suos magnus est, ille scilicet unus magnus sacerdos. Cui fusum est super caput ex oleo christo: ipsum oleum appellat Scriptura christum.
79. (21, 10) And the great priest from among his brethren: that is, he who is great among his brethren, namely that one great priest. Upon whose head was poured of the anointing oil: Scripture calls the oil itself the anointing.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quae consummatus induere vestimenta dicatur.
What garments the consecrated one is said to put on.
80. (21, 10) Et consummatus manus induere vestimenta: illa utique, quae in veste sacerdotali operosissime describuntur (Cf. Ex 28, 4 ss).
80. (21, 10) And whose hands have been consecrated to put on the garments: those, surely, which are most elaborately described in the priestly vestment (See Ex 28, 4 ff).
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid sit: Caput non reteget cidari.
What it means: He shall not uncover his head of the turban.
81. (21, 10-11) Caput non reteget cidari, et vestimenta sua non scindet, et super omnem animam mortuam non introibit. Intellegitur ea quae supra dixit, in luctu facere eum prohibitum, id est, caput nudare cidari, et vestimenta scindere. Vestimenta enim scindere lugentium erat antiquorum: sicut de Iob scriptum est, cum ei filii eius ruina nuntiarentur oppressi (Cf. Iob 1, 20). Nudare autem caput cidari propterea lugentis esse potuit, quia detractio est ornamenti.
81. (21, 10-11) He shall not uncover his head of the turban, and shall not rend his garments, and shall not go in over any dead soul. It is understood that he is forbidden to do in mourning the things he mentioned above, that is, to bare his head of the turban, and to rend his garments. For rending the garments belonged to the mourning of the ancients: as is written of Job, when the ruin of his sons, crushed, was announced to him (See Job 1, 20). But baring the head of the turban could be a mourner's act for this reason, that it is the removal of an adornment.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quod vero ait: super omnem animam mortuam non introibit; quomodo dicat animam mortuam corpus mortuum, difficile est intellegere: ea tamen Scripturarum est usitata locutio, quae nobis inusitatissima est. Nomen ergo rectricis suae etiam corpus accipit anima destitutum, quoniam reddendum illi est in resurrectione; sicut aedificium quod appellatur ecclesia, etiam cum inde Ecclesia exierit, qui homines sunt, nihilominus ecclesia dicitur. Sed cum corpus non accipiat animae nomen in homine vivente, quomodo tunc vocetur anima, cum caruerit anima, mirum est. Porro si animam mortuam intellexerimus a corpore separatam, ut ipsam separationem mortem dixisse videatur, id est ut anima mortua sit dirempta a corpore, non natura sua perdita (non enim et cum dicimur mortui peccato (Cf. Rom 6, 2), natura dicitur interiisse, sed quod iam peccato non utimur: ut sic intellegatur anima mortua, id est corpori mortua, quod uti eo desierit, cum in sua natura vivat); quomodo potest quisquam intrare super animam mortuam, quod sacerdos iste prohibetur, cum quisquis intrat, super mortuum corpus intret, non super animam quae discessit a corpore?
But as for his saying, he shall not go in over any dead soul; how he calls a dead body a dead soul is difficult to understand: yet this is the usual idiom of the Scriptures, which is most unusual to us. The name of its ruler, then, the body too receives when bereft of soul, since it is to be restored to it in the resurrection; just as the building which is called a church is no less called a church even when the Church, which is human beings, has gone out from it. But since the body does not receive the name of soul in a living man, it is strange how it should then be called soul, when it has lost its soul. Further, if we understand a dead soul as one separated from the body, so that he seems to have called the separation itself death—that is, that the soul is dead in being severed from the body, not lost in its own nature (for not even when we are said to be dead to sin (See Rom 6, 2) is the nature said to have perished, but that we no longer make use of sin: so that the soul is thus understood as dead, that is, dead to the body, because it has ceased to use it, while it lives in its own nature)—how can anyone go in over a dead soul, which this priest is forbidden, when whoever goes in goes in over a dead body, not over a soul which has departed from the body?
QsHept.3.57.4
An ipsam vitam temporalem animae vocabulo appellavit, quae utique mortua est in defuncto corpore, anima illa emigrante, quae mori non potest? Non quod ipsa vita anima fuerit; sed quod per animae praesentiam, qua subsistebat, nomen eius acceperit: sicut distinximus, cum de sanguine loqueremur (Cf. Quaest. 3, 57), cur dictum sit: anima omnis carnis, sanguis eius est (Lev 17, 11). Est enim et ipse sanguis mortuus in corpore mortui: non enim cum abscedente anima abscessit. Vetuit ergo Scriptura summum sacerdotem etiam super patris vel matris funus intrare; quod secundum non prohibuit. Sequitur enim: super patrem suum et super matrem suam non inquinabitur. Ordo est autem verborum: "super patrem suum non inquinabitur, nec super matrem suam."
Or did he call by the name of soul the temporal life itself, which surely is dead in the deceased body, when that soul which cannot die has departed? Not that the life itself was a soul; but that, through the presence of the soul, by which it subsisted, it received the soul's name: as we distinguished when we spoke of blood (See Question 3, 57), why it was said: the soul of all flesh is its blood (Lev 17, 11). For the blood itself too is dead in the body of a dead man: for it did not depart with the departing soul. Scripture, then, forbade the high priest to go in even over the funeral of father or mother; which it did not forbid to the second priest. For it follows: he shall not be defiled over his father and over his mother. But the order of the words is: "he shall not be defiled over his father, nor over his mother."
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo dicatur: Et de sanctis non exibit.
How it is said: And he shall not go out from the holy places.
82. (21, 12) Et de sanctis non exibit: eo procul dubio tempore quo suorum funera celebrabantur, sicut et septem diebus quibus sanctificabatur, de sanctis est exire prohibitus (Cf. Lev 8, 33); non autem semper. Sane si uxores ducere, vel filios gignere non vetabantur summi tunc sacerdotes, magna oritur quaestio.
82. (21, 12) And he shall not go out from the holy places: at that time, beyond doubt, when the funerals of his own were being held, just as during the seven days in which he was being sanctified, he is forbidden to go out from the holy places (See Lev 8, 33); but not always. Indeed, if the high priests of that time were not forbidden to take wives or to beget children, a great question arises.
QsHept.3.57.4
Cum Lex etiam coniugali concubitu immundum hominem dicat usque ad vesperam, etiam cum abluerit corpus suum aqua (Cf. Lev 15, 16); et iubeatur summus sacerdos propter incensum continuationis bis in die quotidie intrare intra velum (Cf. Ex 30, 7-8), ubi erat altare incensi, nec quemquam immundum ad sancta fas esset accedere: quomodo id quotidie summus sacerdos implebat, si filios procreabat? Nam si aegritudo illi accidisset, quis loco eius fungeretur, si quis inquirat; responderi potest quod gratia Dei non aegrotabat: numquid sic etiam de filiorum procreatione responderi potest? Unde fit consequens ut aut continens esset, aut diebus aliquibus intermitteretur incensum; aut si illud intermitti non posset, quod nonnisi per summum sacerdotem necesse esset imponi, non fieret immundus coitu coniugali, merito praecipuae sanctificationis suae. Aut si etiam ad ipsum pertinet, quod de omnibus filiis Aaron in consequentibus dicit, ut nullus eorum accedat ad sancta, si cui aliquid acciderit immunditiae (Cf. Lev 22, 3); illud profecto restat accipere, quod nonnullis diebus non imponebatur incensum.
Since the Law calls a man unclean until evening even from conjugal intercourse, even when he has washed his body with water (See Lev 15, 16); and the high priest is commanded, on account of the continual incense, to go in within the veil twice daily, every day (See Ex 30, 7-8), where the altar of incense was, and it was not lawful for anyone unclean to approach the holy things: how did the high priest fulfill this daily, if he was begetting children? For if illness befell him, who would discharge his office in his place, if one should ask; it can be answered that by the grace of God he did not fall ill: can it likewise be answered so concerning the begetting of children? Whence it follows as a consequence that either he was continent, or on some days the incense was interrupted; or, if it could not be interrupted, since it had to be placed only by the high priest, he did not become unclean by conjugal intercourse, by the merit of his special sanctification. Or, if there pertains to him too what he says in what follows about all the sons of Aaron, that none of them should approach the holy things if any uncleanness has befallen him (See Lev 22, 3); then it surely remains to take it that on some days the incense was not placed.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo super funis patris prohibeatur intrare.
How he is forbidden to go in over his father's funeral.
83. (21, 11) Quod autem super funus patris sui summus sacerdos prohibetur intrare, quaeri potest quomodo iam esse poterat summus sacerdos, nondum mortuo patre suo, cum eos patribus succedere iubeat. Ideo necesse erat nondum sepulto summo sacerdote, continuo substitui sacerdotem propter continuationis incensum, quod per summum sacerdotem quotidie oportebat imponi.
83. (21, 11) But as for the high priest being forbidden to go in over his father's funeral, it may be asked how he could already be high priest, his father not yet being dead, since he commands them to succeed their fathers. For this reason it was necessary, the high priest not yet being buried, that a priest should at once be substituted on account of the continual incense, which had to be placed daily by the high priest.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quamquam et illa quaestio de aegritudine summi sacerdotis manet, si vel moriturum necesse erat diebus aliquibus aegrotare: nisi forte et hoc ita solvatur, ut dicatur non solere summos sacerdotes, nisi subito mori, non praecedente aegritudine; sicut de ipso Aaron Scriptura testatur (Cf. Num 20, 26-29).
Although that question about the illness of the high priest remains, if even one about to die had necessarily to be ill for some days: unless perhaps this too be solved by saying that high priests were not wont to die except suddenly, no illness preceding; as Scripture testifies of Aaron himself (See Num 20, 26-29).
QsHept.3.57.4
De verbis: Ego Dominus qui sanctifico eum sacerdotem.
Concerning the words: I am the Lord who sanctify him the priest.
84. (21, 15) Advertendum est quoties dicit: ego Dominus, qui sanctifico eum, loquens de sacerdote; cum hoc etiam Moysi dixerit: et sanctificabis eum (Ex 29, 24). Quomodo ergo et Moyses sanctificat et Dominus? Non enim Moyses pro Domino: sed Moyses visibilibus Sacramentis per ministerium suum; Dominus autem invisibili gratia per Spiritum Sanctum, ubi est totus fructus etiam visibilium sacramentorum. Nam sine ista sanctificatione invisibilis gratiae, visibilia Sacramenta quid prosunt? Merito autem quaeritur, utrum etiam ista invisibilis sanctificatio sine visibilibus Sacramentis, quibus visibiliter homo sanctificatur, pariter nihil prosit: quod utique absurdum est. Tolerabilius enim quisque dixerit, sine illis istam non esse, quam si fuerit non prodesse; cum in ista sit omnis utilitas illorum.
84. (21, 15) It is to be noted how often he says, I am the Lord, who sanctify him, speaking of the priest; when he said this to Moses too: and you shall sanctify him (Ex 29, 24). How, then, do both Moses sanctify and the Lord? For Moses is not in place of the Lord: but Moses sanctifies by visible sacraments through his ministry; the Lord, however, by invisible grace through the Holy Spirit, where is the whole fruit even of the visible sacraments. For without this sanctification of invisible grace, what do the visible sacraments avail? But it is rightly asked whether this invisible sanctification too, without the visible sacraments by which a man is visibly sanctified, likewise avails nothing: which is surely absurd. For one might more tolerably say that, without the former, the latter does not exist, than that, if it exists, it does not avail; since in the latter is all the usefulness of the former.
QsHept.3.57.4
Sed etiam hoc, quod sine illis ista esse non possit, quomodo recte dicatur, intuendum est. Nihil quippe profuit Simoni mago visibilis Baptismus, cui sanctificatio invisibilis defuit (Cf. Act 8, 9-12): sed quibus ista invisibilis, quoniam affuit profuit, etiam visibilia Sacramenta perceperant similiter baptizati. Nec tamen Moyses, qui visibiliter sacerdotes sanctificabat, ubi fuerit ipse ipsis sacrificiis vel oleo sanctificatus, ostenditur: invisibiliter vero sanctificatum negare quis audeat, cuius tanta gratia praeeminebat? Hoc et de Ioanne Baptista dici potest: prius enim baptizator, quam baptizatus apparuit (Cf. Mt 3, 11. 14). Unde eum sanctificatum nequaquam negare possumus: id tamen in eo factum visibiliter non invenimus antequam ad ministerium baptizandi veniret. Hoc et de latrone illo, cui secum crucifixo Dominus ait: hodie mecum eris in paradiso (Lc 23, 43). Neque enim sine sanctificatione invisibili tanta felicitate donatus est.
But even this, that the latter cannot exist without the former, how it may rightly be said is to be considered. For visible Baptism availed nothing to Simon Magus, who lacked invisible sanctification (See Acts 8, 9-12): but those in whom this invisible sanctification was present, and availed, had likewise received the visible sacraments, being baptized in like manner. And yet it is not shown where Moses, who visibly sanctified the priests, was himself sanctified by those very sacrifices or by the oil: but who would dare to deny that he was invisibly sanctified, in whom such great grace was preeminent? This can be said of John the Baptist too: for he appeared as a baptizer before he was baptized (See Mt 3, 11. 14). Whence we can by no means deny that he was sanctified: yet we do not find this done in him visibly before he came to the ministry of baptizing. This too of that thief, to whom, crucified with him, the Lord said: today you shall be with me in paradise (Lk 23, 43). For neither was he, without invisible sanctification, endowed with such great felicity.
QsHept.3.57.4
Proinde colligitur invisibilem sanctificationem quibusdam affuisse atque profuisse sine visibilibus Sacramentis, quae pro temporum diversitate mutata sunt, ut alia tunc fuerint, et alia modo sint: visibilem vero sanctificationem, quae fieret per visibilia Sacramenta, sine ista invisibili posse adesse, non posse prodesse. Nec tamen ideo Sacramentum visibile contemnendum est: nam contemptor eius invisibiliter sanctificari nullo modo potest. Hinc est quod Cornelius et qui cum eo erant, cum iam invisibiliter infuso Sancto Spiritu sanctificati apparerent, baptizati sunt tamen (Cf. Act 10, 44-48): nec superflua iudicata est visibilis sanctificatio, quam invisibilis iam praecesserat.
Accordingly it is gathered that invisible sanctification was present to some and availed them without the visible sacraments, which have been changed according to the diversity of times, so that there were some then and others now: but that visible sanctification, which is done through the visible sacraments, without that invisible one can be present, but cannot avail. Yet the visible sacrament is not therefore to be despised: for one who despises it can in no way be invisibly sanctified. Hence it is that Cornelius and those who were with him, when they now appeared sanctified by the Holy Spirit invisibly poured out, were nevertheless baptized (See Acts 10, 44-48): nor was the visible sanctification, which the invisible had already preceded, judged superfluous.
QsHept.3.57.4
Iubetur sacerdotem mundum esse oportere, quicumque ad sancta accedere voluerit.
It is commanded that a priest must be clean, whoever wishes to approach the holy things.
85. (22, 1-3) Et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen, dicens: 'dic Aaron et filiis eius, et attendant a sanctis filiorum Israel, et non profanabunt nomen sanctum meum, quanta ipsi sanctificant mihi. Ego Dominus.' Et dices illis: 'in progenies vestras omnis homo quicumque accesserit ab omni semine vestro ad sancta, quaecumque sanctificaverint filii Israel Domino, et erit immunditia eius in illo, exterminabitur anima illa a me. Ego Dominus Deus vester.'
85. (22, 1-3) And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Say to Aaron and his sons, and let them take heed concerning the holy things of the children of Israel, and they shall not profane my holy name, in the things which they sanctify to me. I am the Lord. And you shall say to them: Throughout your generations, every man whoever of all your seed shall approach the holy things, whatever the children of Israel shall have sanctified to the Lord, and his uncleanness be upon him, that soul shall be cut off from me. I am the Lord your God.
QsHept.3.57.4
Ablata est omnis dubitatio, neminem sacerdotum vel summorum vel secundorum debuisse accedere ad sancta, si immunditia eius in ipso esset. Erat ergo consequens continentia sacerdotis, ne propter filiorum procreationem aliquibus diebus non imponeretur continuationis incensum, quod a solis summis sacerdotibus bis in die solebat imponi, mane et vespera (Cf. Ex 30, 7-8): quandoquidem post coitum coniugalem etiam loto corpore immundus erat usque ad vesperam (Cf. Lev 15, 16), a quo id necesse erat imponi. Quod autem ait, quae sanctificant filii Israel, intellegendum est, offerendo sacerdotibus offerendum per eos Domino.
All doubt is removed, that none of the priests, whether high or second, ought to approach the holy things, if his uncleanness were upon him. The continence of the priest was therefore a consequence, lest on account of the begetting of children on some days the continual incense should not be placed, which was wont to be placed only by the high priests twice a day, morning and evening (See Ex 30, 7-8): since after conjugal intercourse, even with the body washed, he was unclean until evening (See Lev 15, 16), by whom it had to be placed. But as for his saying, which the children of Israel sanctify, it is to be understood as offering to the priests to be offered by them to the Lord.
QsHept.3.57.4
Et notandum sanctificationis genus, quod fit voto et devotione offerentis. Sed utrum sicut isto modo sanctificantur ea quae offeruntur ab hominibus, ita et ipsi homines eodem modo seipsos sanctificare dicantur, cum in aliqua re seipsos vovent, observandum est in Scripturis.
And the kind of sanctification is to be noted which is done by the vow and devotion of the one offering. But whether, just as in this way the things offered by men are sanctified, so too the men themselves are said to sanctify themselves in the same way, when they vow themselves in some matter, is to be observed in the Scriptures.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid immunditiam animae.
What the uncleanness of a soul is.
86. (22, 4) Et qui tetigerit omnem immunditiam animae: id est, aliquid morticinum, cuius secundum Legem tactus inquinat.
86. (22, 4) And he who touches any uncleanness of a soul: that is, anything dead, the touching of which, according to the Law, defiles.
QsHept.3.57.4
Maledicere Deum aut nominare nomen Domini differenter prohibetur.
To curse God or to name the name of the Lord is forbidden with a difference.
87. (24, 15-16) Homo, homo si maledixerit Deum suum, peccatum accipiet: nominans autem nomen Domini, morte moriatur: quasi aliud sit maledicere Deum suum, aliud nominare nomen Domini; atque illud sit peccatum, hoc autem tantum nefas, ut etiam morte sit dignum. Quamvis hoc loco ita intellegendum sit, quod dictum est, nomen Domini, ut cum maledicto fiat, id est maledicendo nominet. Quid ergo distat inter illud peccatum et hoc tanti sceleris crimen? An forte hoc ipsum repetendo monstravit non leve illud esse peccatum, sed tantum scelus quod morte puniendum sit? sed quia per distinctionem hoc intulit, non dicens, "nominans enim," sed, nominans autem; subobscurum factum est. Et ideo si hoc recte intellegitur, notandum est etiam locutionis genus.
87. (24, 15-16) A man, a man, if he curse his God, shall incur sin: but he who names the name of the Lord, let him die the death: as though it were one thing to curse one's God, another to name the name of the Lord; and the former were sin, but the latter so great a wickedness that it is even worthy of death. Although in this passage what is said, the name of the Lord, is to be so understood that it is done with a curse, that is, that he names it by cursing. What, then, is the difference between that sin and this crime of so great wickedness? Or did he perhaps, by repeating this very thing, show that the former is not a light sin, but so great a wickedness that it is to be punished with death? But because he brought this in by way of distinction, not saying "for he who names," but but he who names; it has become somewhat obscure. And therefore, if this is rightly understood, the kind of expression too is to be noted.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo anima hominis percuti dicatur.
How the soul of a man is said to be struck.
88. (24, 17) Et homo qui percusserit omnem animam hominis, et mortuus fuerit, morte moriatur. Non ait: "quicumque percusserit hominem, et mortuus fuerit," sed, animam hominis; cum potius corpus hominis a percussore feriatur, sicut et Dominus dicit: nolite timere eos qui corpus occidunt (Mt 10, 28). Eo more ergo quo solet Scriptura, appellat animam vitam ipsam corporis, quae fit per animam, et hinc voluit ostendere homicidam, quod hominis animam percutiat, id est percutiendo vita hominem privet. Cur ergo addidit: et mortuus fuerit, si iam hoc ipso ostendit homicidium, quod animam hominis percusserit, id est vita homo a percutiente privatus sit? An exponere voluit quomodo accipiendum sit, quod dixerat, hominis animam percussam, et sic ait: et mortuus fuerit, tamquam diceret, "id est mortuus fuerit"? hoc est enim, animam hominis fuisse percussam.
88. (24, 17) And a man who strikes any soul of a man, and he die, let him die the death. He does not say: "whoever strikes a man, and he die," but, the soul of a man; although rather the body of a man is struck by the striker, as the Lord too says: do not fear those who kill the body (Mt 10, 28). By the manner, then, that Scripture is wont to use, he calls "soul" the very life of the body, which is by the soul, and from this he meant to show the murderer, in that he strikes the soul of a man, that is, by striking deprives a man of life. Why, then, did he add: and he die, if he already shows the murder by this very thing, that he struck the soul of a man, that is, that the man was deprived of life by the striker? Or did he mean to explain how it is to be taken, what he had said, the soul of a man struck, and so says: and he die, as though he said, "that is, he died"? for this is what it is for the soul of a man to have been struck.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo intellegendum est: Cum introieritis in terram quam do vobis et requieverit, etc.
How it is to be understood: When you enter into the land which I give you, and it rests, and so forth.
89. (25, 2-7) Cum introieritis in terram quam ego do vobis, et requieverit terra quam ego do vobis, Sabbata Domini. Sex annis seminabis agrum tuum, et sex annis putabis vineam tuam, et congregabis fructum eius: anno autem septimo Sabbata, requies erit terrae, Sabbata Domino.
89. (25, 2-7) When you enter into the land which I give you, and the land which I give you rests, the Sabbaths of the Lord. Six years you shall sow your field, and six years you shall prune your vine, and shall gather its fruit: but in the seventh year a Sabbath, a rest shall be for the land, a Sabbath to the Lord.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo intellegendum est: cum introieritis in terram quam do vobis, et requieverit terra; sex annis seminabis agrum tuum, et cetera? Quasi tunc fieri praeceptum sit, quando terra requieverit; cum propterea terra requiescat, quoniam hoc fit. Requiem enim terrae septimo utique anno vult intellegi, quo iussit nihil in ea quemquam operari per agriculturam. Sed nimirum longum hyperbaton facit obscuritatem huic sensui.
How is it to be understood: when you enter into the land which I give you, and the land rests; six years you shall sow your field, and so forth? As though the command were to be carried out then, when the land has rested; whereas the land rests for the very reason that this is done. For he means the rest of the land to be understood in the seventh year, in which he commanded no one to do any work on it by agriculture. But surely the long hyperbaton creates obscurity for this sense.
QsHept.3.57.4
Videtur ergo hic esse ordo verborum: cum introieritis in terram quam ego do vobis, et requieverit terra quam ego do vobis, Sabbata Domini: quae ab se surgunt agrum tuum non metes, et uvam sanctificationis tuae non vindemiabis: annus requiescendi erit terrae. Et erunt Sabbata terrae esca tibi, et puero tuo, et puellae tuae, et mercenario tuo, et inquilino qui applicitus est ad te, et pecoribus tuis, et bestiis quae sunt in terra tua omne quod nascetur ex eo in escam.
This, then, seems to be the order of the words: when you enter into the land which I give you, and the land which I give you rests, the Sabbaths of the Lord: the things that spring up of themselves you shall not reap your field, and the grape of your sanctification you shall not gather: it shall be a year of resting for the land. And the Sabbaths of the land shall be food for you, and for your manservant, and your maidservant, and your hired servant, and the sojourner who has attached himself to you, and your cattle, and the beasts that are in your land—all that is born of it for food.
QsHept.3.57.4
Interposuit autem exponendo quomodo terra requiescat, et ait: sex annis seminabis agrum tuum, et sex annis putabis vitem tuam, et congregabis fructum eius: anno autem septimo Sabbata, requies erit terrae, Sabbata Domini. Agrum tuum non seminabis, et vineam tuam non putabis.
But he inserted, by way of explanation, how the land rests, and said: six years you shall sow your field, and six years you shall prune your vine, and shall gather its fruit: but in the seventh year a Sabbath, a rest shall be for the land, the Sabbaths of the Lord. Your field you shall not sow, and your vine you shall not prune.
QsHept.3.57.4
Et per hoc quod ait, non putabis, omnem culturam eo anno prohibitam debemus accipere. Neque enim si putanda non est, aranda est, aut adminiculis suspendenda, vel quodlibet aliud, quod ad culturam eius pertineat, adhibendum: sed quomodo solet a parte totum intellegi, ita per putationem omnis cultura significata est. Et per agrum atque vineam, cum et illum seminari, et hanc putari prohibuit, omne agri genus intellegendum est. Neque enim in oliveto, vel quolibet alterius generis agro aliquid operandum est, de quibus tacuit.
And by his saying, you shall not prune, we ought to take all cultivation as forbidden in that year. For if it is not to be pruned, neither is it to be plowed, or propped with supports, nor is anything else to be applied that pertains to its cultivation: but, as the whole is wont to be understood from a part, so by pruning all cultivation is signified. And by field and vine, since he forbade both the one to be sown and the other to be pruned, every kind of field is to be understood. For neither in an olive grove, nor in a field of any other kind, about which he kept silent, is anything to be worked.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quod vero ait: et erunt Sabbata terrae esca tibi, et puero tuo, et puellae tuae, etc., satis aperuit nec dominum agri prohibitum vesci eis, quae non adhibita cultura illo anno sponte nascantur, sed fructus redigere prohibitum. Sic ergo permissus est aliquid inde in escam sumere, quomodo transiens, ut hoc solum caperet quod statim vescendo consumeret, non quod in usus reponeret.
But as for his saying, and the Sabbaths of the land shall be food for you, and for your manservant, and your maidservant, and so forth, he made clear enough that the owner of the field too is not forbidden to eat the things which, no cultivation being applied, grow of their own accord in that year, but is forbidden to gather them as produce. So, then, he was permitted to take something from it for food as one passing by, so as to take only what he would at once consume by eating, not what he would store for use.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo illud: Et terra non venundabitur in profanationem.
How that: And the land shall not be sold into profanation.
90. (25, 23) Et terra non venumdabitur in profanationem: alii codices habent, in confirmationem; quam mendositatem in alterutris prius in Graeco accidisse arbitror, propter verbi similem sonum: βεβήλωσις enim "profanatio" dicitur; βεβαίωσις autem, "confirmatio." Sed ille sensus apertus est: et terra non venumdabitur in profanationem: id est, ne quis auderet terram, quam accepit a Deo, vendere profanis, qui ea utantur ad impietatem cultumque deorum alienorum atque falsorum. Illud autem subobscurum est: non venumdabitur terra in confirmationem: quod puto non intellegendum, nisi ne ita venditio confirmetur, ut eam non recipiat venditor tempore remissionis, sicut praeceptum est. Quod vero sequitur, utrique sensui potest congruere, sive legatur: et terra non venumdabitur in profanationem; sive, in confirmationem. Secutus quippe adiunxit: mea enim est terra, propter quod proselyti et incolae vos estis ante me.
90. (25, 23) And the land shall not be sold into profanation: other codices have, into confirmation; which corruption I think occurred first in the Greek in one or the other, on account of the similar sound of the word: for βεβήλωσις means "profanation"; but βεβαίωσις, "confirmation." But the former sense is clear: and the land shall not be sold into profanation: that is, lest anyone dare to sell the land, which he received from God, to profane persons, who would use it for impiety and the worship of strange and false gods. But the latter is somewhat obscure: the land shall not be sold into confirmation: which I think is to be understood only as, lest the sale be so confirmed that the seller does not receive it back at the time of release, as has been commanded. But what follows can suit either sense, whether it be read: and the land shall not be sold into profanation, or, into confirmation. For he went on and added: for the land is mine, because you are proselytes and sojourners before me.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo illud: Mercedem dabitis terrae.
How that: You shall give a price for the land.
91. (25, 24) Et per omnem terram possessionis vestrae mercedem dabitis terrae: alii autem codices habent, redemptionem dabitis terrae. Sensus ergo hic est: non venumdabitur terra in profanationem, id est, illis qui ea utantur in iniuriam Creatoris; aut in confirmationem, id est, ut eam emptor perpetuo possideat, nec certo secundum Dei praeceptum intervallo annorum restituat venditori. Mea est enim, inquit, terra: unde secundum meum praeceptum ea uti debetis.
91. (25, 24) And throughout all the land of your possession you shall give a price for the land: but other codices have, you shall give a redemption for the land. The sense, then, is this: the land shall not be sold into profanation, that is, to those who would use it to the injury of the Creator; or into confirmation, that is, so that the buyer should possess it perpetually, and not restore it to the seller at the fixed interval of years according to God's precept. For the land, he says, is mine: whence according to my precept you ought to use it.
QsHept.3.57.4
Atque ut ostenderet suam esse, non ipsorum, quid ipsi in ea essent, consequenter adiunxit, dicens: propter quod proselyti et incolae vos estis ante me: hoc est: Quamvis proselyti, id est advenae sint vobis, qui ex alienigenis adiunguntur genti vestrae; et incolae, id est non in terra propria manentes: tamen etiam vos omnes ante me advenae estis et incolae. Hoc Deus dicit, sive Israelitis, quod aliarum gentium terram, quas expulit, eis dederit: sive omni homini, quoniam ante Deum qui semper manet, et sicut scriptum est, coelum et terram implet (Cf. Ier 23, 24), utique praesentia sua, omnis homo advena est nascendo, et incola vivendo; quoniam compellitur migrare moriendo.
And to show that it was his, not theirs, what they themselves were in it he consequently added, saying: because you are proselytes and sojourners before me: that is: Although there be proselytes to you, that is, newcomers, who from foreigners are joined to your nation; and sojourners, that is, not remaining in their own land: yet you all too are before me newcomers and sojourners. God says this either to the Israelites, because he gave them the land of other nations, which he had expelled: or to every man, since before God, who always remains and, as it is written, fills heaven and earth (See Jer 23, 24), surely by his presence, every man is a newcomer by being born, and a sojourner by living; since he is compelled to migrate by dying.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo quod addit: tamquam inquilini redemptionem.
How that which he adds: as sojourners, a redemption.
92. (25, 24) Deinde adiungit et dicit. per omnem terram possessionis vestrae mercedem dabitis terrae, tamquam inquilini, vel redemptionem. Illud, nisi fallor, vult intellegi quod inde reddebant quodam modo, per cessationes septimorum quorumque annorum, et quinquagesimi anni (Cf. Lev 25, 8), quem vocat remissionis; ut ipsa vacatio terrae velut merces habitationis aut redemptio esset ab illo cuius est, hoc est ab eius Creatore Deo.
92. (25, 24) Then he adds and says: throughout all the land of your possession you shall give a price for the land, as sojourners, or a redemption. By this, unless I am mistaken, he means to be understood what they rendered in a way from it, through the cessations of each seventh year, and of the fiftieth year (See Lev 25, 8), which he calls the year of release; so that the very lying fallow of the land was, as it were, the price of dwelling or the redemption from him whose it is, that is, from its Creator God.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quae sit anima Dei.
What the soul of God is.
93. (26, 11) Et ponam tabernaculum meum in vobis, et non abominabitur anima mea vos. Animam suam Deus voluntatem suam dicit. Non enim est animal habens corpus et animam; neque substantia eius eiusmodi est, cuiusmodi creatura eius, quae anima dicitur, quam fecit, sicut per Isaiam ipse testatur, dicens: et omnem flatum ego feci (Isa 57, 16): quod eum de anima hominis dicere consequentia manifestant. Sicut ergo cum dicit oculos suos, et labia sua, et caetera vocabula membrorum corporalium, non utique accipimus eum forma corporis esse definitum; sed illa omnia membrorum nomina non intellegimus, nisi effectus operationum atque virtutum: ita et cum dicit: anima mea, voluntatem eius debemus accipere. Perfecta quippe simplex illa natura quae Deus dicitur, non constat ex corpore et spiritu; nec ipso spiritu mutabilis est, sicut anima: sed et spiritus est Deus, et semper idem ipse, apud quem non est commutatio (Iac 1, 17). Hinc autem acceperunt Apollinaristae occasionem, qui dicunt animam non habuisse Mediatorem Dei et hominum, hominem Christum Iesum (Cf. 1 Tim 2, 5), sed tantum Verbum et carnem fuisse, cum diceret: tristis est anima mea usque ad mortem (Mt 26, 28): sed ipso eius actu, qui nobis per Evangelicam declaratur historiam, sic apparent humanae animae officia, ut hinc dubitare dementis sit.
93. (26, 11) And I will set my tabernacle among you, and my soul will not abominate you. By his soul God means his will. For he is not an animal having a body and a soul; nor is his substance of the kind that his creation is, which is called a soul, which he made, as he himself testifies through Isaiah, saying: and every breath I have made (Isa 57, 16): which that he says of the soul of man, the context makes clear. As, then, when he speaks of his eyes, and his lips, and the other names of bodily members, we surely do not take him to be defined by the form of a body; but we understand all those names of members only as the effects of his operations and powers: so too when he says, my soul, we ought to take his will. For that perfect and simple nature which is called God does not consist of body and spirit; nor is it changeable even in its spirit, as the soul is: but God is spirit, and always the same, with whom there is no change (Jas 1, 17). From this the Apollinarists took occasion, who say that the Mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus (See 1 Tim 2, 5), did not have a soul, but that he was only the Word and flesh, since he said: my soul is sorrowful even unto death (Mt 26, 38): but by his very action, which is declared to us through the Gospel history, the offices of a human soul so appear that to doubt of this would be the part of a madman.
QsHept.3.57.4
Dicitur quod transgressores legis gladius consumet si erunt in terra inimicorum suorum.
It is said that the sword will consume the transgressors of the law, if they are in the land of their enemies.
94. (26, 33. 36) Quid est, quod inobedientiae poenas cum minaretur Deus, dixit inter caetera: et consumet vos perambulans gladius; deinde ait: et erit terra vestra deserta, et civitates vestrae erunt desertae: tunc bene sentiet terra Sabbata sua, omnes dies desolationis suae; et vos eritis in terra inimicorum vestrorum? Quomodo ergo consumet eos gladius, si erunt in terra inimicorum suorum? An in ipsa terra consumet, quoniam strage mortium facta non erunt ibi? An consumet vos, sic ait, ac si diceret, "interficiet vos," ut ad istam consumptionem illi pertineant, qui gladio cadent, non omnes: quandoquidem paulo post dicit: et eis qui residui sunt ex vobis, superducam formidinem in cor eorum? An secundum hyperbolen dictum est, consumet vos: secundum quem loquendi modum et abundantia eorum dicta est sicut arena maris (Cf. Gen 22, 17; 32, 12)? Secundum istum modum etiam dicitur, quod deinde sequitur: et persequetur eos sonus folii volantis: id est, quia nimius in eis timor erit, ut et levissima quaeque formident.
94. (26, 33. 36) What does it mean that, when God was threatening the penalties of disobedience, he said among other things: and the sword shall consume you as it ranges about; then he says: and your land shall be deserted, and your cities shall be deserted: then the land shall well perceive its Sabbaths, all the days of its desolation; and you shall be in the land of your enemies? How, then, shall the sword consume them, if they shall be in the land of their enemies? Or shall it consume them in their own land, since, the slaughter of deaths having been made, they will not be there? Or does he say the sword shall consume you as if he said, "it shall kill you," so that to this consuming belong those who shall fall by the sword, not all: since a little later he says: and upon those of you who are left I will bring fear into their heart? Or is it said by hyperbole, the sword shall consume you: by which manner of speech their abundance too was said to be like the sand of the sea (See Gen 22, 17; 32, 12)? In this manner is said too what follows: and the sound of a flying leaf shall pursue them: that is, because there shall be in them such great fear that they dread even the lightest things.
QsHept.3.57.4
Bk. 4Questions on NumbersQuaestiones in Numeros
Quomodo a numeris appellentur principatus.
How offices of leadership are named from numbers.
QsHept.3.57.4
1. (1, 1-44) Quid est quod singulos de singulis tribubus eligi iubet principes, eosque appellat χιλίαρχοι? Quos quidam Latini interpretes "tribunos" appellaverunt: χιλίαρχοι autem videntur a "mille" cognominati. Sed cum consilium Iothor socer Moysi genero suo daret, quod etiam Deus approbavit, de ordinando populo sub principibus, ut non omnes omnium causae Moysen ultra vires onerarent, χιλίαρχοι appellavit constituendos super millenos homines, ἑκατόνταρχοι super centenos, et πεντακόνταρχοι, super quinquagenos, et δεκάδαρχοι super denos; ab ipsis numeris, quibus praeessent, cognominatos (Cf. Ex 18, 21. 25).
1. (1, 1-44) What does it mean that he commands individual leaders to be chosen from the individual tribes, and calls them χιλίαρχοι? Whom some Latin translators called "tribunes": but χιλίαρχοι seem to be named from "thousand." But when Jethro, Moses' father-in-law, gave his son-in-law the counsel, which God too approved, about ordering the people under leaders, so that not all the cases of all should burden Moses beyond his strength, he called those to be appointed over thousands of men χιλίαρχοι, those over hundreds ἑκατόνταρχοι, and those over fifties πεντακόνταρχοι, and those over tens δεκάδαρχοι; named from the very numbers over which they presided (See Ex 18, 21. 25).
QsHept.3.57.4
Numquidnam et hic sic accipiendi sunt χιλίαρχοι, quod singuli essent super millenos? Non utique: neque enim universus omnium populus Israel duodecim hominum millia tunc fuerunt. Singulos enim elegit de singulis tribubus, quae duodecim tribus procul dubio non millenos homines, sed multa millia continebant. Nomen ergo commune est cum illis, qui in Exodo appellantur χιλίαρχοι, quod unusquisque illorum esset mille hominum princeps: istorum autem unusquisque millium princeps, quoniam sive a mille, sive a millibus, eadem compositio nominis resonat, ut appellentur χιλίαρχος.
Are the χιλίαρχοι here too to be taken so, that each was over a thousand men? Surely not: for the whole people of all Israel was not then twelve thousand men. For he chose one from each of the tribes, which twelve tribes beyond doubt contained not thousands of men each, but many thousands. The name, then, is common with those who in Exodus are called χιλίαρχοι, because each of them was leader of a thousand men: but each of these is a leader of thousands, since whether from "thousand" or from "thousands," the same composition of the name sounds, so that he is called χιλίαρχος.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid mysterii habet numerus ille quinarius.
What sacred symbolism that number five has.
2. (1, 20-46) Merito quaeritur quid sibi velit quod per omnes tribus, ubi computantur per singulas quasque filii Israel in aetate militari, dicitur: secundum propinquitates eorum, secundum populos eorum, secundum domos familiarum eorum, secundum numerum nominum eorum, secundum caput eorum; et haec quinque similiter omnino repetuntur, donec tribus omnes compleantur: quasi aliud sit, secundum propinquitates eorum, aliud secundum populos, aliud secundum domos familiarum, aliud secundum numerum nominum, aliud secundum caput; cum potius videantur aliis verbis eadem significare ista omnia. Intentionem autem movet, quia tam diligenter per omnes tribus eadem repetuntur, ut non frustra fieri quivis iudicet, etiamsi non intellegat.
2. (1, 20-46) It is rightly asked what it means that, throughout all the tribes, where the children of Israel are reckoned tribe by tribe at military age, it is said: according to their kinships, according to their peoples, according to the houses of their families, according to the number of their names, according to their head; and these five things are repeated in just the same way, until all the tribes are completed: as though it were one thing, according to their kinships, another according to their peoples, another according to the houses of their families, another according to the number of their names, another according to their head; when rather all these things seem to signify the same thing in other words. But it moves our attention, that they are repeated so carefully throughout all the tribes, that anyone would judge it not to be done in vain, even if he does not understand it.
QsHept.3.57.4
Nimirum ergo numerus ipse aliquid insinuat sacramenti, ut hoc idem quinquies varie repetatur. Nam iste numerus sicut in ipsis quinque libris Moysi, id est quinarius, in Vetere Testamento maxime commendatur. Illa vero quae deinceps quatuor connectuntur, id est masculina, a viginti annis et supra, omnis qui procedit in virtute, recognitio eorum; quamvis et ipsa per omnes tribus eodem prorsus modo repetantur, habent necessariam differentiam. Cum enim ageretur de numero universae multitudinis ad unam tribum pertinentis, discernendus erat sexus, ideo positum est: omnia masculina. Et ne parvuli etiam computarentur, adiunctum est, a viginti annis et supra. Rursus ne imbellis aetas senectutis annumeraretur, additum est: omnis qui procedit in virtute. Et omnia concluduntur verbo eius operis quod fiebat, ut dicatur, recognitio eorum. Recognitio enim fiebat, ut haec hominum millia computarentur. Quinque igitur illa, propinquitates, populi, domus familiarum, numerus nominum, et caput; et ista deinde quatuor, sexus, aetas, virtus, recognitio, fortasse in ipso numero aliquid insinuent. Si enim horum duorum numerorum, id est quinarii et quaternarii, alter multiplicetur ex altero, id est ut quinquies quaterni, aut quater quini ducantur, viginti fiunt. Quo numero etiam adolescentium aetas illa signatur. Qui numerus commemoratur et quando intratur ad Terram Promissionis: et dicitur illa aetas viginti annorum, quae non declinaverit in dextram aut sinistram. Ubi mihi videntur significari sancti fideles ex utroque Testamento fidem veram tenentes. Nam Vetus Testamentum quinque libris Moysi maxime excellit, et Novum quatuor Evangeliis.
Surely, then, the number itself intimates something of sacred symbolism, that this same thing is repeated five times in various ways. For this number, as in the very five books of Moses, that is, the number five, is especially commended in the Old Testament. But those four things which are next joined, that is, males, from twenty years and upward, everyone who goes forth in strength, the review of them; although these too are repeated throughout all the tribes in exactly the same way, have a necessary difference. For since the number of the whole multitude belonging to one tribe was being treated, the sex had to be distinguished, and therefore it is set down: all the males. And lest little ones too should be counted, it is added, from twenty years and upward. Again, lest the unwarlike age of old men should be numbered in, it is added: everyone who goes forth in strength. And all is concluded with the word of the work that was being done, so that it says, the review of them. For a review was being made, so that these thousands of men might be counted. Those five things, then—kinships, peoples, houses of families, number of names, and head; and these four next—sex, age, strength, review—perhaps intimate something in the number itself. For if of these two numbers, that is, five and four, the one be multiplied by the other, that is, five times four, or four times five, they make twenty. By which number that age of young men too is marked. Which number is mentioned also when entry is made into the Land of Promise: and that age of twenty years is named, which has not turned aside to the right or the left. Where it seems to me that the holy faithful from both Testaments, holding the true faith, are signified. For the Old Testament especially excels in the five books of Moses, and the New in the four Gospels.
QsHept.3.57.4
Alienigena cui vetitur accedere tabernaculum dum erigitur aut levatur.
The foreigner who is forbidden to approach the tabernacle while it is being raised or taken down.
3. (1, 51) Quod ait de tabernaculo destringendo, levando, erigendo: et alienigena qui accesserit moriatur; hic alienigena intellegendus est etiam ex illis filiis Israel, qui non de illa tribu fuerunt, quam tabernaculo servire praecepit, id est qui non fuerit de tribu Levi. Mirum est autem quomodo abusive alienigena dicitur, quod magis alterius generis hominem significat, id est ἀλλογενής, et non magis ἀλλόφυλος, quod significat alterius tribus hominem: quo nomine magis utitur Scriptura in aliarum gentium hominibus, ut allophyli appellentur, quasi aliarum tribuum homines.
3. (1, 51) As to what he says about the tabernacle being struck, taken down, and raised: and the foreigner who approaches shall die; here a foreigner is to be understood even from among those children of Israel who were not of that tribe which he commanded to serve the tabernacle, that is, who was not of the tribe of Levi. But it is strange how foreigner is said improperly, since it rather signifies a man of another race, that is ἀλλογενής, and not rather ἀλλόφυλος, which signifies a man of another tribe: by which name Scripture rather uses of men of other nations, so that they are called allophyles, as it were men of other tribes.
QsHept.3.57.4
An vigiliae an custodiae rectius dicantur.
Whether "watches" or "guards" is more rightly said.
4. (3, 5-7) Et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen, dicens: 'accipe tribum Levi; et statues eos in conspectu Aaron sacerdotis, et ministrabunt ei: et custodient custodias eius, et custodias filiorum Israel, ante tabernaculum testimonii.'
4. (3, 5-7) And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Take the tribe of Levi; and you shall set them in the sight of Aaron the priest, and they shall minister to him: and they shall keep his guards, and the guards of the children of Israel, before the tabernacle of testimony.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quas φυλακάι Graecus dixit, has nostri interpretes alii custodias, alii excubias interpretati sunt. Sed mirum nisi vigiliae melius dicuntur quae solent in castris ternarum horarum observationem habere. Unde scriptum est: quarta autem vigilia noctis venit ad eos, ambulans super mare (Mt 14, 25): hoc est, post nonam horam noctis, post tres videlicet vigilias. Et multis locis Scripturarum nostri vigilias interpretati sunt, quas Graeci φυλακάι vocant.
What the Greek called φυλακαί, some of our translators rendered guards, others watches. But it is strange if those are not better called "watches" which are wont in camps to have a three-hour observation. Whence it is written: but in the fourth watch of the night he came to them, walking upon the sea (Mt 14, 25): that is, after the ninth hour of the night, after three watches, that is. And in many places of the Scriptures ours have rendered "watches" what the Greeks call φυλακαί.
QsHept.3.57.4
Ubi nulla dubitatio est, spatia nocturni temporis significari: quod puto et hic accipiendum. Quomodo enim Levitae iubentur observare custodias Aaron, et custodias filiorum Israel, id est φυλακάι, nisi fortasse dictum est, ne putarent ab observandis vigiliis, quae proprie in castris observari solent, propter honorem quo serviebant tabernaculo, immunes se esse debere, cum et ipsos oporteret propter opera tabernaculi non minus vicissim observare vigilias, quae observarentur in aliis circumquaque castris filiorum Israel?
Where there is no doubt that the spans of nocturnal time are signified: which I think is to be taken here too. For how are the Levites commanded to keep the guards of Aaron, and the guards of the children of Israel, that is φυλακαί, unless perhaps it was said lest they should think themselves to be exempt from keeping the watches, which are properly wont to be kept in camps, on account of the honor by which they served the tabernacle, when they too, on account of the works of the tabernacle, ought no less to keep watches in turn, which were kept in the other camps round about of the children of Israel?
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo ex contactu tabernaculi Dominus mortem minetur.
How from the touching of the tabernacle the Lord threatens death.
5. (3, 10. 38) Alienigena qui tetigerit morietur. Quaerendum quomodo dixerit in Levitico (Lev 6, 18): qui tetigerit tabernaculum sanctificabitur: cum hic dicat: alienigena qui tetigerit, morietur; volens intellegi eos qui non essent de tribu Levi. An forte hic, tetigerit, ad obsequium dixerit servitutis, quod a solis Levitis deberi tabernaculo praecepit? Hinc enim loquebatur.
5. (3, 10. 38) The foreigner who touches it shall die. It is to be asked how he said in Leviticus (Lev 6, 18): whoever touches the tabernacle shall be sanctified: when here he says: the foreigner who touches it shall die; meaning those who were not of the tribe of Levi. Or did he perhaps here, by touches, mean the duty of service, which he commanded to be owed to the tabernacle by the Levites alone? For of this he was speaking.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo primogenita dicantur Dei.
How firstborn are said to be God's.
6. (3, 12-14. 41-47) Quid est quod Levitas pro primogenitis filiorum Israel sibi Deus deputat, ita ut numeratis primogenitis populi, qui plures inventi sunt quam erat numerus Levitarum, argento redimerentur, quinque siclis pro uno datis? Quod pro pecoribus non est factum, cum et pecora Levitarum pro primogenitis pecorum Israel sibi esse voluerit. Quomodo deinceps primogenita eorum vel pecorum eorum pertinebant ad Deum, ubi iussit immunda primogenita vel humana mutari ovibus? Quomodo non et pro istis deinceps primogenitis computabantur filii Levitarum (manebat enim in posteris eadem tribus, quae posset pro primogenitis posterioribus computari); nisi quia illud iustum fuit, ut qui nascerentur de illis qui iam ad portionem Domini pertinebant, datam pro primogenitis qui de Aegypto exierunt, iam Deus proprios haberet, tamquam suos de suis, nec possent pro illis iuste computari, qui deinceps primogeniti Deo debebantur? De universo quippe populo, et de universis pecoribus populi data est portio Deo pro primogenitis: et haec portio erat Levitae et pecora eorum. Iam si quid genuissent, Dei erat; non poterat hoc tamquam a populo dari, quod iam alienum erat: ac per hoc debita deinceps primogenita Deo reddi oportebat; nec pro his computari posteros Levitarum vel pecorum eorum.
6. (3, 12-14. 41-47) What does it mean that God reckons the Levites to himself in place of the firstborn of the children of Israel, so that, the firstborn of the people being counted, who were found more in number than the number of the Levites, they were redeemed with silver, five shekels being given for one? Which was not done for the cattle, although he willed that the cattle of the Levites too should be his in place of the firstborn of the cattle of Israel. How did their firstborn or the firstborn of their cattle afterward belong to God, where he commanded that unclean firstborn, whether of beasts or of men, be exchanged for sheep? How were the sons of the Levites not also reckoned for those subsequent firstborn (for the same tribe remained in their descendants, who could be reckoned for the later firstborn); unless it was just that those who were born of those who already belonged to the Lord's portion—given for the firstborn who came out of Egypt—God should now hold as his own, as it were his own from his own, and that those who were thereafter owed to God as firstborn could not justly be reckoned for them? For out of the whole people, and out of all the cattle of the people, a portion was given to God for the firstborn: and this portion was the Levites and their cattle. Now if they had begotten anything, it was God's; this could not be given as it were by the people, which was already not their own: and through this the firstborn afterward owed had to be rendered to God; nor were the descendants of the Levites or of their cattle to be reckoned for these.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo panes dicuntur semper esse super mensam.
How loaves are said to be always upon the table.
7. (4, 7) Cum praeciperet de tollenda mensa, iussit cum illa et panes tolli sic dicens: et panes qui semper super eam erunt. Non utique isti semper super eam erunt, sed similes eorum: quia illi auferebantur, et recentes quotidie ponebantur; dum tamen sine panibus mensa non relinqueretur. Ideo dixit: qui semper super eam erunt: hoc est, quia semper panes, non quia illi semper.
7. (4, 7) When he gave command about taking up the table, he ordered the loaves to be taken up with it, saying thus: and the loaves which shall always be upon it. Surely these will not always be upon it, but ones like them: because those were taken away, and fresh ones placed daily; provided only that the table was not left without loaves. Therefore he said: which shall always be upon it: that is, because there are always loaves, not because those are always there.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo sequentia intellegi debent.
How the following words are to be understood.
8. (4, 11) Et super altare aureum adoperient vestimentum hyacinthinum, et adoperient illud operimento pelliceo hyacinthino. Posset ista locutio videri, quam velut absurdam et non integram Latini interpretes transferre noluerunt; id est, super altare aureum adoperient vestimentum hyacinthinum: tamquam debuerit dici: "et altare aureum adoperient vestimento hyacinthino." Nam adoperient vestimentum hyacinthinum, hoc videtur significare, quod ipsum vestimentum aliunde adoperiretur, non quod ipso vestimento adoperiretur altare. Sed mihi videtur non tam genus locutionis esse, quam subobscurus sensus. Hoc quippe intellegi potest: et super altare aureum adoperient vestimentum hyacinthinum, ut ipsum vestimentum hyacinthinum alia re operiendum praeciperet, quod vestimentum iam super altare esset; ac sic breviter utrumque complecteretur, et vestimento hyacinthino altare operiendum, et vestimentum hyacinthinum alio tegmine operiendum. Subiunxit denique unde cooperiri vellet vestimentum hyacinthinum, cum adiecit: et adoperient illud operimento pelliceo hyacinthino.
8. (4, 11) And over the golden altar they shall cover a blue cloth, and shall cover it with a blue covering of skin. This expression might seem—which, as it were absurd and not complete, the Latin translators were unwilling to render—that is, over the golden altar they shall cover a blue cloth: as though it ought to have been said: "and the golden altar they shall cover with a blue cloth." For they shall cover a blue cloth seems to signify this, that the cloth itself should be covered by something else, not that the altar should be covered by the cloth itself. But it seems to me to be not so much a manner of speech as a somewhat obscure sense. For this can be understood: and over the golden altar they shall cover a blue cloth, so that he prescribed the blue cloth itself, which would already be over the altar, to be covered with another thing; and so he briefly embraced both, that the altar was to be covered with the blue cloth, and the blue cloth to be covered with another covering. He added, finally, with what he wished the blue cloth to be covered, when he subjoined: and they shall cover it with a blue covering of skin.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quae peccata redimi pecunia iubentur.
What sins are commanded to be redeemed with money.
9. (5, 6-8) Vir, aut mulier, quicumque fecerit ab omnibus peccatis humanis, et despiciens despexerit, et deliquerit, anima illa annuntiabit peccatum quod peccavit, et restituet delictum: caput et quintas eius adiiciet super illud, et reddet cui deliquit ei. Si autem non fuerit homini proximus, ita ut reddat illi delictum ad ipsum; delictum quod redditur Domino, sacerdotis erit, excepto ariete propitiationis per quem exorabit in illo pro eo.
9. (5, 6-8) A man or a woman, whoever shall do any of the human sins, and despising shall despise, and shall offend, that soul shall declare the sin which it sinned, and shall restore the offense: the principal and its fifth he shall add upon it, and shall render it to him against whom he has offended. But if the man has no neighbor, so as to render to him the offense in respect of himself; the offense that is rendered to the Lord shall be the priest's, besides the ram of propitiation by which he shall make atonement in it for him.
QsHept.3.57.4
Hic ea peccata intellegenda sunt, quorum in his rebus perpetratio est, quae pecunia restitui possunt. Non enim aliter diceret quomodo restituenda sint, nisi damni pecuniarii fuissent. Iubet enim restitui caput et quintas, id est, totum illud quidquid est, et quintam eius partem, excepto ariete qui fuerat offerendus in sacrificium ad expiandum delictum.
Here those sins are to be understood whose commission is in those things which can be restored with money. For he would not otherwise say how they are to be restored, unless they were of a monetary loss. For he commands the principal and the fifth to be restored, that is, the whole of whatever it is, and a fifth part of it, besides the ram which was to be offered in sacrifice to expiate the offense.
QsHept.3.57.4
Iubet autem illud quod restituitur sacerdotis esse, id est, ipsum caput et quintam, si non est proximus ei in quem commissum est. Ubi utique intellegitur tunc Domino reddendum quod sit sacerdotis, si homo ipse non supersit qui damnum passus est, nec proximus eius, quem puto haeredem intellegi voluisse. Sed de ipso homine nihil dixit Scriptura: verumtamen cum dicit: si non ei fuerit proximus, sub hac brevitate insinuat, tunc quaeri proximum eius, si ipse non fuerit. Si autem nec proximus erit, Domino restituetur, ne impunitum remaneat quod admissum est: quod tamen non cedat in sacrificium, sed sit sacerdotis.
But he commands that what is restored be the priest's, that is, the principal itself and the fifth, if there is no neighbor to him against whom the offense was committed. Where it is surely understood that what is the priest's is then to be rendered to the Lord, if the man himself who suffered the loss does not survive, nor his neighbor, by whom I think he meant the heir to be understood. But about the man himself Scripture said nothing: yet when it says, if he has no neighbor, under this brevity it intimates that his neighbor is then to be sought, if he himself does not survive. But if there is no neighbor either, it shall be restored to the Lord, lest what was committed remain unpunished: which, however, shall not pass into a sacrifice, but be the priest's.
QsHept.3.57.4
Sic sane verba Scripturae distinguenda sunt: si autem non fuerit homini proximus, ita ut reddat illi delictum ad ipsum: locutionis est enim quod addidit: ad ipsum; aut forte ad ipsum dixit, quod ad ipsum pertineat, id est ipse possideat. Deinde sequitur: delictum quod redditur Domino, sacerdotis erit: delictum autem dicit, cum redditur ea res quae per delictum ablata est.
The words of Scripture are surely to be construed thus: but if the man has no neighbor, so as to render to him the offense in respect of himself: for what he added, in respect of himself, is a matter of the expression; or perhaps he said in respect of himself in the sense that it pertains to him, that is, that he himself possesses it. Then it follows: the offense that is rendered to the Lord shall be the priest's: but he says "the offense," when the thing that was taken away through the offense is rendered.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo different haec et in Exodo iubeatur restitutio.
How these things differ, and restitution is commanded in Exodus.
10. (5, 6-7) Quaeri autem potest, quomodo in Exodo dicitur, si quis furatus fuerit vitulum aut ovem, restituere debere quinque vitulos vel quatuor oves, si occiderit, aut vendiderit; si autem quod abstulerit, salvum apud eum reperitur, duplum esse restituendum (Cf. Ex 22, 1-4): cum hic restitui iubeat caput et quintam, quod longe est etiam a duplo; quanto magis a quadruplo vel quinquies tanto?
10. (5, 6-7) It may be asked how in Exodus it is said that, if anyone has stolen a calf or a sheep, he ought to restore five calves or four sheep, if he has killed or sold it; but if what he took away is found safe with him, double is to be restored (See Ex 22, 1-4): when here he commands the principal and the fifth to be restored, which is far even from double; how much more from fourfold or fivefold?
QsHept.3.57.4
Nisi forte quia hic ait: vir, aut mulier, quicumque fecerit ab omnibus peccatis humanis, peccata ignorantiae voluit intellegi humana peccata. Fieri enim potest ut parum attendendo, per neglegentiam traiiciat homo rem alienam in rem suam: quod ideo peccatum est, quia si diligenter attenderetur, non admitteretur. Et haec voluit capite et quinta restitui, non sicut furta multari.
Unless perhaps, because here he says, a man or a woman, whoever shall do any of the human sins, he meant sins of ignorance to be understood as human sins. For it can happen that, by paying too little attention, through negligence a man transfers another's property into his own: which is therefore a sin, because, if it were diligently attended to, it would not be committed. And these he meant to be restored with the principal and the fifth, not punished as thefts.
QsHept.3.57.4
Nam si furta et fraudes hic intellexerimus, quae non per ignorantiam neglegentiae, sed furandi et fraudandi animo committuntur, et ideo dicta humana, quia in homines fiunt; ille, nisi fallor, erit exitus quaestionis huius, ut ideo qui fecit non reddat vel duplum, quia non deprehenditur vel convincitur, sed ignorantibus a quo factum sit, vel utrum factum sit, ipse annuntiat delictum suum.
For if we understand here thefts and frauds, which are committed not through the ignorance of negligence but with the intent of stealing and defrauding, and are therefore called human because they are done against men; this, unless I am mistaken, will be the outcome of this question, that the one who did it does not render even double, because he is not caught or convicted, but, while those from whom it was done, or whether it was done, are ignorant, he himself declares his offense.
QsHept.3.57.4
Cum enim dixisset Scriptura: vir, aut mulier, quicumque fecerit ab omnibus peccatis humanis, et despiciens despexerit, et deliquerit, id est contemnendo ista commiserit; adiunxit, et ait: anima illa annuntiabit peccatum quod peccavit, et restituet delictum, caput et quintas eius: forte ergo propterea tantum, quia ipse annuntiavit; et ideo non eo damno plectendus fuit, quo furem comprehensum vel convictum plecti oporteret.
For when Scripture had said: a man or a woman, whoever shall do any of the human sins, and despising shall despise, and shall offend, that is, shall commit these things by way of contempt; it added and said: that soul shall declare the sin which it sinned, and shall restore the offense, the principal and its fifth: perhaps, then, for this reason only, because he himself declared it; and therefore he was not to be punished with that penalty by which a thief caught or convicted ought to be punished.
QsHept.3.57.4
Qualiter accipienda sint verba quae Scriptura dicit mulieri a sacerdote dicenda.
How the words which Scripture says are to be spoken to the woman by the priest are to be taken.
11. (5, 21) Verba quae Scriptura dicit mulieri a sacerdote dicenda, quando a suspicione adulterii eam maritus adducit: det eam Dominus in maledictum et in exsecramentum, Graecus habet ἐνόρκιον. Quo verbo videtur significari "iuramentum per exsecrationem"; velut si quisquam dicat: "sic non mihi illud et illud contingat": vel certe ita iuret: "illud et illud mihi contingat, si fecero, vel non fecero." Ita hoc dictum est: det te Dominus in maledictum et in exsecramentum, tamquam diceretur, "ut de te iurent quae per exsecrationem iurabunt; 'sic non eis contingat,' aut, 'hoc eis contingat, nisi illud fecerint.'"
11. (5, 21) The words which Scripture says are to be spoken to the woman by the priest, when her husband brings her under suspicion of adultery: may the Lord make you a curse and an execration, the Greek has ἐνόρκιον. By which word seems to be signified "an oath by execration"; as if someone should say: "so may such and such not befall me": or surely should swear thus: "may such and such befall me, if I have done it, or have not done it." So this is said: may the Lord make you a curse and an execration, as though it were said, "so that men may swear about you what they will swear by execration; 'so may it not befall them,' or, 'may this befall them, unless they have done that.'"
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid agnum offerri in peccatum.
What it is for a lamb to be offered for sin.
12. (6, 14-17) Et offeret munus suum Domino, agnum anniculum sine vitio in holocaustoma, et agnam anniculam sine vitio unam in peccatum. Hoc quidam nostri interpretes transferre noluerunt, veluti locutionem inusitatam vitantes, et dixerunt: pro peccato, non: in peccatum, cum sit sensus in ea locutione, qui non fuerat perturbandus. In peccatum quippe dictum est, quia hoc ipsum quod pro peccato offerebatur, peccatum vocabatur. Unde illud est apud Apostolum de Domino Christo: eum qui non noverat peccatum, peccatum pro nobis fecit (2 Cor 5, 21): Deus Pater scilicet, Deum Filium pro nobis fecit peccatum, id est sacrificium pro peccato. Sicut ergo agnus in holocaustoma, ut ipsum pecus esset holocaustoma; sic et agna in peccatum, ut ipsum pecus esset peccatum, id est sacrificium fieret pro peccato, sicut de ariete, quod sequitur, in salutare dicit, tamquam ipsum sit salutare, cum sit sacrificium salutaris. Quod postea repetendo manifestat: nam et illud pro peccato dicit, quod prius dixerat: in peccatum; et hoc: sacrificium salutaris, quod prius dixerat: in salutare.
12. (6, 14-17) And he shall offer his gift to the Lord, a year-old lamb without defect for a holocaust, and one year-old ewe-lamb without defect for sin. This some of our translators were unwilling to render, as if avoiding an unusual expression, and said: for sin, not: unto sin, although there is a sense in that expression which ought not to have been disturbed. For unto sin is said because this very thing which was offered for sin was called sin. Whence there is that saying in the Apostle about the Lord Christ: him who knew no sin he made sin for us (2 Cor 5, 21): God the Father, namely, made God the Son sin for us, that is, a sacrifice for sin. As, then, the lamb for a holocaust, so that the animal itself was a holocaust; so too the ewe-lamb unto sin, so that the animal itself was sin, that is, became a sacrifice for sin—as, of the ram, what follows says, unto a peace offering, as though it were itself a peace offering, when it is a sacrifice of the peace offering. Which he afterward makes clear by repeating: for he says for sin what he had first said unto sin; and this, a sacrifice of the peace offering, what he had first said unto a peace offering.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quid illud: hoc est de Levitis.
What that means: This is concerning the Levites.
13. (8, 23-24) Locutus est Dominus ad Moysen, dicens: 'hoc est de Levitis.' Hoc alii interpretati sunt: haec est Lex de Levitis: sed quod scriptum est: hoc est de Levitis, intellegitur dictum: "hoc constituo de Levitis."
13. (8, 23-24) The Lord spoke to Moses, saying: This is concerning the Levites. This some rendered: this is the law concerning the Levites: but what is written, this is concerning the Levites, is understood as said: "this I establish concerning the Levites."
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo hyperbaton verborum ordinandum.
How the hyperbaton of the words is to be ordered.
14. (8, 24-26) Deinde sequitur: A quinto et vicesimo anno et supra, introibunt ministrare in ministerium in operibus in tabernaculo testimonii; et a quinquagenario recedet ab administratione, et non operabitur ultra (et ministrabit frater eius): in tabernaculo testimonii custodire custodias; opera autem non operabitur. Hunc sensum obscurum facit Ὑπέρβατον, quod ita confusum est, tamquam de ipso fratre sit dictum, custodire custodias; cum dictum sit de illo, qui recedet ab operibus, et remanebit illi, in tabernaculo testimonii custodire custodias; opera autem non operabitur; sed operabitur frater eius, id est, qui nondum pervenit ad aetatem quinquagenariam, a viginti quinque annis incipiens operari.
14. (8, 24-26) Then it follows: From the twenty-fifth year and upward, they shall go in to minister in the ministry in the works in the tabernacle of testimony; and at fifty he shall withdraw from the administration, and shall work no more (and his brother shall minister): in the tabernacle of testimony to keep the guards; but the works he shall not work. This sense is made obscure by the ὁπέρβατον, which is so confused that it is as though it were said of the brother himself, to keep the guards; whereas it was said of him who shall withdraw from the works, and to whom there shall remain, in the tabernacle of testimony to keep the guards; but the works he shall not work; but his brother shall work them, that is, one who has not yet reached the age of fifty, beginning to work from twenty-five years.
QsHept.3.57.4
Ergo ita distinguendum est: et a quinquagenario recedet ab administratione, et non operabitur ultra, et ministrabit frater eius. Deinde redit ad illum quinquagenarium, de quo loquebatur, et de illo explicat caetera, dicens: in tabernaculo testimonii custodire custodias; opera autem non operabitur. Quod enim ait: custodire, subauditur: "incipiet," tamquam id uno verbo diceret, "custodiet custodias." Solet enim usitate etiam in Latinis locutionibus infinitum verbum poni pro finito.
It is therefore to be construed thus: and at fifty he shall withdraw from the administration, and shall work no more, and his brother shall minister. Then he returns to that fifty-year-old of whom he was speaking, and about him sets out the rest, saying: in the tabernacle of testimony to keep the guards; but the works he shall not work. For as for his saying to keep, "he shall begin" is to be supplied, as though he said this in one word, "he shall keep the guards." For it is customary, even in Latin expressions, for the infinitive verb to be put for the finite.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo immundi pascha facerent.
How the unclean kept the Passover.
15. (9, 6-12) Cum Paschae tempore quidam, qui immundi facti erant super animam hominis, id est super mortuum, quaererent quomodo Pascha facerent; quoniam oportebat eos ab immunditiis septem diebus purificari secundum Legem: consuluit Dominum Moyses, et responsum accepit, cuicumque tale aliquid accidisset, vel tam in longinquo itinere constitutus esset, ut non posset occurrere, alio mense eum facere debere Pascha, propter diem mensis quartum decimum, ubi lunae numerus observabatur. Sed si quaeratur quid facerent, si forte talis immunditia etiam ad secundum mensem occurreret; arbitror id quod dictum est de secundo mense, tamquam regulariter fuisse retinendum, ut tertio mense observarent, aut certe Pascha non egisse tali necessitate, ad culpam non pertineret.
15. (9, 6-12) When, at the time of the Passover, certain men, who had been made unclean over the soul of a man, that is, over a dead person, asked how they should keep the Passover; since they had to be purified from their uncleannesses for seven days according to the Law: Moses consulted the Lord, and received the answer that whoever had had any such thing befall him, or was set on so distant a journey that he could not arrive in time, ought to keep the Passover in another month, on account of the fourteenth day of the month, on which the count of the moon was observed. But if it be asked what they should do, if perhaps such uncleanness should occur even up to the second month; I think that what was said about the second month was to be held as it were as a rule, so that they should observe it in the third month, or at least that not keeping the Passover under such necessity would not amount to a fault.
QsHept.3.57.4
Quomodo cetera sane difficilia exponantur.
How the rest, which are indeed difficult, are to be explained.
16. 1. (9, 15-23) Et die qua statutum est tabernaculum, texit nubes tabernaculum, domum testimonii: et vespere erat super tabernaculum velut species ignis usque mane. Ita fiebat semper; nubes tegebat illud die, et species ignis nocte. Et cum ascendisset nubes a tabernaculo, et postea promovebant filii Israel: et in loco ubicumque steterat nubes, ibi castra collocabant filii Israel. Per praeceptum Domini castra collocabunt filii Israel, et per praeceptum Domini promovebunt. Omnes dies in quibus obumbrat nubes super tabernaculum, in castris erunt filii Israel: et quando protraxerit nubes super tabernaculum dies plures; et custodient filii Israel custodiam Dei, et non promovebunt.
16. 1. (9, 15-23) And on the day on which the tabernacle was set up, the cloud covered the tabernacle, the house of testimony: and in the evening there was over the tabernacle as it were the appearance of fire until morning. So it was always; the cloud covered it by day, and the appearance of fire by night. And when the cloud went up from the tabernacle, then afterward the children of Israel moved on: and in the place wherever the cloud stood, there the children of Israel pitched camp. By the command of the Lord the children of Israel shall pitch camp, and by the command of the Lord they shall move on. All the days in which the cloud overshadows the tabernacle, the children of Israel shall be in camp: and when the cloud prolongs itself over the tabernacle many days; then the children of Israel shall keep the watch of God, and shall not move on.
QsHept.3.57.4
Et erit, cum texerit nubes dies numero super tabernaculum; per vocem Domini in castris erunt, et per praeceptum Domini promovebunt. Et erit cum fuerit nubes a vespera usque mane, et ascenderit nubes mane, et promovebunt die; vel nocte et si ascenderit nubes, promovebunt: die vel mense die abundante nube obumbrante super illud, in castris erunt filii Israel, et non promovebunt. Quoniam per praeceptum Domini promovebunt. Custodiam Domini custodierunt per praeceptum Domini in manu Moysi.
And it shall be, when the cloud covers a number of days over the tabernacle; by the voice of the Lord they shall be in camp, and by the command of the Lord they shall move on. And it shall be, when the cloud is from evening until morning, and the cloud goes up in the morning, then they shall move on by day; or by night, and if the cloud goes up, they shall move on: by day or by month, the cloud abounding and overshadowing over it, the children of Israel shall be in camp, and shall not move on. Since by the command of the Lord they shall move on. They kept the watch of the Lord by the command of the Lord in the hand of Moses.
QsHept.3.57.4
16. 2. Totus hic locus diligenter exponendus est, quoniam inusitatis generibus locutionum obscuratus est. Et die, inquit, qua statutum est tabernaculum, texit nubes tabernaculum, domum testimonii: idem tabernaculum appellavit domum testimonii. Et vespere erat super tabernaculum velut species ignis usque mane. Ita fiebat semper.
16. 2. This whole passage is to be carefully explained, since it is made obscure by unusual kinds of expression. And on the day, he says, on which the tabernacle was set up, the cloud covered the tabernacle, the house of testimony: he called the same tabernacle the house of testimony. And in the evening there was over the tabernacle as it were the appearance of fire until morning. So it was always.
QsHept.4.16.2
Deinde diligenter exprimit, quid fiebat semper: nubes, inquit, tegebat illud die, et species ignis nocte. Et cum ascendisset nubes a tabernaculo, et postea promovebant filii Israel. Ista sententia obscura non est, nisi propter illam locutionem ubi additur, et. Ordo enim verborum integer sequitur, etiamsi desit ipsa coniunctio, ut sic dicatur: et cum ascendisset nubes a tabernaculo, postea promovebant filii Israel: quamvis et ipsum quod dictum est, postea, si deesset, plena posset esse sententia. Deinde sequitur, dicens: et in loco ubicumque steterat nubes, ibi castra collocabant filii Israel.
Then he carefully expresses what it was that happened always: the cloud, he says, covered it by day, and the appearance of fire by night. And when the cloud went up from the tabernacle, then afterward the children of Israel moved on. This sentence is not obscure, except on account of that expression where and is added. For the order of the words follows soundly, even if that conjunction were lacking, so that it is said thus: and when the cloud went up from the tabernacle, afterward the children of Israel moved on: although even what is said, afterward, if it were lacking, the sentence could be complete. Then it follows, saying: and in the place wherever the cloud stood, there the children of Israel pitched camp.
QsHept.4.16.2
16. 3. Hoc autem totum quod faciebant, ad praeceptum Domini referens, ita complectitur: Per praeceptum, inquit: Domini castra collocabunt filii Israel, et per praeceptum Domini promovebunt. Praeceptum Domini appellat signum ipsum quod fiebat in nube, sive cum staret obumbrans tabernaculum, ut et castra consisterent; sive cum ascendisset, atque ultra moveretur, ut eam elevatis castris sequerentur. Mutavit sane in hac sententia narrantis modum, et tamquam praedicens atque praenuntians verba futuri temporis habere coepit. Neque enim ait: per praeceptum Domini castra "collocabant" filii Israel; sed, collocabunt: nec ait: per praeceptum Domini "promovebant"; sed: promovebunt. Et hunc modum etiam in consequentibus servat, qui modus in Scripturis est inusitatissimus. Nam verbis praeteriti temporis saepe futura praedicta esse novimus; sicut est: foderunt manus meas et pedes (Ps 21, 17); et: sicut ovis ad immolandum ductus est (Isa 53, 7); et innumerabilia talia: ut autem narrator rerum gestarum verbis utatur temporis futuri, sicut hoc loco, difficillime in Scripturis inveniri potest.
16. 3. But all this that they did, referring it to the command of the Lord, he embraces thus: By the command, he says, of the Lord the children of Israel shall pitch camp, and by the command of the Lord they shall move on. He calls the command of the Lord the very sign that was made in the cloud, whether when it stood overshadowing the tabernacle, so that the camp too should halt; or when it had gone up, and moved on farther, so that they should follow it, the camp being raised. He indeed changed in this sentence the manner of one narrating, and began, as it were foretelling and announcing beforehand, to have words of future time. For he does not say: by the command of the Lord the children of Israel "pitched camp"; but, shall pitch camp: nor does he say: by the command of the Lord "they moved on"; but: they shall move on. And this manner he keeps in what follows too, which manner is most unusual in the Scriptures. For we know that future things have often been foretold by words of past time; as is: they dug my hands and feet (Ps 22 (21), 16); and: he was led as a sheep to the slaughter (Isa 53, 7); and innumerable such things: but that a narrator of deeds done should use words of future time, as in this passage, can most rarely be found in the Scriptures.
QsHept.4.16.3
16. 4. Ergo posteaquam dixit, de die et nocte, quo signo promoveret populus, vel maneret; ne putarentur per noctem ambulare et per diem solere considere, atque hoc diebus omnibus facere, secutus adiunxit, et ait: omnes dies in quibus obumbrat nubes super tabernaculum, in castris erunt filii Israel; et quando protraxerit nubes super tabernaculum dies plures.
16. 4. So, after he had spoken about the day and night, by which sign the people moved on or remained; lest they should be thought wont to walk by night and to halt by day, and to do this on all days, he went on and added, saying: all the days in which the cloud overshadows the tabernacle, the children of Israel shall be in camp; and when the cloud prolongs itself over the tabernacle many days.
QsHept.4.16.4
Deinde admonens non hoc ex illorum necessitate fieri, sed ex Dei voluntate: et custodient, inquit, filii Israel custodiam Dei, id est, custodiam quam praecepit Deus; et non promovebunt. Et tamquam diceretur: "quando ergo promovebunt?" Et erit, inquit, cum texerit nubes dies numero super tabernaculum, id est, dies certo numero, qui numerus utique Deo placet: per vocem Domini in castris erunt, et per praeceptum Domini promovebunt.
Then, warning that this was done not by their necessity but by God's will: and the children of Israel shall keep, he says, the watch of God, that is, the watch which God commanded; and they shall not move on. And as though it were said: "When, then, shall they move on?" And it shall be, he says, when the cloud covers a number of days over the tabernacle, that is, days of a fixed number, which number surely pleases God: by the voice of the Lord they shall be in camp, and by the command of the Lord they shall move on.
QsHept.4.16.4
Hanc videtur dicere vocem Domini signum quod dat de statione, et motu nubis; quia et vox loquentis, procul dubio signum est voluntatis. Quod ergo ait: et per praeceptum, hoc idem signum puto intellegendum. Quamquam posset vox et praeceptum Domini illud etiam accipi quod locutus est, ut solet, "ad Moysen, et praecepit hoc fieri." Neque enim scirent illi promovendum esse nube promovente, et standum esse nube stante, nisi hoc eis ante praeciperetur.
By this voice of the Lord he seems to mean the sign which he gives by the standing and moving of the cloud; for the voice of one speaking too is beyond doubt a sign of will. As for his saying, and by the command, I think the same sign is to be understood. Although the voice and command of the Lord could also be taken as that which he spoke, as he is wont, "to Moses, and commanded this to be done." For they would not know that they were to move on when the cloud moved, and to stand when the cloud stood, unless this had been commanded them beforehand.
QsHept.4.16.4
16. 5. In his autem quae dicta sunt nondum apparuit, utrum per diem tantum ambularetur, an etiam per noctem, secundum signum quod nubes motu suo dabat. Fortassis enim quamvis plures dies in castris manerent nube non promovente, potuit tamen putari nubem non solere ascendere de castris, et signum itineris dare, nisi per diem.
But in the things that have been said it did not yet appear whether they walked only by day, or also by night, according to the sign which the cloud gave by its movement. For perhaps, although they remained many days in camp while the cloud did not move on, it could nevertheless be thought that the cloud was not wont to go up from the camp and give the sign for the journey except by day.
QsHept.4.16.5
Sequitur ergo et dicit: et erit, cum fuerit nubes a vespera usque mane, et ascenderit nubes mane, et promovebunt die. Hic illa copulativa coniunctio more Scripturae posita est. Nam ea detracta plenus est sensus hoc modo: et erit, cum fuerit nubes a vespera usque mane, et ascenderit nubes mane, promovebunt die.
It follows, then, and says: and it shall be, when the cloud is from evening until morning, and the cloud goes up in the morning, then they shall move on by day. Here that copulative conjunction is set down by the manner of Scripture. For with it removed the sense is complete in this way: and it shall be, when the cloud is from evening until morning, and the cloud goes up in the morning, they shall move on by day.
QsHept.4.16.5
Deinde quia et nocte si nubes ascenderet promovebant, atque iter nocturnum si illud signum acciperent agebant, adiunxit et ait: vel nocte et si ascenderit nubes, promovebunt. Sed locutio est inusitatior: non enim tantum positum est: et; sed eo more positum est, quo non solet. Unde mihi videtur praeposteratus ordo verborum, sicut saepe et in Latinis locutionibus fieri solet: quod genus antistrophe dicitur. Proinde si ita dicatur: vel et nocte si ascenderit nubes, promovebunt; aut certe ita: si et nocte ascenderit nubes, promovebunt, planissimus sensus est.
Then, because they moved on by night too if the cloud went up, and made a night journey if they received that sign, he added and said: or by night, and if the cloud goes up, they shall move on. But the expression is rather unusual: for not only is and set down, but it is set down in a manner in which it is not customary. Whence it seems to me that the order of the words is inverted, as often happens in Latin expressions too: which kind is called antistrophe. Accordingly, if it be said thus: or also by night, if the cloud goes up, they shall move on; or at least thus: if by night too the cloud goes up, they shall move on, the sense is most plain.
QsHept.4.16.5
16. 6. Adhuc autem occurrebat cogitanti, ut scire vellet utrum quomodo cognitum est solere illos ad nubis signum diebus et noctibus ambulare, vel diebus et noctibus in castris esse, ita etiam solerent per dies tantum manere, etiam quorum noctibus ambularent: quod arbitror Scripturam in consequentibus intimasse cum dicit: die vel mense diei, abundante nube obumbrante super illud, in castris erunt filii Israel, et non promovebunt.
But further it occurred to one reflecting, so that one wished to know whether, just as it has been learned that they were wont to walk day and night at the cloud's sign, or to be in camp day and night, so also they were wont to remain through some days only, even those by night of which they had walked: which I think Scripture intimated in what follows when it says: by day or by month of the day, the cloud abounding and overshadowing over it, the children of Israel shall be in camp, and shall not move on.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quia enim dixerat: vel nocte et si ascenderit nubes, promovebunt; tamquam restabat ut diceret, "die autem si non ascenderit, non promovebunt," quando quasi promovere debere videbantur: sed quia hoc etiam diebus pluribus fieri poterat, ut noctibus ambularent, promovente nube, et ea manente diebus non ambularent, ideo posuit, die vel mense diei.
For because he had said: or by night, and if the cloud goes up, they shall move on; it as it were remained for him to say, "but by day, if it does not go up, they shall not move on," when they seemed as it were to be obliged to move on: but because this too could happen for many days, that they walked by night, the cloud moving on, and did not walk by day while it remained, he therefore set down, by day or by month of the day.
QsHept.4.16.6
Non dixit, "mense," ne ibi et noctes eiusdem mensis acciperentur; sed, mense diei, id est mense ex ea parte qua dies illi fuit, non ex ea qua nox. Die ergo vel mense diei, abundante nube obumbrante, id est, abundante in obumbrando, vel abundantius obumbrante, super illud, illud scilicet tabernaculum, in castris erunt filii Israel, et non promovebunt.
He did not say "by month," lest there too the nights of the same month should be taken; but, by month of the day, that is, a month on that part on which there was day, not on that on which there was night. By day, then, or by month of the day, the cloud abounding and overshadowing, that is, abounding in overshadowing, or overshadowing more abundantly, over it, namely that tabernacle, the children of Israel shall be in camp, and shall not move on.
QsHept.4.16.6
Postremo repetiit, divina auctoritate factum, cui resisti utique non debebat, adiungens: quoniam per praeceptum Domini promovebunt. Custodiam Domini custodierunt, per praeceptum Domini, in manu Moysi. Rediit ad verbum praeteriti temporis, ut diceret, custodierunt. Quod vero in fine posuit, in manu Moysi, usitatissima in Scripturis locutio est, quia per Moysen haec Deus praecipiebat.
Finally he repeated that it was done by divine authority, which surely ought not to be resisted, adding: since by the command of the Lord they shall move on. They kept the watch of the Lord, by the command of the Lord, in the hand of Moses. He returned to the word of past time, so as to say, they kept. But what he set down at the end, in the hand of Moses, is a most usual expression in the Scriptures, because God commanded these things through Moses.
QsHept.4.16.6
Cur praecipiat tuba canere.
Why he commands the trumpet to be sounded.
17. (10, 7) Ei cum congregaveritis synagogam, tuba canetis, et non in signo. Non ergo ad hoc canendum praecipit, ut congregetur synagoga; nam si hoc fit, signum est: sed iam congregata synagoga, praecipit tuba canere, tamquam ad cantum iam pertineat; non ad dandum signum, quo dato fieri aliquid admoneat. Proinde cum hoc quod iam congregata synagoga tubis canebant, quisquam homo Novi Testamenti ad aliquid spiritale interpretatur, illi signum est, qui intellegit quare fiat; non illis qui non intellegebant, nisi quando ad hoc fiebat, ut aliquod opus indiceretur.
17. (10, 7) But when you gather the congregation, you shall sound the trumpet, and not as a signal. He does not, then, command this sounding so that the congregation may be gathered; for if this is done, it is a signal: but, the congregation being already gathered, he commands the trumpet to be sounded, as though it now pertained to a musical sounding, not to giving a signal, by which, once given, he gives notice that something is to be done. Accordingly, when this—that, the congregation being already gathered, they sounded the trumpets—some man of the New Testament interprets of something spiritual, it is a sign to him who understands why it is done; not to those who did not understand it, except when it was done for this purpose, that some work might be appointed.
QsHept.4.16.6
De verbis: Et auferam de spiritu tuo...
Concerning the words: And I will take of your spirit...
18. (11, 17) Et auferam de spiritu qui est in te, et superponam super eos; et sustinebunt tecum impetum populi, et non portabis illos tu solus. Plerique Latini interpretes non ut in Graeco est, transtulerunt; sed dixerunt: auferam de spiritu tuo qui est in te, et ponam super eos, aut ponam in eis; et fecerunt sensum laboriosum ad intellegendum. Putari enim potest de spiritu ipsius hominis dictum, quo humana natura completur corpore adiuncto, quae constat ex corpore et spiritu, quem etiam animam dicunt: de quo et Apostolus dicit: quis enim hominum scit quae sunt hominis, nisi spiritus hominis qui in ipso est? Sic et quae Dei sunt, nemo scit nisi Spiritus Dei. Et quod adiungit ac dicit: nos autem non spiritum huius mundi accepimus, sed Spiritum qui ex Deo est (1 Cor 2, 11-12); ostendit utique alium esse Spiritum Dei, cuius particeps fit spiritus hominis per gratiam Dei.
18. (11, 17) And I will take of the spirit which is in you, and will put it upon them; and they shall bear with you the press of the people, and you shall not carry them alone. Most Latin translators did not render it as it is in the Greek; but said: I will take of your spirit which is in you, and will put it upon them, or will put it in them; and they made the sense laborious to understand. For it can be thought said of the spirit of the man himself, by which human nature is completed with the body joined to it, which consists of body and spirit, which they also call soul: of which the Apostle too says: for what man knows the things of a man, except the spirit of the man which is in him? So too the things of God no one knows except the Spirit of God. And what he adds and says: but we have not received the spirit of this world, but the Spirit who is from God (1 Cor 2, 11-12); he surely shows that the Spirit of God is another, of whom the spirit of man is made a partaker by the grace of God.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quamvis posset etiam, sicut alii interpretati sunt, intellegi Spiritus Dei in eo quod dicitur: de spiritu tuo qui est in te; ut dictum sit, tuo, quia fit etiam noster qui Dei est, cum accepimus eum: sicut de Ioanne dictum est: in spiritu et virtute Eliae (Lc 1, 17). Non enim anima Eliae in eum fuerat revoluta. Quod si quidam haeretica perversitate opinantur, quid dicturi sunt in eo quod scriptum est: spiritus Eliae requievit super Elisaeum (4 Reg 2, 15); cum iam ille utique haberet animam suam: nisi quia dictum est de Spiritu Dei, ut etiam per illum operaretur qualia per Eliam operabatur; non ab illo recedens, ut istum posset implere; aut dispertitus minus esset in illo, ut posset ex aliqua parte et in isto esse? Deus est enim qui possit esse in omnibus tantus, in quibus per illam gratiam esse voluerit.
Although the Spirit of God could also be understood, as others rendered it, in what is said: of your spirit which is in you; so that it is said your because what is God's becomes ours too, when we have received him: as it was said of John: in the spirit and power of Elijah (Lk 1, 17). For the soul of Elijah had not been transferred back into him. But if certain people suppose this by a heretical perversity, what will they say in what is written: the spirit of Elijah rested upon Elisha (2 Kgs 2, 15); when that one surely already had his own soul: unless because it was said of the Spirit of God, that through him too he might work such things as he worked through Elijah; not departing from that one so as to be able to fill this one; nor, being divided, being less in that one so as to be able to be in part in this one too? For he is God, who can be so great in all in whom he has willed to be by that grace.
QsHept.4.16.6
Nunc autem cum ita scriptum sit: et auferam de spiritu qui est super te, nec dictum sit: "de spiritu tuo," facilior est absolutio quaestionis: quia intellegimus nihil aliud Deum significare voluisse, nisi ex eodem Spiritu gratiae illos quoque habituros adiutorium, ex quo habebat Moyses; ut et isti haberent quantum Deus vellet, non ut ideo Moyses minus haberet.
But now, since it is written thus: and I will take of the spirit which is upon you, and it is not said: "of your spirit," the solution of the question is easier: because we understand that God meant nothing else than that from the same Spirit of grace they too would have help, from which Moses had it; so that these too should have as much as God willed, not that Moses should therefore have less.
QsHept.4.16.6
De verbis: Sexcenta milia peditum...
Concerning the words: Six hundred thousand footmen...
19. (11, 21-23) Et dixit Moyses: 'sexcenta millia peditum, in quibus sum in ipsis, et tu dixisti: 'carnes dabo eis, et edent mense dierum.' Numquid oves et boves occidentur illis, et sufficient illis? aut omnis piscis congregabitur eis, et sufficiet eis?'
19. (11, 21-23) And Moses said: Six hundred thousand footmen, among whom I am, and you have said: I will give them flesh, and they shall eat for a month of days. Shall sheep and oxen be slaughtered for them, and will they suffice them? Or shall all the fish be gathered for them, and will it suffice them?
QsHept.4.16.6
Quaeri solet utrum hoc Moyses diffidendo dixerit, an quaerendo. Sed si putaverimus eum diffidendo dixisse, nascitur quaestio cur hoc ei non exprobraverit Dominus, sicut exprobravit quod ad petram unde aqua profluxit, videtur de potestate Domini dubitasse (Cf. Num 20, 12). Si autem dixerimus hoc eum dixisse quaerendo modum quo fieret, ipsa Domini responsio, ubi ad eum dixit: numquid manus Domini non sufficiet, quasi redarguentis videtur quod ille ista non credidisset. Sed melius arbitror intellegi Dominum ita respondisse, tamquam modum futuri facti, quem ille requirebat, dicere noluerit, sed potius opere ipso suam potentiam demonstrare.
It is usually asked whether Moses said this out of distrust, or out of inquiry. But if we think he said it out of distrust, the question arises why the Lord did not reproach him for this, as he reproached him for what occurred at the rock from which the water flowed, where he seems to have doubted of the Lord's power (See Num 20, 12). But if we say that he said this in inquiring the manner in which it would be done, the Lord's own answer, where he said to him: shall the hand of the Lord not suffice, seems as it were to rebuke him for not having believed these things. But I think it better understood that the Lord answered thus, as though he were unwilling to tell the manner of the future deed, which Moses inquired about, but rather to demonstrate his power by the deed itself.
QsHept.4.16.6
Poterat enim et Mariae dicenti: quomodo fiet istud, quoniam virum non cognosco? (Lc 1, 34), a calumniantibus obiici quod minus crediderit, cum illa modum quaesiverit, non de virtute Dei dubitaverit. Quod autem responsum est illi: Spiritus Sanctus superveniet super te, et virtus Altissimi obumbrabit te (Lc 1, 35), poterat et sic responderi quomodo hic: "numquid Spiritui Sancto impossibile est, qui superveniet in te?" ac sic idem ipse sensus conservaretur.
For it could be objected by calumniators against Mary too, when she said: how shall this be, since I know not a man? (Lk 1, 34), that she believed too little, although she inquired the manner and did not doubt of the power of God. But as for what was answered her: the Holy Spirit shall come upon you, and the power of the Most High shall overshadow you (Lk 1, 35), it could have been answered thus too, as here: "is it impossible to the Holy Spirit, who shall come upon you?" and so the same sense would be preserved.
QsHept.4.16.6
Porro autem talia quaedam dicens Zacharias, incredulitatis arguitur, et vocis oppressae poena plectitur (Cf. Lc 1, 34-35. 18-20). Quare, nisi quia Deus non de verbis, sed de cordibus iudicat?
But Zechariah, saying some such thing, is charged with unbelief, and punished with the penalty of a stifled voice (See Lk 1, 34-35. 18-20). Why, unless because God judges not from words, but from hearts?
QsHept.4.16.6
Alioquin et ad illam petram unde aqua profluxit, poterant excusari verba Moysi, nisi in eum clara esset divina sententia quod diffidendo talia dixerit. Nam ita se ea verba habent: audite me, increduli; numquid de petra ista educemus vobis aquam? Deinde sequitur: et elevata Moyses manu sua percussit petram virga bis, et exiit aqua multa, et bibit synagoga et pecora eorum (Num 20, 10-11). Utique ad hoc congregavit populum, ad hoc illam virgam in qua tanta miracula fecerat sumpsit, eaque petram percussit, atque inde solitae virtutis est consecutus effectus.
Otherwise the words of Moses at that rock from which the water flowed too could be excused, were not the divine sentence clear against him, that he said such things out of distrust. For those words run thus: hear me, you unbelievers; shall we bring you water out of this rock? Then it follows: and Moses, lifting up his hand, struck the rock twice with the rod, and much water came out, and the congregation and their cattle drank (Num 20, 10-11). Surely for this he gathered the people, for this he took that rod with which he had done such great miracles, and with it struck the rock, and from it the effect of the accustomed power followed.
QsHept.4.16.6
Verba ergo illa quibus ait: numquid ex hac petra educemus vobis aquam? possent sic accipi, tamquam diceretur: "nempe ex hac petra secundum vestram incredulitatem aqua educi non potest": ut denique percutiendo ostenderetur, fieri divinitus potuisse quod illi infidelitate non crederent, maxime quia dixerat: audite me, increduli. Ita quidem intellegi possent haec verba, nisi Deus qui cordis inspector est (Cf. Prov 24, 12), quo animo dicta fuerint indicaret.
Those words, then, in which he says: shall we bring you water out of this rock? could be taken thus, as though it were said: "surely water cannot be brought out of this rock according to your unbelief": so that finally, by striking, it might be shown that what they in their unbelief did not believe could be done divinely, especially because he had said: hear me, you unbelievers. These words could indeed be so understood, were it not that God, who is the searcher of the heart (See Prov 24, 12), indicated in what spirit they were said.
QsHept.4.16.6
Sequitur enim Scriptura et dicit: et dixit Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron: 'quoniam non credidistis sanctificare me in conspectu filiorum Israel, propter hoc non inducetis vos synagogam hanc in terram quam dedi eis (Num 20, 12).' Ac per hoc intellegitur illa verba ita dixisse Moysen, tamquam ad incertum percusserit, ut si non sequeretur effectus, hoc praedixisse putaretur, cum ait: numquid ex hac petra educemus vobis aquam? quod in animo eius lateret omnino, nisi Dei sententia proderetur. E contrario itaque isto loco debemus intellegere verba Moysi de promissis carnibus, quaerentis potius quomodo fieret, quam diffidentis fuisse; quando sententia Domini non secuta est, quae vindicaret, sed potius quae doceret.
For Scripture follows and says: and the Lord said to Moses and Aaron: Because you did not believe to sanctify me in the sight of the children of Israel, for this you shall not bring this congregation into the land which I have given them (Num 20, 12). And through this it is understood that Moses said those words as though he had struck without certainty, so that, if the effect did not follow, he might be thought to have foretold this, when he said: shall we bring you water out of this rock? which would lie hidden altogether in his mind, were not God's sentence to betray it. On the contrary, then, in this passage we ought to understand the words of Moses about the promised flesh to be those of one inquiring rather how it would be done, than of one distrusting; since the Lord's sentence did not follow which would punish, but rather one which would teach.
QsHept.4.16.6
An uxor illa Moysi sit filia Iethro.
Whether that wife of Moses is the daughter of Jethro.
20. (12, 1) De uxore Moysi Aethiopissa quaeri solet, utrum ipsa sit filia Iothor (Cf. EX 2, 21), an alteram duxerit, vel superduxerit: sed ipsam fuisse credibile est: de Madianitis quippe erat, qui reperiuntur in Paralipomenon Aethiopes dicti (Cf. 2 Par 14, 9-14), quando contra eos pugnavit Iosaphat. Nam in his locis dicitur eos persecutus populus Israel, ubi Madianitae habitant, qui nunc Saraceni appellantur. Sed nunc eos Aethiopes nemo fere appellat, sicut solent locorum et gentium nomina plerumque vetustate mutari.
20. (12, 1) Concerning the Ethiopian wife of Moses it is usually asked whether she is the daughter of Jethro (See Ex 2, 21), or whether he married another, or married an additional one: but it is credible that she was the same: for she was of the Midianites, who are found in Chronicles called Ethiopians (See 2 Chr 14, 9-14), when Jehoshaphat fought against them. For in those places the people of Israel is said to have pursued them, where the Midianites dwell, who are now called Saracens. But now hardly anyone calls them Ethiopians, as the names of places and nations are for the most part wont to be changed by age.
QsHept.4.16.6
De verbis: Videbitur populum si fortis est.
Concerning the words: He shall see the people, whether it is strong.
21. (13, 18-26) Et dixit ad eos: 'ascendite ista eremo, et ascendetis in montem, et videbitis terram quae sit, et populum qui insidet super eam, si fortis est aut infirmus, si pauci sunt aut multi.' Exposuisse intellegitur, secundum quid dixerit: si potens est aut infirmus; hoc est: si pauci sunt aut multi. Nam quomodo possent de monte prospicientes sentire humanarum virium fortitudinem?
21. (13, 18-26) And he said to them: Go up this way through the wilderness, and you shall go up into the mountain, and shall see the land, what it is, and the people who dwell upon it, whether it is strong or weak, whether they are few or many. He is understood to have explained in what sense he said, whether it is mighty or weak; that is: whether they are few or many. For how could they, looking out from a mountain, perceive the strength of human forces?
QsHept.4.16.6
Potest et alius sensus esse multo congruentior veritati. Quod ait: ascendetis in montem, "in ipsam terram" dixit, quam explorare volebant. Non enim possent facile exploratores intellegi, ubi tamquam peregrinantes omnia perquirebant. Nam si de montis vertice eos putaverimus conspexisse terram, et explorasse; quomodo possent exquirere omnia quae Moyses exquirenda praecepit? quomodo intrare civitates, quas eos Scriptura dixit intrasse? quomodo de illa valle botrum tollere, propter quem et loco nomen est inditum, ut vallis Botri diceretur? In ipso ergo monte explorabatur terra, quia ipsa erat quae exploraretur: et ibi erat quidam depressior locus, de qua valle botrus ablatus est.
There can be another sense too, much more agreeable to the truth. As for his saying, you shall go up into the mountain, he meant "into the land itself," which they wished to explore. For spies could not easily be understood, where, as though traveling, they searched out everything. For if we suppose them to have looked out over the land and explored it from the mountain's summit; how could they search out all that Moses commanded to be searched out? How enter the cities, which Scripture said they entered? How take from that valley the cluster, on account of which a name was given to the place too, so that it was called the Valley of the Cluster? On the mountain itself, then, the land was explored, because that was the very thing to be explored: and there was a certain lower place, from which valley the cluster was taken.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quid sit pavor terrae.
What the dread of the land is.
22. (13, 33) Et protulerunt pavorem terrae quam exploraverunt. Pavorem terrae dixit, non quo pavebat eadem terra, sed quem ex ea terra conceperant.
22. (13, 33) And they brought forth the dread of the land which they had explored. He said the dread of the land, not that the land itself was in dread, but the dread which they had conceived from that land.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quomodo intellegantur verba Caleb et Iosue.
How the words of Caleb and Joshua are to be understood.
23. (14, 9) Caleb et Iesus Nave loquentes ad populum Israel ne timerent ingredi terram promissionis, dixerunt inter caetera: vos autem ne timueritis populum terrae, quoniam cibus nobis sunt. Abscessit enim tempus ab eis, Dominus autem in nobis; ne timueritis eos. Quod dictum est: cibus nobis sunt, intellegere voluerunt, "consumemus eos." Quod vero adiunxerunt: abscessit enim tempus ab eis, Dominus autem in nobis: satis diligenter non dixerunt: abscessit Dominus ab eis; impii quippe antiquitus fuerunt: sed quoniam et impiis occulta dispensatione divinae providentiae datur tempus florendi atque regnandi: abscessit, inquiunt, tempus ab eis, Dominus autem in nobis. Non dixerunt: abscessit tempus ab eis, et nostrum successit: sed: Dominus autem in nobis, non tempus. Illi enim tempus habuerunt, isti Dominum Deum temporum creatorem et ordinatorem, et quibusque, ut ei placet, distributorem.
23. (14, 9) Caleb and Joshua son of Nun, speaking to the people of Israel that they should not fear to enter the land of promise, said among other things: but do not fear the people of the land, for they are food for us. For their time has departed from them, but the Lord is among us; do not fear them. By what was said, they are food for us, they meant to be understood, "we will consume them." But as for what they added: for their time has departed from them, but the Lord is among us: carefully enough they did not say: the Lord has departed from them; for impious they were of old: but since to the impious too, by the hidden dispensation of divine providence, a time is given of flourishing and reigning: their time, they say, has departed from them, but the Lord is among us. They did not say: their time has departed from them, and ours has succeeded: but: but the Lord is among us, not a time. For those had a time, these the Lord God, the creator and orderer of times, and the distributor of them to each, as it pleases him.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quae sint peccata nolentium.
What the sins of the unwilling are.
24. (15, 24-29) Quod praecipitur quomodo expientur peccata quae non sponte committuntur, merito quaeritur quae sint ipsa peccata nolentium: utrum quae a nescientibus committuntur; an etiam possit recte dici peccatum esse nolentis, quod facere compellitur: nam et hoc contra voluntatem facere dici solet. Sed utique vult propter quod facit, tamquam si peierare nolit, et facit cum vult vivere, si quisquam, nisi fecerit, mortem minetur. Vult ergo facere, quia vult vivere: et ideo non per seipsum appetendo ut falsum iuret, sed ut falsum iurando vivat.
24. (15, 24-29) As to what is prescribed about how sins committed not willingly are to be expiated, it is rightly asked what these sins of the unwilling are: whether those which are committed by those who do not know; or whether it can also rightly be said that a sin is of one unwilling, which he is compelled to do: for this too is wont to be said to be done against the will. But surely he wills it on account of something for which he does it, as if he should be unwilling to perjure himself, and does it because he wills to live, if someone threatens him with death unless he does it. He wills, then, to do it, because he wills to live: and therefore not by seeking through himself to swear falsely, but to live by swearing falsely.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quod si ita est, nescio utrum possint dici ista peccata nolentium, qualia hic dicuntur expianda. Nam si diligenter consideretur, forte ipsum peccare nemo velit, sed propter aliud fit, quod vult qui peccat. Omnes quippe homines qui scientes faciunt quod non licet, vellent licere: usque adeo ipsum peccare nemo appetit propter hoc ipsum, sed propter illud quod ex eo consequitur. Haec si ita se habent, non sunt peccata nolentium, nisi nescentium; quae discernuntur a peccatis volentium.
But if it is so, I do not know whether these can be called sins of the unwilling, such as are here said to be expiated. For if it be diligently considered, perhaps no one wills the sinning itself, but it is done on account of something else, which the one who sins wills. For all men who knowingly do what is not permitted would wish it were permitted: so far is it that anyone seeks the sinning itself for its own sake, but rather for the sake of that which follows from it. If these things are so, they are not sins of the unwilling, but of those who do not know; which are distinguished from the sins of the willing.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quae peccata in manu superbiae.
What sins are with a high hand of pride.
25. (15, 30-31) Et anima quaecumque peccaverit in manu superbiae ex indigenis, aut ex proselytis, Deum hic exacerbat, et exterminabitur anima illa de populo suo; quoniam verbum Domini contempsit, et mandata eius disperdidit: contritione conteretur anima illa, peccatum eius in illa. Quae sint peccata quae fiunt in manu superbiae, id est superbia committuntur, Scriptura ipsa in consequentibus satis exposuit, ubi ait: quoniam verbum Domini contempsit.
25. (15, 30-31) And whatever soul shall sin with a high hand of pride, whether of the natives or of the proselytes, here provokes God, and that soul shall be cut off from its people; because it despised the word of the Lord, and made void his commandments: with crushing that soul shall be crushed, its sin upon it. What the sins are that are done with a high hand of pride, that is, committed in pride, Scripture itself sufficiently set out in what follows, where it says: because it despised the word of the Lord.
QsHept.4.16.6
Aliud est ergo praecepta contemnere, aliud magni quidem pendere, sed aut ignarum contra facere, aut victum. Quae duo fortasse pertineant ad illa peccata quae a nolentibus fiunt, de quibus superius quemadmodum Deo propitiato expiarentur admonuit; ac inde subiecit peccata superbiae, cum quisque superbiendo, id est praeceptum contemnendo perperam facit. Quod genus peccati non dixit ullo genere sacrificii purgari oportere, tamquam insanabile iudicans, illa duntaxat curatione quae per sacrificia gerebatur, qualia facienda in hac Scriptura praecipiuntur: quae si per se ipsa attendantur, nulli peccato possunt mederi; si autem res ipsae quarum haec sacramenta sunt inquirantur, in eis inveniri poterit purgatio peccatorum.
It is one thing, then, to despise the precepts, another indeed to esteem them highly, but either to act against them in ignorance, or being overcome. Which two perhaps pertain to those sins which are done by the unwilling, about which he gave notice above how they were to be expiated, God being propitiated; and then he added the sins of pride, when anyone does wrong by being proud, that is, by despising a precept. Which kind of sin he did not say ought to be purged by any kind of sacrifice, judging it as it were incurable, at least by that cure which was carried out through sacrifices, such as are commanded to be done in this Scripture: which, if they be considered in themselves, can heal no sin; but if the things themselves of which these are the sacred symbols be inquired into, in them the purgation of sins can be found.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quod ergo scriptum est: peccator, cum venerit in profundum malorum, contemnit (Prov 18, 3), iste significatus est, quem Scriptura hoc loco dicit: in manu superbiae delinquere. Hoc igitur sine poena eius qui committit, non potest aboleri; atque ideo non potest esse impunitum, et cum poenitendo sanatur: ipsa enim afflictio poenitentis poena peccati est, quamvis medicinalis et salubris.
What is written, then: the sinner, when he comes into the depth of evils, despises (Prov 18, 3), signifies the one whom Scripture in this passage says to offend with a high hand of pride. This, therefore, cannot be abolished without the punishment of the one who commits it; and so it cannot be unpunished, even when it is healed by repenting: for the very affliction of the penitent is the punishment of the sin, though medicinal and healthful.
QsHept.4.16.6
Merito quippe magnum iudicatur peccatum, cum superbia praeceptum contemnit: sed e contrario, ut sanari possit, cor contritum et humiliatum Deus non spernit (Ps 50, 19). Verumtamen quia sine poena non fit, ideo hinc talia dicta sunt: Deum, inquit, hic exacerbat; quia Deus superbis resistit (Iac 4, 6). Et exterminabitur anima illa de populo suo; quoniam talis omnino in numero eorum qui ad Deum pertinent, non est. Quoniam verbum Domini contempsit, et mandata eius disperdidit: contritione conteretur anima illa.
For rightly is the sin judged great, when pride despises a precept: but on the contrary, that it may be healed, a contrite and humbled heart God does not spurn (Ps 51 (50), 17). Yet because it is not done without punishment, therefore such things are said here: here, it says, he provokes God; because God resists the proud (Jas 4, 6). And that soul shall be cut off from its people; since such a one is altogether not in the number of those who belong to God. Because it despised the word of the Lord, and made void his commandments: with crushing that soul shall be crushed.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quare autem contritione conteretur, consequenter adiungit, dicens: peccatum eius in illa: ac per hoc si tali peccato debitam contritionem ipse sibi adhibeat poenitendo, cor contritum, ut dictum est, Deus non spernet. Quamvis in graeco non dictum sit hoc loco, contritione conteretur; sed, extritione exteretur anima illa: quod ita accipi potest, quasi omni modo terendo exstinguatur, ac non sit. Sed prius natura immortalitatis animae hunc intellectum recusat.
But why with crushing it shall be crushed, he consequently adds, saying: its sin upon it: and through this, if to such a sin one applies the due crushing to himself by repenting, a contrite heart, as has been said, God will not spurn. Although in the Greek it is not said in this passage, with crushing it shall be crushed; but, with rubbing-out that soul shall be rubbed out: which can be taken as though it were utterly extinguished by being rubbed away, and ceased to be. But first the nature of the soul's immortality refuses this interpretation.
QsHept.4.16.6
Deinde si quod exteritur, omni modo efficeretur ut non sit, non diceret de sapiente: et gradus ostiorum eius exterat pes tuus (Eccli 6, 36). Verum illa discretio magis magisque consideranda est, utrum nemo peccet nisi aut ignarus, aut victus, aut contemnens; unde nunc longum est disputare.
Then, if what is rubbed away were utterly made not to be, he would not say of the wise man: and let your foot rub out the steps of his doors (Sir 6, 36). But that distinction is more and more to be considered, whether no one sins except either one who does not know, or one who is overcome, or one who despises; about which it would now be long to dispute.
QsHept.4.16.6
De Dathan et Abiron.
Concerning Dathan and Abiram.
26. (16, 12-14) Quid est quod Dathan et Abiron, cum in seditionem consurrexissent, vocati a Moyse, ac superbe et iniuriose respondentes: numquid pusillum hoc, quoniam eduxisti nos in terram fluentem lac et mel, interficere nos in eremo? quoniam praees nobis, princeps es: et tu in terram fluentem lac et mel induxisti nos, et dedisti nobis sortem agri et vineas; post haec addiderunt: oculos hominum illorum abscidisses: non ascendimus? Quorum oculos hominum dixerunt? Utrum populi Israel, tamquam dicentes: "si ista praestitisses, oculos hominum illorum abscidisses"; id est, "ita te diligerent, ut oculos suos eruerent, et darent tibi"? Quod indicium magnum dilectionis et Apostolus dicit: quoniam si fieri posset, oculos vestros eruissetis, et dedissetis mihi (Gal 4, 15).
26. (16, 12-14) What does it mean that Dathan and Abiram, when they had risen up in sedition, being summoned by Moses, and answering proudly and insultingly: is this a small thing, that you have brought us up into a land flowing with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness? Because you set yourself over us, you are a ruler: and you have brought us into a land flowing with milk and honey, and have given us a portion of field and vineyards; after these things added: would you have cut out the eyes of those men? We are not going up. Whose eyes did they call the eyes of those men? Whether of the people of Israel, as though saying: "if you had granted these things, you would have cut out the eyes of those men"; that is, "they would so love you that they would tear out their own eyes and give them to you"? Which great token of love the Apostle too mentions: that, if it could be done, you would have torn out your eyes and given them to me (Gal 4, 15).
QsHept.4.16.6
Et deinde plenam contumaciam addiderunt: non ascendimus, id est: "non veniemus"; quia vocaverat eos. An potius oculos hominum illorum, dicit hostium, qui nimis acres et terribiles fuerant nuntiati: tamquam dicerent: "etsi hoc fecisses, non tibi obtemperaremus"; nisi quod modus verbi alius pro alio positus est, ut non dicerent: "non ascenderemus"; sed: non ascendimus, quodam genere locutionis?
And then they added full obstinacy: we are not going up, that is: "we will not come"; because he had summoned them. Or does he rather call the eyes of those men the eyes of the enemies, who had been reported as exceedingly fierce and terrible: as though they said: "even if you had done this, we would not obey you"; except that one form of the verb is put for another, so that they did not say: "we would not go up"; but: we are not going up, by a certain manner of speech?
QsHept.4.16.6
Quomodo Moyses et Aaron iubentur abscedere.
How Moses and Aaron are commanded to withdraw.
27. (16, 20-21) Et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron, dicens: 'abscindite vos de medio synagogae istius.' Notandum est tunc iubere Dominum separationem fieri corporalem, cum iam vindicta imminet malis: sic Noe cum domo sua separatur a caeteris diluvio perituris (Cf. Gen 7, 15); sic Lot cum suis separatur a Sodomis igne coelitus consumendis (Cf. Gen 19, 12); sic ipse populus ab Aegyptiis marinis fluctibus obruendis (Cf. Ex 14, 20); sic isti nunc a synagoga Chore, Abiron et Dathan, qui se primitus per seditionem abrumpere voluerunt:
27. (16, 20-21) And the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron, saying: Separate yourselves from the midst of this congregation. It is to be noted that the Lord commands a bodily separation to be made then, when vengeance is already imminent upon the wicked: so Noah with his household is separated from the rest who were to perish by the flood (See Gen 7, 15); so Lot with his own is separated from the Sodomites who were to be consumed by fire from heaven (See Gen 19, 12); so the people itself from the Egyptians who were to be overwhelmed by the sea waves (See Ex 14, 20); so these now from the congregation of Korah, Abiram, and Dathan, who first wished to break away by sedition:
QsHept.4.16.6
cum quibus tamen sancti antea viventes et conversantes, et cum caeteris quos reprobat Deus, secundum verba quae in eos increpans dicit, contaminari tamen ab eis minime potuerunt: nec separare se iussi sunt, quando vindictam Dominus sive differebat, sive talem adhibebat, qua innocentes periclitari laedive non possent, sicut serpentum morsibus, sicut strage mortium, qua Deus, quem volebat, sicut volebat, alio percutiebat intacto; non sicut aqua diluvii, aut ignea pluvia, aut aqua maris, aut hiatu terrae, quae permixtos poterat pariter absumere: non quia et ibi Deus suos conservare non posset; sed quid opus erat tentatione miraculi ubi separatio fieri poterat, ut vel aqua, vel ignis, vel hiatus terrae, quos invenisset, auferret? Sic et in fine a zizaniis separabuntur frumenta, ut malos cremantibus flammis, iusti fulgeant sicut sol in regno Patris sui (Cf. Mt 13, 30. 40-43).
with whom, nevertheless, the holy ones, formerly living and conversing—and with the rest whom God reproves, according to the words which he says in rebuking them—could nonetheless in no way be contaminated by them: nor were they commanded to separate themselves, when the Lord either deferred vengeance, or applied such a kind as could not endanger or harm the innocent, as by the bites of serpents, as by the slaughter of deaths, by which God struck whom he willed, as he willed, while another remained untouched; not as by the water of the flood, or the fiery rain, or the water of the sea, or the gaping of the earth, which could consume the mingled alike: not because there too God could not preserve his own; but what need was there of the trial of a miracle where a separation could be made, so that water, or fire, or the gaping of the earth might carry off those whom it found? So too at the end the wheat shall be separated from the tares, so that, the wicked being burned by the flames, the just may shine as the sun in the kingdom of their Father (See Mt 13, 30. 40-43).
QsHept.4.16.6
An in visione, an in hiatu Dominus sit.
Whether the Lord is in the vision, or in the gaping of the earth.
28. (16, 30) Quod ait Moyses de Chore et Abiron et Dathan: in visione ostendet Deus, et aperiens terra os suum absorbebit eos, quidam interpretati sunt: in hiatu ostendet Dominus (AMBROGIO, Ep. 63, 52): credo, putantes dictum χάσματι, quod graece positum est φάσματι, quod pro eo dictum est, ac si diceretur: "in manifestatione," quod aperte oculis apparebit. Non enim sic dictum est: in visione, quemadmodum solent dici visiones, sive somniorum, sive quarumque in ecstasi figurarum; sed ut dixi, in manifestatione. Nonnulli autem aliud opinantes: in phantasmate interpretari voluerunt; quod omnino sic abhorret a consuetudine locutionis nostrae, ut nusquam fere dicatur phantasma, nisi ubi falsitate visorum sensus noster illuditur: quamvis et hoc a videndo sit dictum; sed, ut dixi, aliud loquendi consuetudo praeiudicavit.
28. (16, 30) As to what Moses says of Korah and Abiram and Dathan: in a vision God will show it, and the earth, opening its mouth, will swallow them up, some rendered: in a gaping the Lord will show it (Ambrose, Ep. 63, 52): I believe, thinking that what was set down in Greek as φάσματι was χάσματι, which is said for what would be said if one said, "in a manifestation," what will openly appear to the eyes. For it is not said in a vision in the way visions are wont to be spoken of, whether of dreams or of any figures in ecstasy; but, as I said, in a manifestation. But some, supposing it to be something else, wished to render it in a phantasm; which so abhors from the custom of our speech that the word phantasm is almost nowhere used, except where our sense is deceived by the falsity of things seen: although this too is said from seeing; but, as I said, the custom of speech has decided otherwise.
QsHept.4.16.6
Qui dicantur inferi.
Who are called the underworld.
29. (16, 33) Et descenderunt ipsi, et omnia quaecumque sunt eis, viventes ad inferos. Notandum secundum locum terrenum dictos esse inferos, hoc est in inferioribus terrae partibus. Varie quippe in Scripturis et sub intellectu multiplici, sicut rerum de quibus agitur sensus exigit, nomen ponitur inferorum, et maxime in mortuis hoc accipi solet.
29. (16, 33) And they themselves, and all things whatever are theirs, went down living into the underworld. It is to be noted that the underworld is here so called according to an earthly place, that is, in the lower parts of the earth. For variously in the Scriptures, and with a manifold meaning, as the sense of the matters treated requires, the name underworld is set down, and is most often taken of the dead.
QsHept.4.16.6
Sed quoniam istos viventes dictum est ad inferos descendisse, et ipsa narratione quid factum fuerit satis apparet; manifestum est, ut dixi, inferiores partes terrae inferorum vocabulo nuncupatas, in comparatione huius superioris terrae in cuius facie vivitur: sicut in comparatione coeli superioris, ubi sanctorum demoratio est angelorum, peccantes angelos in huius aeris detrusos caliginem Scriptura dicit tamquam carceribus inferi puniendos reservari. Si enim Deus, inquit, angelis peccantibus non pepercit, sed carceribus caliginis inferi retrudens tradidit in iudicio puniendos reservari (2 Pt 2, 4): cum Apostolus Paulus principem potestatis aeris diabolum dicat, qui operatur in filiis diffidentiae (Eph 2, 2).
But since these men were said to have gone down living into the underworld, and from the narrative itself what was done appears well enough; it is clear, as I said, that the lower parts of the earth are called by the name underworld, in comparison with this upper earth on whose surface there is life: as, in comparison with the higher heaven, where is the dwelling of the holy angels, Scripture says that the sinning angels, thrust down into the gloom of this air, are reserved to be punished as it were in the prisons of the underworld. For if God, it says, did not spare the sinning angels, but, thrusting them down into the prisons of the gloom of the underworld, delivered them to be reserved for punishment at the judgment (2 Pet 2, 4): since the Apostle Paul calls the devil the ruler of the power of the air, who works in the children of unbelief (Eph 2, 2).
QsHept.4.16.6
Cur Dominus ad Moysen et Eleazarum et non ad Moysen et Aaron, sicut solet, locutus sit.
Why the Lord spoke to Moses and Eleazar, and not to Moses and Aaron, as he is wont.
30. (16, 36-40) Et dixit Dominus ad Moysen et ad Eleazarum filium Aaron sacerdotem: 'tollite thuribula aerea e medio exustorum, et ignem alienum hunc semina ibi; quia sanctificaverunt thuribula peccatorum horum in animabus suis: et fac ea laminas ductiles circumpositionem altari; quoniam oblata sunt ante Dominum et sanctificata sunt, et facta sunt in signum filiis Israel.'
30. (16, 36-40) And the Lord said to Moses and to Eleazar son of Aaron the priest: Take up the bronze censers from the midst of those who were burned, and scatter this strange fire there; because they sanctified the censers of these sinners in their souls: and make them into ductile plates as a surrounding for the altar; since they were offered before the Lord and were sanctified, and have become a sign to the children of Israel.
QsHept.4.16.6
Hoc loco cur non ad Moysen et Aaron, sicut in superioribus Dominus locutus sit, sed ad Moysen et ad Eleazarum filium Aaron, haec mihi causa interim occurrit: quoniam quaestio erat de progenie sacerdotum, id est de quo genere esse deberent (unde illi ex alio genere, quia sibi usurpare sacerdotium ausi sunt, tam horrendo et mirabili supplicio perierunt); non ad Aaron, qui iam summus sacerdos erat, sed ad Eleazarum voluit loqui Deus, qui ei succedere debebat, et secundo iam sacerdotio fungebatur, ut eo modo seriem generis commendaret, quae in successionibus sacerdotum esse deberet.
In this passage, why the Lord spoke not to Moses and Aaron, as in the foregoing, but to Moses and to Eleazar son of Aaron, this reason for the present occurs to me: that the question was about the lineage of the priests, that is, of what family they ought to be (whence those of another family, because they dared to usurp the priesthood for themselves, perished by so dreadful and astonishing a punishment); and so God willed to speak not to Aaron, who was already high priest, but to Eleazar, who was to succeed him and was already discharging the second priesthood, so that in this way he might commend the order of lineage which ought to be in the successions of priests.
QsHept.4.16.6
Unde etiam in consequentibus dicit: et accepit Eleazar filius Aaron sacerdotis thuribula aerea, quanta obtulerunt qui exusti sunt, et addidit ea circumpositionem altari, memoriale filiis Israel, ut non accedat quisquam alienigena, qui non est de semine Aaron, imponere incensum ante Dominum: et non erit sicut Chore et sicut conspiratio eius, sicut locutus est Dominus in manu Moysi. Hoc ergo modo voluit per Eleazarum Deus non sacerdotium, quod iam erat in Aaron, sed successionis sacerdotalis progeniem commendare.
Whence also in what follows it says: and Eleazar son of Aaron the priest took the bronze censers, as many as those who were burned had offered, and added them as a surrounding for the altar, a memorial to the children of Israel, that no foreigner who is not of the seed of Aaron should approach to place incense before the Lord: and it shall not be as with Korah and as with his conspiracy, as the Lord spoke in the hand of Moses. In this way, then, God willed through Eleazar to commend not the priesthood, which was already in Aaron, but the lineage of priestly succession.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quod vero ait: et ignem alienum hunc semina ibi, "sparge" intellegendum est. Et quod addidit: quia sanctificaverunt thuribula peccatorum horum in animabus suis, locutione quidem inusitata expressa sententia est: sed notandum novo modo dicta sanctificata poena eorum, a quibus hoc peccatum fuerat perpetratum; quia per eos exemplum datum est caeteris, quod timerent.
But as for his saying, and scatter this strange fire there, "sprinkle" is to be understood. And as for what he added: because they sanctified the censers of these sinners in their souls, the thought is indeed expressed by an unusual expression: but it is to be noted that in a new way the punishment of those by whom this sin had been committed is called sanctified; because through them an example was given to the rest, which they would fear.
QsHept.4.16.6
Circumpositionem autem altari cur ex eis fieri voluit, addidit dicens: quoniam oblata sunt ante Dominum, et sanctificata sunt et facta sunt in signum filiis Israel: non ergo in eis reprobari voluit, quod a talibus oblata sunt; sed hoc potius cogitari et attendi, ante quem oblata sint, id est quia ante Dominum, ut plus in eis valeret nomen Domini ante quem oblata sunt, quam pessimum meritum eorum a quibus oblata sunt.
But why he willed a surrounding for the altar to be made from them, he added, saying: since they were offered before the Lord, and were sanctified, and have become a sign to the children of Israel: he did not, then, will to be reproved in them that they were offered by such men; but rather that this be considered and attended to, before whom they were offered, that is, that it was before the Lord, so that the name of the Lord before whom they were offered should prevail more in them than the most wicked desert of those by whom they were offered.
QsHept.4.16.6
Hoc autem iam et in Exodo commemoraverat Scriptura, quando altare fabricatum dicit (Cf. Ex 27, 2): unde intellegitur genera rerum gestarum distributa esse per libros, non temporum ordo contextus.
But this Scripture had already mentioned in Exodus too, when it says the altar was fashioned (See Ex 27, 2): whence it is understood that the kinds of deeds have been distributed throughout the books, not the order of times woven together.
QsHept.4.16.6
Nam et de virga Aaron, quomodo res gesta sit, ut et florens et germinans electionem sacerdotii eius divinitus indicaret, in hoc libro Scriptura narravit (Cf. Num 17, 16-24); et tamen de ipsa virga in Exodo dicitur, ut in Sanctis Sanctorum cum manna in arca poneretur, quando praecipitur de tabernaculo fabricando (Cf. Ex 26, 33-34; 40, 18. 21); quod utique longe ante praeceptum est, quam ipsum tabernaculum fabricatum perfectumque consisteret: stetit autem primo mense secundi anni, ex quo de Aegypto egressi sunt (Cf. Ex 40, 17), et liber iste incipit a secundo mense eiusdem anni secundi, primo die mensis (Cf. Num 1, 1): unde clarum est ista, si librorum ordinem consideremus, per recapitulationem, id est praeteritorum recordationem commemorari, quae putant, qui minus diligenter intendunt, eodem facta ordine quo narrantur.
For about Aaron's rod too, how the deed was done, that, both flowering and budding, it might divinely indicate the choice of his priesthood, Scripture related in this book (See Num 17, 16-24); and yet about that very rod it is said in Exodus that it should be placed in the Holy of Holies with the manna in the ark, when command is given about fashioning the tabernacle (See Ex 26, 33-34; 40, 18. 21); which was surely commanded long before the tabernacle itself stood fashioned and complete: but it stood in the first month of the second year from their going out of Egypt (See Ex 40, 17), and this book begins from the second month of the same second year, on the first day of the month (See Num 1, 1): whence it is clear that these things, if we consider the order of the books, are mentioned by recapitulation, that is, by the recalling of things past, which those who attend less diligently think were done in the same order in which they are narrated.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quae dicantur peccata sanctorum.
What are called the sins of the holy ones.
31. (18, 1) Et ait Dominus ad Aaron, dicens: 'tu et filii tui, et domus patris tui tecum, accipietis peccata sanctorum; et tu et filii tui accipietis peccata sacerdotii vestri.' Haec sunt peccata quae appellantur "sacrificia pro peccatis." Proinde peccata sanctorum dictum est, non quae sancti committant; sed ab eo quod sunt "sancta," dictum est: "sanctorum," quia in sanctis offeruntur: et peccata dicuntur "sacrificia pro peccatis"; ideo appellata sunt peccata sanctorum. Et peccata sacerdotii vestri, id est, eadem ipsa quae offeruntur pro peccatis: sicut etiam in Levitico declarat, et pertinere debere dicit ad sacerdotem (Cf. Lev 6, 25, 26).
31. (18, 1) And the Lord said to Aaron, saying: You and your sons, and your father's house with you, shall bear the sins of the holy ones; and you and your sons shall bear the sins of your priesthood. These are the sins which are called "sacrifices for sins." Accordingly the sins of the holy ones is said, not those which holy persons commit; but from the fact that they are "holy things," it is said "of the holy ones," because they are offered in holy places: and "sacrifices for sins" are called sins; therefore they are called the sins of the holy ones. And the sins of your priesthood, that is, those very things which are offered for sins: as he also declares in Leviticus, and says they ought to belong to the priest (See Lev 6, 25. 26).
QsHept.4.16.6
Quae primogenita offerri praecipiantur.
What firstfruits are commanded to be offered.
32. (18, 13) Primogenita omnia, quaecumque fuerint in terra eorum, quantacumque attulerint Domino, tibi erunt. Hic primogenita, non fetus primitivos pecorum dicit: nam ipsa Graece πρωτότοκα nominantur, haec autem πρωτογενήματα. Sed Latine duabus his rebus, duo nomina reperta non sunt. Et ideo ista πρωτογενήματα quidam primitias interpretati sunt: sed primitiae ἀπαρχαί dicuntur, et aliud sunt. Haec igitur tria ita discernuntur, quia πρωτότοκα sunt primitivi animalium fetus, etiam hominum: πρωτογενήματα vero, primi fructus de terra sumpti, vel de arbore, vel de vite: primitiae autem de fructibus quidem, sed iam redactis ab agro; sicut de massa, de lacu, de dolio, de cupa, quae primitus sumebantur.
32. (18, 13) All the firstfruits, whatever shall be in their land, however much they shall bring to the Lord, shall be yours. Here he says firstfruits, not the firstborn offspring of cattle: for these are named in Greek πρωτότοκα, but the others πρωτογενήματα. But in Latin two names were not found for these two things. And therefore these πρωτογενήματα some rendered firstfruits: but firstfruits are called ἀπαρχαί, and are something else. These three, then, are thus distinguished: πρωτότοκα are the firstborn offspring of animals, even of men: but πρωτογενήματα, the first fruits taken from the earth, or from a tree, or from a vine: and firstfruits, of fruits indeed, but already brought in from the field; as from the lump, from the vat, from the jar, from the cask, which were first taken.
QsHept.4.16.6
De iuvenca rufa.
Concerning the red heifer.
33. 1. (19, 1-22) De iuvenca rufa, cuius cinerem ad aquam aspersionis, eorumque mundationem qui mortuum tetigerint, proficere Lex mandavit, nec tacere permittimur; evidentissimum enim signum in ea Novi Testamenti praefiguratur; nec satis digne festinantes dicere de tanto Sacramento valemus.
33. 1. (19, 1-22) Concerning the red heifer, whose ashes the Law commanded to avail for the water of sprinkling and for the cleansing of those who had touched a dead body, we are not permitted to be silent; for in it a most evident sign of the New Testament is prefigured; nor, hastening, are we able to speak worthily enough of so great a sacred symbol.
QsHept.4.16.6
Primo enim quod ita coepit de hac re loqui Scriptura, quem non moveat, et intentissimum faciat in altitudinem sacramenti? Et locutus est, inquit: Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron, dicens: 'ista distinctio Legis, quaecumque constituit Dominus.' Procul dubio non est distinctio, nisi inter aliqua duo, vel plura: nam distinctionem singularitas non requirit. Nec distinctionem cuiuslibet rei commemoravit, sed addidit: Legis: nec cuiuscumque legis: assidue quippe in Scriptura dicitur de unaquaque re, de qua legitime praecipitur: "haec est Lex illius vel illius rei"; non universalis Lex, quae continet omnia quae legitime praecipiuntur: hic vero cum dixisset: haec est distinctio Legis; secutus adiunxit: quaecumque constituit Dominus, praecipiendo utique, non creando. Nam etiam nonnulli interpretes, quaecumque praecepit Dominus, transtulerunt.
For first, that Scripture began to speak of this matter in such a way, whom would it not move and make most intent upon the depth of the sacred symbol? And the Lord spoke, it says, to Moses and Aaron, saying: This is the distinction of the Law, whatever the Lord has established. Beyond doubt there is no distinction except between some two things, or more: for singularity does not require a distinction. Nor did it mention the distinction of any thing whatever, but added: of the Law: nor of any law whatever: for it is constantly said in Scripture, of each thing about which there is a lawful precept: "this is the law of this or that thing"; not the universal Law, which contains all the things that are lawfully prescribed: but here, when it had said: this is the distinction of the Law; it went on and added: whatever the Lord has established, by prescribing, surely, not by creating. For some translators too rendered, whatever the Lord has commanded.
QsHept.4.16.6
Si ergo haec est distinctio Legis, quaecumque praecepit Dominus; procul dubio magna est ista distinctio: et recte intellegitur duo Testamenta distinguere. Eadem quippe sunt in Vetere et Novo: ibi obumbrata, hic revelata; ibi praefigurata, hic manifestata. Nam non solum Sacramenta diversa sunt, verum etiam promissa. Ibi videntur temporalia proponi, quibus spiritale praemium occulte significetur: hic autem manifestissime spiritalia promittuntur, et aeterna.
If, then, this is the distinction of the Law, whatever the Lord has commanded; beyond doubt this distinction is great: and it is rightly understood to distinguish the two Testaments. For the same things are in the Old and the New: there shadowed, here revealed; there prefigured, here made manifest. For not only are the sacred symbols different, but also the promises. There temporal things seem to be set forth, by which a spiritual reward is secretly signified: but here spiritual and eternal things are most manifestly promised.
QsHept.4.16.6
Temporalium autem bonorum atque carnalium, et spiritalium atque aeternorum, quae clarior certiorque distinctio est, quam Passio Domini nostri Iesu Christi? in cuius morte satis constitit, non istam terrenam transitoriamque felicitatem a Domino Deo pro magno munere sperandam et optandam: quandoquidem in unigenito Filio suo, quem tanta illa perpeti voluit, longe aliud a se peti exspectarique oportere apertissima distinctione declaravit. Hanc igitur Passionem Domini nostri Iesu Christi, velut distinctionem duorum Testamentorum, hoc quod de iuvencae rufae mactatione narratur, satis congrue praefigurat.
But of temporal and carnal goods, and of spiritual and eternal ones, what clearer and surer distinction is there than the Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ? in whose death it was sufficiently established that this earthly and transitory felicity is not to be hoped for and desired from the Lord God as a great gift: since in his only-begotten Son, whom he willed to suffer such great things, he declared by a most open distinction that something far other ought to be sought and expected from him. This Passion, then, of our Lord Jesus Christ, as it were the distinction of the two Testaments, this account of the slaying of the red heifer prefigures fittingly enough.
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 2. Locutus est Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron, dicens: 'ista distinctio Legis quaecumque constituit Dominus': ac deinde mandare incipit haec adiungens et dicens: loquere filiis Israel. Potest etiam ita distingui: et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen et Aaron dicens: 'ista distinctio Legis, quaecumque constituit Dominus, dicens': non "quaecumque constituit Dominus creans," sicut coelum et terram et omnia quae in eis sunt; sed quaecumque constituit Dominus dicens, in duobus videlicet Testamentis; ut deinde sequatur: loquere filiis Israel, et accipiant ad te iuvencam rufam sine vitio.
33. 2. The Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron, saying: This is the distinction of the Law, whatever the Lord has established: and then he begins to give command, adding these words and saying: speak to the children of Israel. It can also be construed thus: and the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron, saying: This is the distinction of the Law, whatever the Lord has established, saying: not "whatever the Lord established by creating," as heaven and earth and all things that are in them; but whatever the Lord established by saying, namely in the two Testaments; so that then it follows: speak to the children of Israel, and let them take to you a red heifer without defect.
QsHept.4.16.6
Iuvenca rufa carnem Christi significat. Sexus femineus est, propter infirmitatem carnalem; rufa est, propter ipsam cruentam Passionem. Quod autem ait: accipiant ad te, in ipso Moyse figuram Legis ostendit: quoniam secundum Legem sibi visi sunt occidere Christum, quia solvebat secundum ipsos Sabbatum, et sicut putabant, observationes legitimas profanabat. Quod ergo sine vitio dicitur haec iuvenca, mirum non est: hanc enim carnem etiam caeterae hostiae figurabant, ubi similiter sine vitio pecora immolari iubentur. Erat quippe illa caro in similitudine carnis peccati (Rom 8, 3), sed non caro peccati. Verumtamen hic ubi evidentius Legis distinctionem Deus voluit commendare, parum fuit dicere: sine vitio, nisi diceretur: quae non habet in se vitium: quod si repetendi causa dictum est, fortasse non frustra est, quod eam rem ipsa repetitio firmius commendavit.
The red heifer signifies the flesh of Christ. The sex is feminine, on account of carnal weakness; it is red, on account of the very bloody Passion. But as for his saying, let them take to you, in Moses himself he shows the figure of the Law: since according to the Law they thought they were killing Christ, because he broke the Sabbath according to them, and, as they supposed, profaned the lawful observances. As for this heifer being called without defect, it is no wonder: for this flesh the other victims too figured, where likewise animals without defect are commanded to be immolated. For that flesh was in the likeness of sinful flesh (Rom 8, 3), but not sinful flesh. Yet here, where God more evidently willed to commend the distinction of the Law, it was too little to say without defect, unless it were said: which has no defect in it: which, if it was said for the sake of repeating, perhaps it is not in vain, in that the very repetition more firmly commended that thing.
QsHept.4.16.6
Quamquam et illud non abhorret a vero, ut ideo additum intellegatur: quae non habet in se vitium, cum iam dictum esset: iuvencam sine vitio, quia in se non habuit vitium caro Christi, in aliis autem habuit, qui membra sunt eius. Quae enim caro in hac vita sine peccato, nisi illa sola quae non habet in se vitium? Et non est superpositum super eam iugum. Non enim subiugata est iniquitati, cui subiugatos inveniens liberavit, et eorum vincula disrupit, ut ei dicatur: disrupisti vincula mea, tibi sacrificabo hostiam laudis (Ps 115, 16-17). Super illius quippe carnem non est positum iugum, qui potestatem habuit ponendi animam suam et iterum sumendi eam (Cf. Io 10, 18).
Although that too is not far from the truth, that it is understood to be added: which has no defect in it, when it had already been said: a heifer without defect, because the flesh of Christ had no defect in itself, but had it in others, who are his members. For what flesh is in this life without sin, except that alone which has no defect in it? And no yoke has been placed upon it. For it was not subjected to iniquity, finding subjected to which those whom he freed, and breaking their bonds, so that it is said to him: you have broken my bonds, to you I will sacrifice a victim of praise (Ps 116 (115), 16-17). For upon his flesh no yoke was placed, who had power to lay down his soul and to take it up again (See Jn 10, 18).
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 3. Et dabis eam, inquit, ad Eleazarum sacerdotem. Cur non ad Aaron, nisi forte ita praefiguratum est, non ad tempus quod tunc erat, sed ad posteros huius sacerdotii Passionem Domini perventuram? Et eiicient eam extra castra: sic et eiectus est Dominus passurus extra civitatem. Quod autem ait: in locum mundum; ita significatum est, quia non habuit causam malam. Et occident eam in conspectu eius: sicut occisa est caro Christi in conspectu eorum qui iam futuri erant in Novo Testamento Domini sacerdotes.
33. 3. And you shall give it, he says, to Eleazar the priest. Why not to Aaron, unless perhaps it was thus prefigured that the Passion of the Lord would come not to the time that then was, but to the descendants of this priesthood? And they shall cast it outside the camp: so too the Lord, about to suffer, was cast outside the city. But as for his saying, into a clean place; it was signified thus, because he had no evil cause. And they shall kill it in his sight: as the flesh of Christ was killed in the sight of those who were already to be priests of the Lord in the New Testament.
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 4. Et accipiet Eleazar sanguinem eius, et asperget contra faciem tabernaculi testimonii a sanguine eius septies. Haec testificatio est, Christum secundum Scripturas fudisse sanguinem in remissionem peccatorum (Cf. Eph 1, 7; Rom 3, 25). Ideo contra faciem tabernaculi testimonii, quia non aliter declaratum est, quam fuerat divino testimonio praenuntiatum: et ideo septies, quia ipse numerus ad mundationem pertinet spiritalem.
33. 4. And Eleazar shall take of its blood, and shall sprinkle before the face of the tabernacle of testimony of its blood seven times. This is a testimony that Christ, according to the Scriptures, shed his blood for the remission of sins (See Eph 1, 7; Rom 3, 25). Therefore before the face of the tabernacle of testimony, because it was declared in no other way than as it had been foretold by divine testimony: and therefore seven times, because that number pertains to spiritual cleansing.
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 5. Et cremabunt eam in conspectu eius. Puto quia concrematio ad signum pertinet resurrectionis. Natura est quippe ignis ut in superna moveatur, et in eum convertitur quod crematur. Nam et ipsum "cremare" de Graeco in Latinum ductum verbum est a suspensione. Quod vero additum est, in conspectu eius, id est in conspectu sacerdotis, hoc mihi insinuatum videtur, quia illis apparuit resurrectio Christi, qui futuri erant regale sacerdotium. Iam quod sequitur: et pellis eius et carnes et sanguis eius cum stercore eius comburetur, id ipsum expositum est quomodo concremabitur: et significatum est quod non solum substantia mortalis corporis Christi, quae commemoratione pellis et carnium et sanguinis intimata est; verum etiam contumelia et abiectio plebis, quam nomine stercoris significatam puto, converteretur in gloriam, quam combustionis flamma significat.
33. 5. And they shall burn it in his sight. I think that the burning pertains to the sign of the resurrection. For it is the nature of fire to be moved upward, and what is burned is turned into it. For "to burn up" too is a word brought from Greek into Latin from suspending. But as for what is added, in his sight, that is, in the sight of the priest, this seems to me to be intimated, that the resurrection of Christ appeared to those who were to be a royal priesthood. Now as for what follows: and its skin and its flesh and its blood with its dung shall be burned, this very thing is set out, how it will be burned: and it is signified that not only the substance of the mortal body of Christ, which is intimated by the mention of skin and flesh and blood; but also the contumely and rejection of the people, which I think is signified by the name dung, would be turned into glory, which the flame of burning signifies.
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 6. Et accipiet sacerdos lignum cedrinum et hyssopum et coccinum, et immittet in medium combustionis iuvencae. Lignum cedrinum spes est, quae debet in supernis firmiter habitare. Hyssopus fides, quae cum sit herba humilis, radicibus haeret in petra. Coccinum caritas, quod fervorem spiritus igneo colore testatur. Haec tria debemus mittere in resurrectionem Christi, tamquam in medium combustionis illius, ut cum illo sit abscondita vita nostra, sicut dicit Apostolus: et vita vestra abscondita est cum Christo in Deo (Col 3, 3).
33. 6. And the priest shall take cedar wood and hyssop and scarlet, and cast it into the midst of the burning of the heifer. Cedar wood is hope, which ought firmly to dwell in things above. Hyssop is faith, which, though it be a lowly herb, clings by its roots to the rock. Scarlet is charity, which by its fiery color testifies to the fervor of the spirit. These three we ought to cast into the resurrection of Christ, as into the midst of that burning, so that with him our life may be hidden, as the Apostle says: and your life is hidden with Christ in God (Col 3, 3).
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 7. Et lavabit vestimenta sua sacerdos, et lavabit corpus suum aqua, et postea introibit in castra, et immundus erit sacerdos usque ad vesperam. Lavatio vestimentorum et corporis quid est, nisi mundatio exteriorum et interiorum? hoc sacerdos. Deinde sequitur: et qui comburet eam, lavabit vestimenta sua, et lavabit corpus suum aqua, et immundus erit usque ad vesperam. In eo qui comburit, eos figuratos arbitror, qui Christi carnem sepelierunt, resurrectioni eam veluti conflagrationi mandantes.
33. 7. And the priest shall wash his garments, and shall wash his body with water, and afterward he shall enter the camp, and the priest shall be unclean until evening. What is the washing of the garments and of the body, but the cleansing of the outer and inner man? this is the priest. Then it follows: and he who burns it shall wash his garments, and shall wash his body with water, and shall be unclean until evening. In the one who burns it, I think those are figured who buried the flesh of Christ, committing it to the resurrection as to a conflagration.
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 8. Et congregabit homo mundus cinerem iuvencae, et ponet extra castra in locum mundum. Quid dicimus cinerem iuvencae, reliquias videlicet illius interfectionis et combustionis, nisi famam quae consecuta est passionem resurrectionemque Christi? Quoniam sunt reliquiae homini pacifico (Ps 36, 37). Nam et cinis erat, quia velut mortuus ab infidelibus contemnebatur; et tamen mundabat, quia et resurrexisse a fidelibus credebatur.
33. 8. And a clean man shall gather the ashes of the heifer, and shall place them outside the camp in a clean place. What do we say the ashes of the heifer are—the remains, namely, of that slaying and burning—but the fame which followed the passion and resurrection of Christ? For there are remains for the man of peace (Ps 37 (36), 37). For it was both ash, because as though dead it was despised by the unbelieving; and yet it cleansed, because it was also believed by the faithful to have risen.
QsHept.4.16.6
Et quia haec fama apud eos maxime claruit, qui in caeteris gentibus erant, et non erant de consortio Iudaeorum, ideo dictum esse existimo: et congregabit homo mundus cinerem iuvencae: mundus utique ab interfectione Christi, quae Iudaeos fecerat reos. Et reponet in locum mundum, id est, honorabiliter tractabit: tamen extra castra, quia extra celebrationem Iudaicae consuetudinis honor Evangelicus claruit. Et erit synagogae filiorum Israel in conservationem. Aqua aspersionis, purificatio est. Postea declarat plenius quemadmodum ex isto cinere fiebat aqua aspersionis, unde mundabantur a contactu mortuorum; quod utique significat ab iniquitate huius moribundae vel morticinae vitae.
And because this fame shone most of all among those who were among the other nations, and were not of the fellowship of the Jews, therefore I judge it was said: and a clean man shall gather the ashes of the heifer: clean, surely, from the slaying of Christ, which had made the Jews guilty. And he shall lay them up in a clean place, that is, he shall treat them honorably: yet outside the camp, because outside the celebration of the Jewish custom the honor of the Gospel shone forth. And it shall be for the congregation of the children of Israel for preservation. The water of sprinkling, it is a purification. Afterward it declares more fully how from these ashes the water of sprinkling was made, by which they were cleansed from the touching of the dead; which surely signifies from the iniquity of this dying or death-bound life.
QsHept.4.16.6
33. 9. Sed mirum est quod sequitur: et qui congregat, inquit, cinerem iuvencae, lavabit vestimenta sua; et immundus erit usque ad vesperam. Quomodo erit ex hoc immundus, qui mundus accesserat; nisi quia et ii qui sibi videntur mundi, in fide Christiana se agnoscunt quia omnes peccaverunt et egent gloria Dei, iustificati gratis per sanguinem ipsius (Cf. Rom 3, 23-24)? Hunc tamen vestimenta sua lavare dixit, non etiam corpus suum; credo, quod illius cineris congregatione et repositione in loco mundo, si haec spiritaliter intellegantur, iam intrinsecus vult intellegi fuisse mundatum: sicut Cornelius audiens et credens quod praedicaverat Petrus, ita mundatus est, ut ante visibilem Baptismum, cum suis qui aderant, acciperet donum Spiritus Sancti; verumtamen nec visibile sacramentum contemni potuit (Cf. Act 10, 44-48), ut ablutus etiam extrinsecus lavaret quodammodo vestimenta sua.
33. 9. But it is strange what follows: and he who gathers, it says, the ashes of the heifer, shall wash his garments; and he shall be unclean until evening. How shall he be unclean from this, who had approached clean; unless because even those who seem to themselves clean recognize, in the Christian faith, that all have sinned and lack the glory of God, being justified freely through his blood (See Rom 3, 23-24)? Yet it said he should wash his garments, not also his body; I believe, because by that gathering of the ashes and their being laid up in a clean place, if these be understood spiritually, it means he was already cleansed within: as Cornelius, hearing and believing what Peter had preached, was so cleansed that before visible Baptism, with his own who were present, he received the gift of the Holy Spirit; yet neither could the visible sacrament be despised (See Acts 10, 44-48), so that, washed even outwardly, he should in a way wash his garments.
QsHept.4.33.9
Et erit, inquit, filiis Israel, et proselytis qui apponuntur, legitimum aeternum. Quid aliud ostendit, nisi Baptismum Christi, quem significabat aqua aspersionis, et Iudaeis et gentibus profuturum; id est filiis Israel et proselytis, tamquam naturalibus ramis et inserto pinguedini radicis oleastro (Cf. Rom 11, 16-24)? Quem autem non faciat intentum, quod post ablutionem de singulis quibusque dicitur: et immundus erit usque ad vesperam? Neque hic tantum, sed in omnibus, aut pene in omnibus talibus mundationibus hoc dicitur. Ubi nescio utrum aliquid aliud possit intellegi, nisi quod omnis homo post remissionem plenissimam peccatorum permanendo in hac vita contrahit aliquid, unde sit immundus usque ad eiusdem vitae finem, ubi ei dies iste quodammodo clauditur, quod significat vespera.
And it shall be, it says, for the children of Israel, and for the proselytes who are joined to them, a perpetual statute. What else does it show, but that the Baptism of Christ, which the water of sprinkling signified, would profit both Jews and gentiles; that is, the children of Israel and the proselytes, as the natural branches and the wild olive grafted into the richness of the root (See Rom 11, 16-24)? But whom would it not make intent, that after the washing it is said of each one: and he shall be unclean until evening? And not only here, but in all, or in almost all such cleansings, this is said. Where I do not know whether anything else can be understood, except that every man, after the fullest remission of sins, by remaining in this life contracts something whereby he is unclean until the end of that same life, where this day of his is in a way closed, which the word evening signifies.
QsHept.4.33.9
33. 10. Deinde incipit Scriptura dicere, et exsequitur quemadmodum immundi facti homines, aqua illa aspersionis purificentur: qui tetigerit, inquit, mortuum, omnis anima hominis immunda erit septem diebus: hic purificabitur die tertio et die septimo, et mundus erit. Et hic nihil aliud intellegendum video, nisi contactum mortui, esse hominis iniquitatem. Septem vero dierum immunditiam propter animam et corpus dictam puto; animam in ternario, corpus in quaternario. Quod quare ita sit, longum est disputare. Secundum hoc dictum arbitror per prophetam: in tribus et quatuor impietatibus non adversabor (Am 1, 3).
33. 10. Then Scripture begins to say, and pursues, how men made unclean are purified by that water of sprinkling: he who touches, it says, a dead man, every soul of a man shall be unclean seven days: he shall be purified on the third day and on the seventh day, and shall be clean. And here I see nothing else to be understood, but that the touching of the dead is the iniquity of a man. But the uncleanness of seven days I think is said on account of soul and body; the soul in the number three, the body in the number four. Why this is so, it would be long to dispute. According to this I judge it was said through the prophet: for three and four impieties I will not be opposed (Amos 1, 3).
QsHept.4.33.10
Adiungit autem, et dicit: Si autem non purificatus fuerit die tertio et die septimo, non erit mundus. Omnis qui tetigerit mortuum ab omni anima hominis, et mortuus fuerit, et non fuerit purificatus; id est ante mortuus fuerit tacto mortuo, quam fuerit purificatus; tabernaculum Domini polluit: exteretur anima illa ex Israel. Notandum est quod difficillime reperitur in his libris aliquid evidentius de vita animae post mortem fuisse conscriptum. Hic ergo cum dicit, si fuerit mortuus ante purificationem, manere in illo immunditiam, et exteri animam illam ex Israel, id est a consortio populi Dei; quid aliud vult intellegi, nisi manere animae poenam, etiam post mortem, si cum vivit, mundata non fuerit sacramento isto, quo Christi Baptismus figuratur?
But he adds, and says: But if he be not purified on the third day and on the seventh day, he shall not be clean. Everyone who touches a dead man, of any soul of a man, and he die, and be not purified; that is, die after touching a dead man, before he is purified; he has polluted the tabernacle of the Lord: that soul shall be rubbed out from Israel. It is to be noted that most rarely is anything found in these books written more evidently about the life of the soul after death. Here, then, when it says that, if he die before purification, the uncleanness remains in him, and that soul is rubbed out from Israel, that is, from the fellowship of the people of God; what else does it mean, but that the punishment of the soul remains, even after death, if, while it lives, it has not been cleansed by this sacred symbol, by which the Baptism of Christ is figured?
QsHept.4.33.10
Quoniam aqua aspersionis, inquit, non est circumaspersa super eum, immundus est; adhuc immunditia eius in ipso est. Adhuc, scilicet etiam post mortem. Quod vero supra dixit: tabernaculum Domini polluit, quantum in ipso est utique, dixit: sicut Apostolus: Spiritum nolite exstinguere (1 Thess 5, 19): cum exstingui ille non possit. Nam si ex hoc tabernaculum immundum factum vellet intellegi, mundari utique iuberet.
Since the water of sprinkling, it says, has not been sprinkled upon him, he is unclean; still his uncleanness is upon him. Still, namely, even after death. But as for what it said above, he has polluted the tabernacle of the Lord, it said this surely as far as in him lies: as the Apostle: do not quench the Spirit (1 Thess 5, 19): although he cannot be quenched. For if it meant that the tabernacle was made unclean by this, it would surely command it to be cleansed.
QsHept.4.33.10
33. 11. Postea vero immundos a mortuis factos, hoc est a mortuis operibus, quae sunt omnes iniquitates, ita mundari iubet: et accipient illi immundo, inquit, a cinere illius exustae purificationis, et effundent super illum, id est super eumdem cinerem, aquam vivam in vase: et accipiens hyssopum, intingens in aqua vir mundus, et circumaspergens super domum, et super vasa, et super animas, quotquot fuerint illic, et super eum qui tetigerit os humanum, aut vulneratum, aut mortuum, aut monumentum; et asperget mundus super immundum in die tertio et in die septimo: et purificabitur die septimo, et lavabit vestimenta sua, et lavabitur aqua, et immundus erit usque ad vesperam.
33. 11. But afterward it commands those made unclean by the dead—that is, by dead works, which are all iniquities—to be cleansed thus: and they shall take for that unclean man, it says, of the ashes of that burned purification, and shall pour over them, that is, over those same ashes, living water in a vessel: and a clean man, taking hyssop, dipping it in the water, and sprinkling over the house, and over the vessels, and over the souls, as many as were there, and over him who touched human bone, or one wounded, or one dead, or a tomb; and the clean man shall sprinkle over the unclean on the third day and on the seventh day: and he shall be purified on the seventh day, and shall wash his garments, and shall be washed with water, and shall be unclean until evening.
QsHept.4.33.11
Alia est aqua aspersionis, et alia utique illa qua lavabit vestimenta sua. Et lavabitur aqua, quam puto spiritalem intellegendam, per significationem, non per proprietatem. Nam sine dubio visibilis erat, sicut illae omnes umbrae futurorum. Proinde qui sacramento Baptismi recte abluitur, quod illa aspersionis aqua figurabatur, mundatur et spiritaliter, id est invisibiliter, et in carne et in anima, ut sit mundus et corpore et spiritu.
The water of sprinkling is one thing, and that with which he shall wash his garments is surely another. And he shall be washed with water, which I think is to be understood spiritually, by signification, not by its proper nature. For without doubt it was visible, like all those shadows of things to come. Accordingly, he who is rightly washed by the sacrament of Baptism, which that water of sprinkling figured, is cleansed also spiritually, that is, invisibly, both in flesh and in soul, so that he is clean in both body and spirit.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quod vero hyssopo dixit aquam aspersionis aspergi, qua herba supra diximus fidem significari; quid aliud occurrit, nisi quod scriptum est: fide mundans corda eorum (Act 15, 9)? Non enim prodest Baptismus, si desit fides. A viro autem mundo dixit hoc fieri, ubi significantur ministri portantes personam Domini sui, qui vere vir mundus est.
But as for his saying that the water of sprinkling is sprinkled with hyssop, by which herb we said above faith is signified; what else occurs but what is written: cleansing their hearts by faith (Acts 15, 9)? For Baptism does not profit if faith is lacking. And he said this is done by a clean man, where are signified the ministers bearing the person of their Lord, who is truly the clean man.
QsHept.4.33.11
Nam et de his ministris in consequentibus dicit: et qui circumasperget aquam aspersionis, lavabit vestimenta sua; id est, observabit et corpore. Et qui tetigerit aquam aspersionis, immundus erit usque ad vesperam. Et omne quodcumque tetigerit illud immundus, immundum erit: et anima quae tetigerit, immunda erit usque ad vesperam. Iam dixi superius quid mihi significare videatur, usque ad vesperam.
For of these ministers too it says in what follows: and he who sprinkles the water of sprinkling shall wash his garments; that is, he shall observe it in his body too. And he who touches the water of sprinkling shall be unclean until evening. And everything whatever the unclean man touches shall be unclean: and the soul that touches it shall be unclean until evening. I have already said above what until evening seems to me to signify.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quid vulneratum et mortuum dicatur.
What "one wounded" and "one dead" are called.
34. (19, 16) Omnis qui tetigerit super faciem campi vulneratum, aut mortuum, aut os hominis, aut monumentum. Quaeri potest quid dictum sit vulneratum, aut mortuum. Si enim aliud voluit intellegi vulneratum, aliud mortuum; cavendum est ne putetur immundus esse etiam qui tetigerit vulneratum vivum, quod utique absurdum est. Sed quia possunt et mortui esse vulnerati, ipsos mortuos intellegitur discrevisse, ut et vulneratum mortuum intellegamus, id est, vulnere peremptum aut mortuum sine vulnere.
34. (19, 16) Everyone who touches upon the face of the field one wounded, or one dead, or the bone of a man, or a tomb. It may be asked what is meant by one wounded, or one dead. For if he meant one thing by wounded, another by dead; it must be guarded against that one be thought unclean who also touches a living wounded man, which is surely absurd. But because the dead too can be wounded, he is understood to have distinguished the dead themselves, so that we understand even a wounded dead man, that is, one slain by a wound, or one dead without a wound.
QsHept.4.33.11
De petra unde aqua educta est.
Concerning the rock from which water was brought forth.
35. (20, 11) Quod de petra aqua educta est, Apostolus Paulus quid esset exposuit, ubi ait: et omnes eumdem potum spiritalem biberunt. Bibebant enim de spiritali sequenti petra: petra autem erat Christus (1 Cor 10, 4). Significata est ergo de Christo profluens gratia spiritalis, qua interior sitis irrigaretur. Sed quod virga petra percutitur, crux Christi figuratur. Ligno enim accedente ad petram, gratia manavit: et quod bis percutitur, evidentius significat crucem. Duo quippe ligna sunt crux.
35. (20, 11) What it was that water was brought forth from the rock, the Apostle Paul set out, where he says: and all drank the same spiritual drink. For they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them: and the rock was Christ (1 Cor 10, 4). There was signified, then, the spiritual grace flowing from Christ, by which the inner thirst was watered. But that the rock is struck with a rod figures the cross of Christ. For by the wood coming to the rock, grace flowed forth: and that it is struck twice more evidently signifies the cross. For the cross is two pieces of wood.
QsHept.4.33.11
Aqua contradictionis.
The water of contradiction.
36. (20, 13) Quod de aqua illa quae de petra profluxit dictum est: haec aqua contradictionis, quia maledixerunt filii Israel ante Dominum, et sanctificatus est in ipsis: prius maledixerunt, quando locuti sunt contra beneficium Domini, quo educti erant de Aegypto; et postea sanctificatus est in ipsis, cum illo miraculo profluentis aquae eius sanctitas declarata est. An forte duo genera hominum demonstravit, et contradicentium gratiae Christi, et percipientium gratiam Christi; ut illis sit aqua contradictionis, istis sanctificationis? Nam et de ipso Domino in Evangelio legitur: et in signum cui contradicetur (Lc 2, 34).
36. (20, 13) As to what was said of that water which flowed from the rock: this is the water of contradiction, because the children of Israel cursed before the Lord, and he was sanctified among them: first they cursed, when they spoke against the benefit of the Lord, by which they had been brought out of Egypt; and afterward he was sanctified among them, when by that miracle of the flowing water his sanctity was declared. Or did he perhaps show two kinds of men, both those who contradict the grace of Christ, and those who receive the grace of Christ; so that to those it is the water of contradiction, to these of sanctification? For of the Lord himself too it is read in the Gospel: and for a sign that shall be contradicted (Lk 2, 34).
QsHept.4.33.11
Quomodo intellegendum quod Moyses dicit ad regem Edom.
How what Moses says to the king of Edom is to be understood.
37. (20, 17. 19) Quod inter mandata Moyses ad regem Edom dicit inter caetera: neque bibemus aquam de lacu tuo, intellegendum est "gratis," id est, quia "non gratis bibemus": quod postea manifestat, dicens: si autem de aqua tua bibemus, ego et pecora mea, dabo pretium tibi.
37. (20, 17. 19) As to what Moses, among the messages to the king of Edom, says among other things: nor will we drink water from your well, it is to be understood "for free," that is, that "we will not drink for free": which he afterward makes clear, saying: but if we drink of your water, I and my cattle, I will give you a price.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quae sint dextra et sinistra.
What the right and the left are.
38. (20, 17) Non declinabimus in dextera neque in sinistra: pluraliter dictum est, "in ea quae dextera sunt, vel quae sinistra sunt."
38. (20, 17) We will not turn aside to the right or to the left: it is said in the plural, "to the things that are on the right, or that are on the left."
QsHept.4.33.11
Aqua maledictionis.
The water of cursing.
39. (20, 24) Non introibitis in terram quam dedi filiis Israel in possessionem; quoniam exacerbastis me super aquam maledictionis. Quam dixit superius aquam contradictionis, ipsam dicit hic maledictionis: non enim ait ἀντιλογίας, sed: λοιδορίας.
39. (20, 24) You shall not enter into the land which I have given to the children of Israel for a possession; because you provoked me at the water of cursing. What he called above the water of contradiction, he here calls of cursing: for he does not say ἀντιλογίας, but: λοιδορίας.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quomodo dicatur anathemabo de voto.
How "I will devote to destruction" is said of a vow.
40. (21, 2) Et vovit Israel votum Domino, et dixit: 'si mihi tradideris populum istum subiectum,' id est, "si mihi eum tradendo subieceris," anathemabo illum et civitates eius. Hic videndum est, quomodo dicatur anathemabo, quod vovetur, et tamen pro maledicto ponitur, sicut et de isto populo dicitur: unde illud est: si quis vobis evangelizaverit praeterquam quod accepistis, anathema sit (Gal 1, 9). Hinc vulgo ductum est, ut devotatio dicatur: nam devotare se quemquam, nemo fere dicit, nisi maledicens.
40. (21, 2) And Israel vowed a vow to the Lord, and said: If you deliver this people to me as subject, that is, "if you subject it to me by delivering it," I will devote it to destruction, and its cities. Here it is to be considered how he says I will devote to destruction, which is vowed, and yet is put for a curse, as is said also of this people: whence there is that saying: if anyone preaches to you other than what you received, let him be anathema (Gal 1, 9). Hence it has been commonly derived that one is said to "devote" (devotare): for hardly anyone says that one devotes himself, except by cursing.
QsHept.4.33.11
Unde dictum anathema.
Whence "anathema" is said.
41. (21, 3) Et anathemavit eum et civitatem eius: et vocatum est nomen loci illius Anathema. Hinc ductum est ut anathema, detestabile aliquid et abominabile videatur. Ut enim nihil inde victor in usus suos auferret, sed totum in poenam luendam voveret, hoc erat anathemare, quod vulgo dicitur "devotare." Origo autem huius verbi est in Graeca lingua ab his rebus, quae votae et persolutae, hoc est, promissae et redditae, sursum ponebantur in templis, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄνω τιθέναι: hoc est, "sursum ponere," vel figendo, vel suspendendo.
41. (21, 3) And he devoted it to destruction and its city: and the name of that place was called Anathema. Hence it has been derived that anathema seems something detestable and abominable. For that the victor should take away nothing thence for his own uses, but vow the whole to be paid as a penalty, this was to "anathematize," which is commonly called "to devote." But the origin of this word is in the Greek language from those things which, vowed and paid—that is, promised and rendered—were placed up high in the temples, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄνω τιθέναι: that is, "to place up high," whether by fixing or by hanging.
QsHept.4.33.11
In quo libro dictum intellegatur: Bellum Domini Moab inflammavit.
In what book the saying is to be understood: The war of the Lord set Moab aflame.
42. (21, 13-15) In itinere filiorum Israel, quo castra promovebant, atque ponebant, inter caetera scriptum est: et inde castra collocaverunt trans Arnon in eremo, quod exstat a limitibus Amorrhaeorum. Est enim Arnon limes Moab inter Moab et inter Amorrhaeum. Propterea dicitur in libro Bellum Domini: 'Zoob inflammavit, et torrentes Arnon, et torrentes constituit inhabitare Er.'
42. (21, 13-15) In the journey of the children of Israel, in which they moved on and pitched their camps, among other things it is written: and from there they pitched camp beyond the Arnon in the wilderness, which stands out from the borders of the Amorites. For the Arnon is the border of Moab, between Moab and the Amorite. Therefore it is said in the book The War of the Lord: Zoob it set aflame, and the torrents of the Arnon, and the torrents it caused to inhabit Er.
QsHept.4.33.11
In quo libro hoc scriptum sit, non commemoravit, neque ullus est in his quos Divinae Scripturae canonicos appellamus. De talibus occasiones reperiunt, qui libros apocryphos incautorum auribus et curiosorum conantur inserere, ad persuadendas fabulosas impietates. Sed hic dictum est scriptum in libro, non dictum est in cuius prophetae vel patriarchae sancto libro. Neque negandum est fuisse iam libros sive Chaldaeorum, unde egressus est Abraham; sive Aegyptiorum, ubi didicerat Moyses omnem illorum sapientiam (Cf. Act 7, 22); sive cuiusque gentis alterius, in quorum librorum aliquo potuit hoc esse scriptum: qui tamen non ideo sit assumendus in eas Scripturas quibus divina commendatur auctoritas; sicut nec propheta ille Cretensis, cuius mentionem facit Apostolus (Cf. Tit 1, 12); nec Graecorum scriptores vel philosophi vel poetae, quos idem ipse Apostolus magnum sane aliquid et veraciter promptum ad Athenienses loquens, dixisse confirmat: in illo enim vivimus, et movemur, et sumus (Act 17, 28).
In what book this is written, he did not mention, nor is there any such among those which we call the canonical Divine Scriptures. From such things they find occasions who try to insinuate apocryphal books into the ears of the unwary and the curious, in order to persuade them of fabulous impieties. But here it is said to be written in a book; it is not said in whose holy book, of what prophet or patriarch. Nor is it to be denied that there were already books, whether of the Chaldeans, from whom Abraham came forth; or of the Egyptians, where Moses had learned all their wisdom (See Acts 7, 22); or of any other nation, in some one of whose books this could be written: which nevertheless is not therefore to be taken up into those Scriptures by which divine authority is commended; as neither is that Cretan prophet, of whom the Apostle makes mention (See Titus 1, 12); nor the Greek writers, whether philosophers or poets, whom that same Apostle, speaking to the Athenians, affirms to have said something surely great and truly put: for in him we live, and move, and are (Acts 17, 28).
QsHept.4.33.11
Licet enim divinae auctoritati unde voluerit, quod verum invenerit, testimonium sumere; sed non ideo omnia quae ibi scripta sunt, accipienda confirmat. Cur autem hoc isto commemoratum sit loco, non evidenter apparet; nisi forte, ut fines illic inter duas gentes constituerentur, bello actum est, quod bellum eiusdem loci homines propter magnitudinem, bellum Domini esse dixerunt, ut scriberetur in aliquo eorum libro: bellum Domini Zoob inflammavit: quod vel arserit eodem bello ista civitas, aut ad pugnandum inflammata sit, hoc est, excitata, vel si quid aliud in obscuritate loci huius latet.
For it is permitted to divine authority to take testimony, from wherever it has found what is true; but it does not therefore affirm that all the things which are written there are to be accepted. But why this was mentioned in this passage does not clearly appear; unless perhaps, in order that the borders there might be established between the two nations, it was done by war, which war the men of that place, on account of its greatness, said was the war of the Lord, so that it was written in some book of theirs: the war of the Lord set Zoob aflame: either because that city burned in that same war, or was inflamed—that is, roused—to fight, or whatever else lies hidden in the obscurity of this passage.
QsHept.4.33.11
Ubi intellegendum est bibisse populum.
Where it is to be understood that the people drank.
43. (21, 16) Hic est puteus quem dixit Dominus ad Moysen: 'congrega populum, et dabo eis aquam bibere.' Ita hoc commemoratum est, quasi alicubi superius hoc ad Moysen dixisse Dominus legatur: sed quia nusquam reperitur, hic intellegendum est et illic bibisse populum, qui de siccitate conquerebatur.
43. (21, 16) This is the well of which the Lord said to Moses: Gather the people, and I will give them water to drink. This is mentioned as though somewhere above the Lord were read to have said this to Moses: but because it is nowhere found, it is here to be understood that the people, who were complaining of the drought, drank there too.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quomodo possederit Israel civitates.
How Israel possessed the cities.
44. (21, 24-25) Et percussit eum Israel nece gladii: et dominati sunt terrae eius ab Arnon usque Iaboc, et usque ad filios Ammon: quoniam Iazer termini filiorum Ammon sunt. Et accepit Israel omnes civitates istas. Et habitavit Israel in omnibus civitatibus Amorrhaeorum in Esebon. Hic certe Israel possedit civitates Amorrhaeorum, quas bello superavit; quia non eas anathemavit: nam si eas anathemasset, possidere illi non liceret, nec inde ad usus suos aliquid praedae usurparet. Notandum est sane quemadmodum iusta bella gerebantur. Innoxius enim transitus negabatur (Cf. Num 21, 21-23), qui iure humanae societatis aequissimo patere debebat. Sed iam ut Deus sua promissa compleret, adiuvit hic Israelitas, quibus Amorrhaeorum terram dari oportebat. Nam Edom cum similiter eis transitum denegaret, non pugnaverunt cum ipsa gente Israelitae, id est filii Iacob cum filiis Esau, duorum germanorum atque geminorum, quia terram illam Israelitis non promiserat; sed declinaverunt ab eis (Cf. Num 20, 14-21).
44. (21, 24-25) And Israel struck him with the slaughter of the sword: and they took possession of his land from the Arnon to the Jabbok, and as far as the children of Ammon: for Jazer is the border of the children of Ammon. And Israel took all these cities. And Israel dwelt in all the cities of the Amorites, in Heshbon. Here surely Israel possessed the cities of the Amorites, which it overcame by war; because it did not devote them to destruction: for if it had devoted them to destruction, it would not be permitted them to possess them, nor to take from there anything of the spoil for their own uses. It is indeed to be noted in what way just wars were waged. For harmless passage was denied (See Num 21, 21-23), which by the most equitable right of human society ought to have lain open. But now, that God might fulfill his promises, he helped the Israelites here, to whom the land of the Amorites had to be given. For when Edom likewise denied them passage, the Israelites did not fight with that nation itself, that is, the children of Jacob with the children of Esau, two brothers and twins, because he had not promised that land to the Israelites; but they turned aside from them (See Num 20, 14-21).
QsHept.4.33.11
Qui sint aenigmatistae an poetae.
Who the riddlers are, or are they poets.
45. (21, 27-30) Propterea dicent aenigmatistae: 'venite in Esebon,' et caetera. Qui sint aenigmatistae ideo non apparet, quia non sunt in consuetudine litteraturae nostrae, neque in ipsis Divinis Scripturis fere alio loco reperitur hoc nomen: sed quia videntur quasi canticum dicere, quo cecinerunt bellum inter Amorrhaeos et Moabitas gestum, in quo Seon rex Amorrhaeorum Moabitas superavit (Cf. Num 21, 27-30), non incredibiliter putantur isti aenigmatistae sic tunc appellati, quos poetas nos appellamus; eo quod poetarum sit consuetudo atque licentia miscere carminibus suis aenigmata fabularum, quibus aliquid significare intellegantur. Non enim aliter essent aenigmata, nisi illic esset tropica locutio, qua discussa perveniretur ad intellectum qui in aenigmate latitaret.
45. (21, 27-30) Therefore the riddlers will say: Come into Heshbon, and so forth. Who the riddlers are does not appear, because they are not in the usage of our literature, nor in the Divine Scriptures themselves is this name found in almost any other place: but because they seem as it were to say a song, by which they sang the war waged between the Amorites and the Moabites, in which Sihon king of the Amorites overcame the Moabites (See Num 21, 27-30), these riddlers are not improbably supposed to have been then so called whom we call poets; in that it is the custom and license of poets to mingle into their songs the riddles of fables, by which they are understood to signify something. For they would not otherwise be riddles, unless there were there a figurative expression, which, once unraveled, one would arrive at the meaning that lay hidden in the riddle.
QsHept.4.33.11
Non omnes Moabitae venerunt in conditionem Seon regis Amorrhaeorum.
Not all the Moabites came under the condition of Sihon king of the Amorites.
46. (22, 4-6) Quod dicit Scriptura, posteaquam Israel vicit Amorrhaeos, et possedit omnes civitates eorum, misisse legatos Balac regem Moabitarum ad conducendum Balaam, a quo malediceretur Israel, satis ostenditur non omnes Moabitas venisse in conditionem Seon regis Amorrhaeorum, quando eos bello superavit: si quidem remansit gens Moabitarum usque ad illud tempus, ubi regnaret Balac rex Moab. Quod vero Moab dixit senioribus Madian, id est, Moabitae senioribus Madianitarum: nunc ablinguet synagoga haec omnes qui in circuitu nostro sunt; non una gens erat, sed vicini ad vicinos dixerunt quod pariter cavendum esset. Nam Moab filius fuit Lot ex una filiarum (Cf. Gen 19, 37), Madian vero filius Abrahae de Cethura (Cf. Gen 25, 2). Non itaque una gens erat, sed duae vicinae atque conterminae.
46. (22, 4-6) As to what Scripture says, that after Israel conquered the Amorites and possessed all their cities, Balak king of the Moabites sent envoys to hire Balaam, by whom Israel might be cursed, it is shown well enough that not all the Moabites came under the condition of Sihon king of the Amorites, when he overcame them in war: since the nation of the Moabites remained up to that time, when Balak king of Moab reigned. But as for Moab saying to the elders of Midian—that is, the Moabites to the elders of the Midianites: now this congregation will lick up all who are round about us; it was not one nation, but neighbors said to neighbors what was alike to be guarded against. For Moab was the son of Lot by one of his daughters (See Gen 19, 37), but Midian the son of Abraham by Keturah (See Gen 25, 2). It was therefore not one nation, but two neighboring and adjoining ones.
QsHept.4.33.11
De verbis: Et divinationes in manibus eorum.
Concerning the words: And the divinations in their hands.
47. (22, 7. 9. 13) Quid est quod scriptum est: et divinationes in manibus eorum, cum de iis diceretur quos miserat Balac ad conducendum Balaam, ut malediceret Israel? Numquidnam ipsi divinabant? an aliqua ferebant unde faceret Balaam, quo posset divinare, tamquam aliqua quae in sacrificiis incenderentur, aut quoquo modo impenderentur; et ideo dictae sunt divinationes, quia per haec ille poterat divinare? an quid aliud? obscure enim dictum est.
47. (22, 7. 9. 13) What does it mean that it is written: and the divinations in their hands, when it was said of those whom Balak had sent to hire Balaam, that he might curse Israel? Did they themselves divine? Or did they carry something whence Balaam might make that by which he could divine, such as things that were burned in sacrifices, or in some way expended; and were they therefore called divinations, because through these he could divine? Or something else? For it is obscurely said.
QsHept.4.33.11
Notandum sane, quod venit Deus ad Balaam et dixit ei: 'quid homines hi penes te?' etc. Nec dictum est utrum in somnis hoc factum sit, quamvis per noctem factum satis eluceat, cum post haec dicit Scriptura: et exsurgens Balaam mane. Potest enim movere quomodo cum homine pessimo Deus locutus sit, quod etiamsi in somnis factum esse constaret, non ideo nulla quaestio remaneret, propter ipsam indignitatem.
It is indeed to be noted that God came to Balaam and said to him: What men are these with you? and so forth. Nor is it said whether this was done in a dream, although that it was done by night is sufficiently clear, since after these things Scripture says: and Balaam, rising in the morning. For it may move one how God spoke with a most wicked man, which, even if it were established to have been done in a dream, would not for that reason leave no question remaining, on account of the very unworthiness.
QsHept.4.33.11
Sic et Dominus Iesus Christus ait de divite illo, qui destruere veteres apothecas et ampliores novas disponebat implere: dixit ad illum Deus: 'stulte, hac nocte anima tua auferetur a te; et haec quae praeparasti cuius erunt?' (Lc 12, 20) Ne quisquam glorietur quod ei loquitur Deus eo modo, quo talibus loquendum esse novit; quando potest hoc et reprobis fieri: quia et cum per angelum loquitur, ipse loquitur.
So too the Lord Jesus Christ says of that rich man, who was planning to destroy his old storehouses and to fill larger new ones: God said to him: Fool, this night your soul shall be taken from you; and these things which you have prepared, whose shall they be? (Lk 12, 20) Let no one boast that God speaks to him in the way in which he knows he must speak to such men; since this can be done even to the reprobate: for even when he speaks through an angel, he himself speaks.
QsHept.4.33.11
In quo Balaam peccavit.
In what Balaam sinned.
48. (22, 12-27) Quod ait Balaam iterum ad se missis honoratioribus nuntiis: si dederit mihi Balac plenam domum suam argento et auro, non potero praevaricare verbum Domini, facere illud pusillum vel magnum in mente mea, nullum habet omnino peccatum: sed quod sequitur non est sine gravi peccato. Iam enim constans esse debuit semel audito, quod ei dixerat Dominus: non ibis cum eis, neque maledices populum: est enim benedictus; nec eis ullam spem dare, quod posset Dominus, tamquam ipse Balaam muneribus et honoribus flexus, adversus populum suum, quem benedictum esse dixerat, suam mutare sententiam. Sed ibi se victum cupiditate monstravit, ubi loqui sibi Dominum de hac re iterum voluit, de qua eius iam cognoverat voluntatem. Quid enim opus erat quae sequuntur adiungere: et nunc sustinete ibi et vos nocte hac, et sciam quid adiiciet Dominus loqui ad me?
48. (22, 12-27) As to what Balaam said, when more honored envoys were sent to him again: if Balak should give me his house full of silver and gold, I cannot transgress the word of the Lord, to make it small or great in my mind, it has no sin at all: but what follows is not without grave sin. For he ought already to have been steadfast, having once heard what the Lord had said to him: you shall not go with them, nor curse the people: for it is blessed; and not to give them any hope that the Lord could—as though Balaam himself, swayed by gifts and honors, against his own people, whom he had said was blessed—change his sentence. But there he showed himself overcome by desire, when he wished the Lord to speak to him again about this matter, of which he had already learned his will. For what need was there to add what follows: and now stay here, you too, this night, and I will know what the Lord will add to say to me?
QsHept.4.33.11
Proinde Dominus videns eius cupiditatem captam devictamque muneribus, permisit eum ire, ut per iumentum quo vehebatur eius avaritiam coerceret: hoc ipso confundens illam dementiam, quod prohibitionem Domini per angelum factam transgredi asina non audebat, quam ille cupiditate transgredi conaretur, quamvis eamdem cupiditatem timore supprimeret. Venit enim Deus ad Balaam nocte, et ait illi: 'si vocare te venerunt homines, exsurgens sequere eos, sed verbum quodcumque locutus fuero ad te, hoc facies.' Et exsurgens Balaam mane stravit asinam suam, et abiit cum principibus Moab. Cur post istam permissionem Deum iterum non consuluit, et post illam prohibitionem iterum consulendum putavit, nisi quia eius maligna cupiditas apparebat, quamvis timore Domini premeretur?
Accordingly the Lord, seeing his desire caught and overcome by gifts, permitted him to go, that through the beast on which he rode he might restrain his avarice: confounding that madness by this very thing, that the ass did not dare to transgress the prohibition of the Lord made through the angel, which he was trying to transgress out of desire, although he suppressed that same desire out of fear. For God came to Balaam by night, and said to him: If these men have come to call you, rise and follow them, but whatever word I shall speak to you, this you shall do. And Balaam, rising in the morning, saddled his ass, and went with the princes of Moab. Why, after this permission, did he not again consult God, and after that prohibition thought he should consult him again, unless because his malignant desire appeared, although it was pressed down by fear of the Lord?
QsHept.4.33.11
Denique Scriptura sequitur: et iratus est animatione Deus, quia ibat ipse; et insurrexit angelus Dei, ut non permitteret eum in via, et caetera quae sequuntur, donec asina loqueretur. Nihil hic sane mirabilius videtur, quam quod loquente asina territus non est, sed insuper ei, velut talibus monstris assuetus, ira perseverante respondit. Postea illi et angelus loquitur, arguens et improbans eius viam: quo viso tamen exterritus adoravit. Deinde ire permissus est, ut iam per ipsum prophetia clarissima proferretur. Nam omnino permissus non est dicere quod volebat, sed quod virtute Spiritus cogebatur. Et ipse quidem reprobus mansit: nam posterior de illo sancta Scriptura ita locuta est, ut quidam reprehensibiles et reprobi viam eius secuti dicerentur: secuti, inquit, viam Balaam filii Beor, qui mercedem iniquitatis dilexit (2 Pt 2, 15).
Finally Scripture follows: and God was angry in his spirit, because he was going; and the angel of God rose up, so as not to permit him on the way, and the rest that follows, until the ass spoke. Nothing here indeed seems more astonishing than that, when the ass spoke, he was not terrified, but moreover answered it, as though accustomed to such marvels, his anger persevering. Afterward the angel too speaks to him, reproving and disapproving his way: yet at this sight, terrified, he adored. Then he was permitted to go, so that now through him a most clear prophecy might be brought forth. For he was by no means permitted to say what he wished, but what he was compelled by the power of the Spirit. And he himself indeed remained reprobate: for the later holy Scripture spoke of him in such a way that certain blameworthy and reprobate persons were said to have followed his way: following, it says, the way of Balaam son of Beor, who loved the wages of iniquity (2 Pet 2, 15).
QsHept.4.33.11
De angelo qui locutus est Balaam in via.
Concerning the angel who spoke to Balaam on the way.
49. (22, 22. 32) De angelo qui locutus est Balaam in via, quo viso asina eius progredi non ausa est, Scriptura ita loquitur: et iratus est animatione Deus, quia ibat ipse; et insurrexit angelus Dei differre eum in via. Ubi primo notandum est quemadmodum dixerit, iratus est Deus, et insurrexit angelus Dei: nec interposuit iratum Deum misisse angelum, sed tamquam in angelo iratum Deum significavit; quoniam veritas et iustitia Dei irasci angelum fecit. Nam insurrexit quod dictum est, utique commotione intellegendum est.
49. (22, 22. 32) Concerning the angel who spoke to Balaam on the way, at the sight of whom his ass did not dare to go forward, Scripture speaks thus: and God was angry in his spirit, because he was going; and the angel of God rose up to oppose him on the way. Where first it is to be noted how it said, God was angry, and the angel of God rose up: nor did it insert that the angry God sent an angel, but as it were signified the angry God in the angel; since the truth and justice of God made the angel angry. For the word rose up is surely to be understood of a stirring.
QsHept.4.33.11
Deinde quod ait: differre eum in via, quod Graece positum est διαβαλεῖν, hoc et in consequentibus dicit ipse angelus: et ecce ego exii in dilationem tuam, ubi Graecus habet διαβολήν. Ubi fortassis "accusatio" congruentius intellegitur, ut hic quod dictum est: differre eum in via, "accusare" accipiatur. Unde creditur etiam diabolus appellatus, tamquam accusator Latine dicendus sit: non quia nemo possit etiam bene recteque accusare; sed quoniam diabolus amat accusare, utique invidentiae stimulis agitatus, quale illi in Apocalypsi testimonium perhibetur (Cf. Apoc 12, 9-10).
Then, as for his saying, to oppose him on the way, which in Greek is set down as διαβαλεῖν, this the angel himself says in what follows too: and behold, I have come forth for your hindrance, where the Greek has διαβολήν. Where perhaps "accusation" is more fittingly understood, so that here what was said, to oppose him on the way, is taken as "to accuse." Whence it is believed that the devil too is so called, as being one who should be called in Latin "accuser": not because no one can also accuse well and rightly; but because the devil loves to accuse, surely driven by the goads of envy, such as the testimony borne to him in the Apocalypse declares (See Rev 12, 9-10).
QsHept.4.33.11
Positum est autem hoc verbum et in comoedia, unde Latinum esse non dubium est, sub eadem significatione, vel certe vicina, ubi de patre irato dicitur filio:
But this word is set down in a comedy too, whence it is no doubt Latin, under the same signification, or at least a kindred one, where it is said of a father angry with his son:
QsHept.4.33.11
Orationem sperat invenisse se,
qua differat te
TERENZIO, Andria 2, 4..
He hopes he has found a speech
by which he may toss you to and fro
Terence, Andria 2, 4..
QsHept.4.33.11
Solet autem hic intellegi, differat, velut "hac atque illac ferat tempestate verborum," quasi "discerpat et dissipet"; quod utique ille accusando videbatur esse facturus. Sed etsi differre eum in via sic intellexerimus, quia distulit angelus eius festinationem remorando, ut ei quod opus erat et demonstraret, et diceret; non absurda est huius verbi etiam sub ista significatione positio.
Now here "toss to and fro" is usually understood as "carry this way and that by a tempest of words," as it were "tear apart and scatter"; which surely he seemed about to do by accusing. But even if we understand to oppose him on the way thus, that the angel delayed his haste by holding him back, so as both to show him and to tell him what was needful; the placing of this word even under that signification is not absurd.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quomodo intellegenda quae de asina narrantur.
How the things related about the ass are to be understood.
50. (22, 23-29) Et cum vidisset asina angelum Dei resistentem in via, et evaginatum gladium in manu eius, et declinavit asina de via, et ibat in campum. Campus iste adhuc extra macerias vinearum fuit. Et percussit asinam in virga, ut corrigeret eam in via. Et stetit angelus Dei in sulcis vinearum, maceria hinc, et maceria hinc.
50. (22, 23-29) And when the ass had seen the angel of God resisting on the way, and the drawn sword in his hand, the ass turned aside from the way, and went into the field. This field was as yet outside the walls of the vineyards. And he struck the ass with the rod, to set it right on the way. And the angel of God stood in the furrows of the vineyards, a wall on this side, and a wall on that.
QsHept.4.33.11
Merito quaeritur, si hinc atque inde maceriae in medio ponebant viam, sicut fieri solet; quomodo ibi stans angelus dicitur stetisse in sulcis vinearum: neque enim in via inter macerias potuerunt sulci esse vinearum. Sed ordo verborum est, ut corrigeret eam in via, maceria hinc, et maceria hinc. In hac ergo via corrigere voluit asinam Balaam, ut inter macerias ambularet.
It is rightly asked, if walls on this side and that set the way in the middle, as is wont to be done; how the angel standing there is said to have stood in the furrows of the vineyards: for in a way between walls there could not be furrows of vineyards. But the order of the words is, to set it right on the way, a wall on this side, and a wall on that. On this way, then, Balaam wished to set the ass right, so that it should walk between the walls.
QsHept.4.33.11
Interpositum est autem: et stetit angelus Dei in sulcis vinearum, in una scilicet vinearum, quae in medio ponebant viam.
But it was inserted: and the angel of God stood in the furrows of the vineyards, in one, namely, of the vineyards which set the way in the middle.
QsHept.4.33.11
Et cum vidisset asina angelum Dei, compressit se ad parietem, id est ad maceriam illius utique vineae, in qua non erat angelus, quoniam ab alia parte erat in sulcis vinearum.
And when the ass had seen the angel of God, it pressed itself against the wall, that is, against the wall of that vineyard, surely, in which the angel was not, since on the other side he was in the furrows of the vineyards.
QsHept.4.33.11
Et compressit pedem Balaam ad parietem, et adiecit adhuc caedere eam. Et apposuit angelus Dei, et adiiciens substitit in loco angusto; iam non in sulcis vinearum, sed inter ipsas macerias, id est in via: in quo non fuit declinare dextram neque sinistram.
And it pressed Balaam's foot against the wall, and he proceeded still to strike it. And the angel of God moved on, and, going further, stood still in a narrow place; now not in the furrows of the vineyards, but between the walls themselves, that is, on the way: in which there was no turning aside to the right or the left.
QsHept.4.33.11
Et cum vidisset asina angelum Dei, consedit sub Balaam. Caesa enim, retro non ibat; in parietem non se premebat, quoniam non ab altera parte terrebatur, sed in media via in angusto angelus erat: restabat ergo ut subsideret.
And when the ass had seen the angel of God, it sat down under Balaam. For, being struck, it did not go back; it did not press itself against the wall, since it was not frightened on the other side, but in the middle of the way, in the narrow place, was the angel: it remained, then, that it should sit down.
QsHept.4.33.11
Et iratus est Balaam, et percutiebat asinam virga. Et aperuit Deus os asinae, et ait ad Balaam: 'quid feci tibi, quia percussisti me tertio hoc?' Et ait Balaam asinae: 'quia illusisti mihi; et si haberem gladium in manu mea, iam transfixissem te.' Nimirum iste tanta cupiditate ferebatur, ut nec tanti monstri miraculo terreretur, et responderet quasi ad hominem loquens, cum Deus utique non asinae animam in naturam rationalem vertisset, sed quod illi placuerat, ex illa sonare fecisset, ad illius vesaniam cohibendam: illud fortasse praefigurans, quia stulta mundi electurus erat Deus, ut confunderet sapientes (1 Cor 1, 27), pro illo spiritali et vero Israel, hoc est promissionis filiis.
And Balaam was angry, and struck the ass with the rod. And God opened the mouth of the ass, and it said to Balaam: What have I done to you, that you have struck me this third time? And Balaam said to the ass: Because you have mocked me; and if I had a sword in my hand, I would by now have run you through. Surely this man was carried by such great desire that he was not terrified even by the marvel of so great a portent, and answered as though speaking to a man, although God surely had not turned the soul of the ass into a rational nature, but had made what pleased him sound forth from it, to restrain that man's madness: perhaps prefiguring that God was about to choose the foolish things of the world, to confound the wise (1 Cor 1, 27), on behalf of that spiritual and true Israel, that is, the children of the promise.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quomodo Spiritus Dei factus dicatur super Balaam.
How the Spirit of God is said to have come upon Balaam.
51. (23, 6) Et factus est Spiritus Dei super illum; id est, super Balaam. Non factus est Spiritus Dei, tamquam factura sit Spiritus Dei; sed factus est super illum, id est, "factum est ut super illum esset": quomodo: qui post me venit, ante me factus est, id est, factum est ut ante me esset, ut praeponeretur mihi; quia prior me, inquit, erat (Io 1, 30): et sicut: Dominus factus est adiutor meus (Ps 29, 11); non enim Dominus factura est, sed factum est ut me adiuvaret: et: factus est Dominus refugium pauperum (Ps 9, 10), id est, factum est ut ad eum refugerent pauperes; et: facta est super me manus Domini (Ez 1, 3; 3, 22), id est, factum est ut super me esset; et multa talia in Scripturis reperiuntur.
51. (23, 6) And the Spirit of God came upon him; that is, upon Balaam. The Spirit of God was not made, as though the Spirit of God were a thing made; but came upon him, that is, "it came to pass that he was upon him": as: he who comes after me has been made before me, that is, it came to pass that he was before me, that he was set before me; because he was prior to me, it says (Jn 1, 30): and as: the Lord has been made my helper (Ps 30 (29), 11); for the Lord is not a thing made, but it came to pass that he helped me: and: the Lord has been made a refuge for the poor (Ps 9, 10), that is, it came to pass that the poor took refuge in him; and: the hand of the Lord has been made upon me (Ezek 1, 3; 3, 22), that is, it came to pass that it was upon me; and many such things are found in the Scriptures.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quid sit ostentare Domino duces contra solem et quid graecus illic habeat.
What it is to display the leaders to the Lord against the sun, and what the Greek has there.
52. (25, 1-4) Et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: Accipe duces populi, et ostenta eos Domino contra solem; et auferetur ira animationis Domini ab Israel. Iratus est Deus de fornicationibus Israel, et carnalibus et spiritalibus; nam et filiabus Moab se impudice miscuerant, et idolis fuerant consecrati: hoc ad Moysen dixit, ut ostentaret Domino duces populi contra solem. In quo verbo intellegitur eos iussos esse crucifigi, ut hoc sit: ostenta eos Domino contra solem, id est palam in conspicuo lucis huius. Nam Graecus ait παραδειγμάτισον, quod dici posset: "exempla"; quia παράδειγμα "exemplum" dicitur. Nam praeter Septuaginta interpretes, Aquila perhibetur dixisse: confige, vel potius: sursum confige, quod est ἀνάπηξον. Symmachus autem verbo evidentiore: suspende.
52. (25, 1-4) And the Lord said to Moses: Take the leaders of the people, and display them to the Lord against the sun; and the wrath of the Lord's indignation shall be taken away from Israel. God was angry at the fornications of Israel, both carnal and spiritual; for they had both mingled shamelessly with the daughters of Moab, and been consecrated to idols: this he said to Moses, that he should display the leaders of the people to the Lord against the sun. In which word they are understood to have been commanded to be crucified, so that this is: display them to the Lord against the sun, that is, openly in the sight of this light. For the Greek says παραδειγμάτισον, which could be rendered: "make examples"; because παράδειγμα means "example." For besides the Septuagint translators, Aquila is reported to have said: fix, or rather: fix up, which is ἀνάπηξον. But Symmachus, with a more evident word: hang.
QsHept.4.33.11
Mirum est sane, quod Scriptura narrare destiterit utrum hoc fuerit ex praecepto Domini impletum: quod contemni potuisse non video, aut si contemptum est, impune contemni. Si autem factum est et tacitum, cur ex eo quod Phinees filius Eleazar transfixit adulteros, placatum fuisse Dominum Scriptura testatur, plagamque cessasse (Cf. Num 25, 7-11); quasi crucifixis ducibus, sicut praeceperat Dominus, adhuc indignatio perseverans alio modo placanda videretur: cum procul dubio falsum esse non posset, quod praenuntiaverat et promiserat Dominus, dicens: accipe duces populi, et ostenta eos Domino contra solem; et avertetur ira animationis Domini ab Israel?
It is indeed strange that Scripture stopped relating whether this was fulfilled by the Lord's command: which I do not see could have been despised, or, if it was despised, despised with impunity. But if it was done and kept silent, why does Scripture testify that the Lord was appeased and the plague ceased from the fact that Phinehas son of Eleazar ran through the adulterers (See Num 25, 7-11); as though, the leaders being crucified as the Lord had commanded, an indignation still persevering seemed to need to be appeased in another way: when beyond doubt what the Lord had foretold and promised could not be false, saying: take the leaders of the people, and display them to the Lord against the sun; and the wrath of the Lord's indignation shall be turned away from Israel?
QsHept.4.33.11
Si ergo factum erat, quis dubitet iram Domini aversam fuisse ab Israel? Quid itaque opus erat ut adhuc Phinees ad placandum Deum sic in adulteros vindicaret, eique testimonium Scriptura perhiberet quod eo modo placaverit Dominum?
If, then, it had been done, who would doubt that the wrath of the Lord had been turned away from Israel? Why, then, was there need that Phinehas should still, to appease God, take vengeance thus upon the adulterers, and that Scripture should bear him witness that in this way he appeased the Lord?
QsHept.4.33.11
Nisi forte intellegamus, cum illud de ducibus populi Moyses, quod praeceperat Dominus, implere disponeret, eum voluisse etiam secundum Legem talia punire flagitia et sacrilegam audaciam, ut iuberet quemque interficere proximum suum diis alienis nefarie consecratum (Cf. Num 25, 5), atque interea etiam illud Phinees faceret, ac sic ira Domini iam placata, non opus fuisse duces populi crucifigi. Haec sane severitas illi tempori congrua, quantum malum sit fornicationis et idololatriae, prudentium fidei satis evidenter ostendit.
Unless perhaps we understand that, when Moses was arranging to fulfill that command of the Lord about the leaders of the people, he willed also, according to the Law, to punish such outrages and sacrilegious boldness, so that he commanded each one to kill his neighbor wickedly consecrated to strange gods (See Num 25, 5), and that meanwhile Phinehas too did that deed, and so, the wrath of the Lord being now appeased, there was no need for the leaders of the people to be crucified. This severity, surely, suited to that time, shows evidently enough to the faith of the prudent how great an evil is the evil of fornication and idolatry.
QsHept.4.33.11
An eadem sit causa mortis Moysi et Aaron.
Whether the cause of the death of Moses and Aaron is the same.
53. (27, 13-14) Eam causam mortis Moysi dicit Dominus, quam etiam fratris eius. Ambobus enim etiam hoc ante praedixerat, quod ideo non intrarent cum populo Dei in terram promissionis, quia non eum sanctificaverunt coram populo ad aquam contradictionis (Cf. Num 20, 12); id est quia dubitaverunt de dono eius, quod posset aqua de petra profluere, sicut exposuimus in eo ipso Scripturae loco (Cf. Quaest. 4, 19).
53. (27, 13-14) The Lord gives as the cause of the death of Moses the same as also of his brother. For to both of them too he had foretold this beforehand, that they would not for this reason enter with the people of God into the land of promise, because they did not sanctify him before the people at the water of contradiction (See Num 20, 12); that is, because they doubted of his gift, that water could flow from the rock, as we set out in that very passage of Scripture (See Question 4, 19).
QsHept.4.33.11
Huius autem rei mysterium datur intellegi, quia nec sacerdotium quod prius institutum est, cuius personam gerebat Aaron, nec ipsa Lex cuius personam gerebat Moyses, introducunt populum Dei in terram haereditatis aeternae; sed Iesus, in quo typus erat Domini Iesu Christi, id est gratia per fidem (Cf. Eph 2, 8). Et Aaron quidem ante defunctus est, quam Israel in aliquam partem Terrae Promissionis intraret; Moyse autem adhuc vivente capta est terra Amorrhaeorum atque possessa, sed Iordanem cum eis non est transire permissus. Ex aliqua enim parte Lex observatur in fide Christiana. Ibi enim sunt etiam praecepta, quae hodieque observare Christiani iubemur. Sacerdotium vero illud et sacrificia nullam partem tenent hodie fidei christianae, nisi quod in umbris futurorum acta atque transacta sunt.
But the sacred symbolism of this matter is given to be understood, that neither the priesthood which was first instituted, whose person Aaron bore, nor the Law itself, whose person Moses bore, brings the people of God into the land of the eternal inheritance; but Jesus, in whom was the type of the Lord Jesus Christ, that is, grace through faith (See Eph 2, 8). And Aaron indeed died before Israel entered into any part of the Land of Promise; but while Moses was still living the land of the Amorites was taken and possessed, yet he was not permitted to cross the Jordan with them. For in some part the Law is observed in the Christian faith. For there too are precepts which we Christians are commanded to observe even today. But that priesthood and those sacrifices hold no part today in the Christian faith, except that they were done and finished in the shadows of things to come.
QsHept.4.33.11
Cum vero ambobus fratribus, id est Aaron et Moysi, dicitur ut apponantur ad populum suum, manifestum est non esse in illos iram Dei, quae separat a pace sanctae societatis aeternae. Unde manifestatur, non solum officia, sed etiam mortes eorum signa fuisse futurorum, non supplicia indignationis Dei.
When it is said of both brothers, that is, of Aaron and of Moses, that they are to be gathered to their people, it is clear that there is no anger of God upon them, the anger that separates a man from the peace of the holy and eternal fellowship. From this it is shown that not only their offices but even their deaths were signs of things to come, not punishments of God's indignation.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quomodo Iosue, qui habere spiritum in se ipso dicitur, iubetur Moyses manus imponere.
How Joshua, who is said to have the Spirit in himself, is one upon whom Moses is commanded to lay his hands.
54. (27, 18-19) Et locutus est Dominus ad Moysen, dicens: 'accipe ad teipsum Iesum filium Nave, hominem qui habet Spiritum in seipso; et impones manus tuas super eum, et statues eum in conspectu Eleazari sacerdotis, et mandabis ei in conspectu omnis synagogae,' etc. Notandum est, quod cum iam haberet Spiritum in seipso Iesu Nave, sicut Scriptura testatur (ubi quid aliud quam Spiritum Sanctum debemus accipere? non enim de spiritu hominis hoc diceret, quem nullus erat qui non habebat), iussus est tamen Moyses ei manus imponere; ne quisquam homo, qualibet praepollens gratia, sacramenta consecrationis audeat recusare.
54. (27:18-19) And the Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Take to yourself Joshua the son of Nun, a man who has the Spirit in himself; and you shall lay your hands upon him, and shall set him before Eleazar the priest, and shall give him a charge in the sight of all the congregation, (Num 27, 18-19) and so on. It is to be noted that, although Joshua the son of Nun already had the Spirit in himself, as Scripture testifies—and here what else should we understand but the Holy Spirit? for it would not say this of the spirit of a man, which there was no one who did not have—nonetheless Moses was commanded to lay his hands upon him, lest any man, however eminent in grace, should dare to refuse the sacraments of consecration.
QsHept.4.33.11
Quid sit quod praeceperit Deus Moysi de Iesu Nave.
What it means that God gave Moses a command concerning Joshua the son of Nun.
55. (27, 20) Quid est quod cum Deus praeciperet Moysi de Iesu Nave, ait inter caetera: et dabis de gloria tua super eum? Nam Graeca locutione τῆς δόξης habet, quod tantumdem valet ac si diceret de gloria, id est ἀπο τῆς δόξης. Latini autem nonnulli interpretati sunt: dabis gloriam tuam; non: de gloria tua. Sed sive illud esset, ut gloriam tuam diceret, non ideo eam non habiturus erat Moyses; nec quia dixit: de gloria, ideo minutum est quod habebat. Sic enim accipiendum est, ac si diceret: "facies eum socium gloriae tuae": non autem huiusmodi res, quasi partiliter divisae, minuuntur; sed totae sunt omnibus, totae singulis qui earum habent societatem.
55. (27:20) What does it mean that, when God was giving Moses a command concerning Joshua the son of Nun, he said among other things: and you shall put some of your glory upon him (Num 27, 20)? For the Greek phrasing has τῆς δόξης, which means just the same as if it said of glory, that is, ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης. Some of the Latin translators, however, rendered it: you shall give your glory; not: of your glory. But even if it were so, that it said your glory, Moses would not on that account cease to have it; nor, because it said some of your glory, was what he had thereby diminished. For it is to be understood as if it said: "you shall make him a partner of your glory"; and things of this kind are not diminished as though divided into parts, but they belong wholly to all and wholly to each who share in them.
QsHept.4.33.11
De qua iuratione dicitur: Homo quicumque voverit votum...
Concerning the swearing of which it is said: Any man whatever who vows a vow . . .
56. (30, 3) Homo, homo quicumque voverit votum Domino, aut iuraverit iuramentum, aut definierit definitionem de anima sua, non profanabit verbum suum: omnia quaecumque exierint ex ore eius faciet. Non hoc ad omnem iurationem pertinet, sed ad eam ubi quisque de anima sua voverit alicuius utique rei abstinentiam, qua ei licebat uti per Legem, sed per votum sibi ipse efficit non licere.
56. (30:3) A man, any man whatever who vows a vow to the Lord, or swears an oath, or makes a binding pledge concerning his soul, shall not profane his word: he shall do whatever has gone forth from his mouth. (Num 30, 3) This does not pertain to every kind of swearing, but to that in which someone has vowed concerning his soul abstinence from some thing which it was lawful for him to use under the Law, but which by his vow he himself makes unlawful for himself.
QsHept.4.33.11
De voto mulieris coniugatae.
Concerning the vow of a married woman.
57. (30, 4-6) Si autem mulier voverit votum Domino, aut definierit definitionem in domo patris sui in iuventute sua, et audierit pater eius vota eius, et definitiones eius, quas definivit adversus animam suam, et tacuerit pater eius; et stabunt omnia vota eius, et omnes definitiones eius, quas definivit adversus animam suam, manebunt ei. Si autem abnuens abnuerit pater eius, quacumque die audierit omnia vota eius, et definitiones eius, quas definivit adversus animam suam, non stabunt: et Dominus emundabit eam, quia abnuit pater eius.
57. (30:4-6) But if a woman vows a vow to the Lord, or makes a binding pledge in her father's house in her youth, and her father hears her vows and her pledges, which she has pledged against her soul, and her father holds his peace; then all her vows shall stand, and all her pledges, which she has pledged against her soul, shall remain binding on her. But if her father utterly refuses her on the day that he hears all her vows and her pledges, which she has pledged against her soul, they shall not stand: and the Lord will cleanse her, because her father refused her. (Num 30, 4-6)
QsHept.4.33.11
Quoniam quidem de muliere, quae adhuc in iuventute sua in domo patris est, loquitur, merito hic quaeritur etiam de voto virginitatis; mulieres quippe etiam virgines in Scriptura appellari solere notissimum est: et videtur etiam Apostolus de patre loqui, cum dicit: servet virginem suam; et: Det nuptum virginem suam (1 Cor 7, 37-38), et caetera hoc modo: ubi nonnulli intellexerunt: virginem suam, "virginitatem suam"; nulla tamen hoc simili Scripturarum locutione demonstrant, cum sit inusitatissima. Quod autem ait: adversus animam suam, non sic accipiendum est, quasi animae noceat talibus votis; sed adversus animam dicitur, adversus animalem delectationem, sicut etiam de ieiunio praecipiens superius ait: et affligetis animas vestras (Num 29, 7).
Since indeed it is speaking of a woman who is still in her youth in her father's house, there is good reason here to ask also about the vow of virginity; for it is very well known that even virgins are commonly called women in Scripture. And the Apostle too seems to be speaking of a father when he says: let him keep his virgin; and: let him give his virgin in marriage, (1 Cor 7, 37-38) and so on in this manner—where some have understood his virgin to mean "his virginity"; yet they show no similar usage of Scripture for this, since it is most unusual. As for what it says, against her soul, it is not to be taken as though she harmed her soul by such vows; rather against the soul is said with reference to the soul's pleasure, just as, when giving a command about fasting above, it says: and you shall afflict your souls. (Num 29, 7)
QsHept.4.33.11
De verbis: Et Dominus emundabit eam...
Concerning the words: And the Lord will cleanse her . . .
58. (30, 6) Quod autem ait: et Dominus emundabit eam, quia abnuit pater eius; emundabit dixit, a voti non impleti crimine absolvet: sicut in multis locis dicitur: et mundabit eum sacerdos (Lev 13, 6), id est mundum habebit, mundum iudicabit; sicuti est et illud: mundatione non mundabis reum, id est: "non dices mundum eum qui immundus est."
58. (30:6) As for what it says, and the Lord will cleanse her, because her father refused her; it said he will cleanse in the sense that he will absolve her from the guilt of the unfulfilled vow—just as in many places it is said: and the priest shall cleanse him, (Lev 13, 6) that is, he will hold him clean, will judge him clean; as is also that saying: by no cleansing shall you cleanse the guilty, that is: "you shall not call clean the one who is unclean."
QsHept.4.33.11
Quomodo consentiente viro votum uxoris teneat.
How a wife's vow holds when her husband consents.
59. 1. (30, 7-19) Si autem facta fuerit viro, et vota eius super eam secundum distinctionem labiorum eius, quanta definivit adversus animam suam; et audierit vir eius, et tacuerit ei quacumque die audierit: et ita stabunt omnia vota eius, et definitiones eius, quas definivit adversus animam suam, stabunt. Si autem abnuens abnuerit vir eius in quacumque die audierit omnia vota eius, et definitiones eius, quas definivit adversus animam suam, non manebunt: quoniam vir abnuit ab ea et Dominus mundabit eam.
59. 1. (30:7-19) But if she has been given to a husband, and her vows are upon her according to the utterance of her lips, whatever she has pledged against her soul; and her husband hears, and holds his peace toward her on the day that he hears: then all her vows shall stand, and her pledges, which she has pledged against her soul, shall stand. But if her husband utterly refuses her on the day that he hears all her vows and her pledges, which she has pledged against her soul, they shall not remain: because her husband has refused her, and the Lord will cleanse her. (Num 30, 7-19)
QsHept.4.33.11
Feminam sub patre antequam nubat, et sub viro nuptam, noluit Lex ita vovere aliquid Deo adversus animam suam, id est in aliquarum rerum licitarum atque concessarum abstinentia, ut in eisdem votis feminea valeat auctoritas, sed virilis;
A woman under a father before she marries, and one married under a husband—the Law did not will that she should vow anything to God against her soul (that is, by abstinence from certain lawful and permitted things) in such a way that in those vows a woman's authority should prevail, but rather a man's;
QsHept.4.33.11
ita ut si adhuc innuptae iam concesserat pater vota persolvere, si antequam persolverit nupserit, et viro eius hoc cognitum non placuerit, non persolvat, et sit omnino sine peccato, quia Dominus mundabit eam, sicut dicit, id est mundam iudicabit: neque hoc contra Deum fieri putandum est, cum ipse Deus hoc praeceperit, hoc voluerit.
so that, if while she was still unmarried her father had already granted that her vows should be fulfilled, and if she marries before she has fulfilled them, and once it is made known to her husband it does not please him, she should not fulfill them, and is altogether without sin, because the Lord will cleanse her, as it says—that is, he will judge her clean. Nor is this to be thought to be done against God, since God himself commanded this, willed this.
QsHept.4.33.11
59. 2. Sequitur autem de viduis, vel a viro abiectis, id est, non sub potestate viri constitutis, aut patris; et earum vota ad persolvendum libera esse dicit hoc modo: et votum, inquit, viduae et expulsae, quaecumque voverit adversus animam suam, manebunt ei.
59. 2. There follows a passage about widows, or women cast off by a husband—that is, women not placed under the authority of a husband or of a father; and it says that their vows are free to be fulfilled, in this way: and the vow, it says, of a widow and of a woman driven out, whatever she has vowed against her soul, shall remain binding on her.
QsHept.4.59.2
Deinde dicit de nupta, si in domo viri sui iam constituta aliquid tale voverit. De illa enim prius dixerat, quae in domo patris voverat, et antequam redderet nupserat.
Then it speaks of a married woman, if, already established in her husband's house, she has vowed something of this kind. For it had earlier spoken of the woman who had vowed in her father's house and had married before she paid the vow.
QsHept.4.59.2
De hac ergo quae in domo mariti vovit, ita loquitur: si autem in domo viri eius votum eius, aut definitio, quae adversus animam eius cum iureiurando; et audierit vir eius, et tacuerit ei, et non abnuerit ei; et stabunt omnia vota eius, et omnes definitiones, quas definivit adversus animam suam, stabunt adversus eam. Si autem circumauferens circumauferat vir eius, quacumque die audierit omnia, quaecumque exierint ex labiis eius, secundum vota eius et secundum definitiones, quae adversus animam eius, non manet ei: vir eius circumabstulit, et Dominus mundabit eam. Omne votum et omne iusiurandum vinculi affligere animam, vir eius statuet ei, et vir eius circumauferet. Si autem tacens tacuerit ei diem ex die, et statuet ei omnia vota eius, et definitiones, quae super ipsam, statuet ei; quoniam tacuit ei, die quo audivit. Si autem circumauferens circumauferat vir eius post diem quem audivit; et accipiet peccatum suum.
Concerning her, then, who has vowed in her husband's house, it speaks thus: but if in her husband's house there is her vow, or a pledge which is against her soul with an oath; and her husband hears, and holds his peace toward her, and does not refuse her; then all her vows shall stand, and all the pledges which she has pledged against her soul shall stand against her. But if her husband should annul them on the day that he hears all whatever has gone forth from her lips, according to her vows and according to the pledges which are against her soul, it shall not remain binding on her: her husband has annulled them, and the Lord will cleanse her. Every vow and every binding oath to afflict the soul, her husband shall establish for her, and her husband shall annul. But if he keeps utterly silent toward her from day to day, then he establishes for her all her vows and the pledges which are upon her; he establishes them for her, because he held his peace toward her on the day he heard. But if her husband should annul them after the day on which he heard; then he shall bear her sin. (Num 30, 7-19)
QsHept.4.59.2
59. 3. Manifestum est ita voluisse Legem feminam esse sub viro, ut nulla vota eius, quae abstinentiae causa voverit, reddantur ab ea, nisi auctor vir fuerit permittendo. Nam cum ad peccatum eiusdem viri pertinere voluerit, si prius permiserit, et postea prohibuerit; etiam hic tamen non dixit ut faciat mulier quod voverat, quia permissa prius a viro fuerat. Viri dixit esse peccatum, quia abnuit quod prius concesserat: non tamen mulieri vel ex hoc permissum dedit, ut cum prius ei vir concesserit, postea si prohibuerit, contemnatur.
59. 3. It is clear that the Law willed a woman to be under her husband in such a way that none of the vows she has vowed for the sake of abstinence are to be fulfilled by her unless her husband has been the authority for it by permitting it. For although it willed it to pertain to the sin of that same husband if he first permitted and afterward forbade, yet even here it did not say that the woman should do what she had vowed because she had first been permitted by her husband. It said that the sin was the husband's, because he refused what he had first granted; yet it did not on this account give the woman leave that, when her husband had first granted it to her, his later prohibition should be disregarded.
QsHept.4.59.3
59. 4. Utrum autem ista etiam ad vota continentiae et a concubitu abstinentiae pertineant, merito quaeritur, ne forte ea tantum intellegenda sint adversus animam voveri, quae sunt in cibis et potionibus. Quod videtur et illud significare, ubi Dominus ait: nonne anima plus est quam esca? (Mt 6, 25) et cum de ieiunio praecipitur, ita praecipitur: affligetis animas vestras (Num 29, 7).
59. 4. But whether these things pertain also to vows of continence and of abstinence from intercourse is rightly asked, lest perhaps only those things are to be understood as vowed against the soul which concern food and drink. This seems also to be indicated by that saying where the Lord says: is not the soul more than food? (Mt 6, 25) and where a command is given about fasting, it is given thus: you shall afflict your souls. (Num 29, 7)
QsHept.4.59.4
Nescio autem utrum alicubi legi possit, adversus animam dici votum quod de abstinentia concubitus fuerit: maxime quia cum hic Lex auctoritatem viro tribuat, non mulieri quae viro subdita est, ut tunc persolvenda sint vota mulieris, si vir approbaverit; si autem renuerit, non debeantur: Apostolus tamen, cum de concubitu coniugatarum loqueretur, non ibi maiorem auctoritatem viro quam feminae dedit; sed: uxori, inquit, vir debitum reddat, similiter et uxor viro: uxor non habet potestatem corporis sui, sed vir; similiter autem et vir non habet potestatem corporis sui, sed mulier (1 Cor 7, 3-4).
I do not know, however, whether it can anywhere be read that a vow concerning abstinence from intercourse is said to be against the soul—especially because, although here the Law grants authority to the husband, not to the woman who is subject to the husband, so that the woman's vows are then to be fulfilled if the husband approves, but are not owed if he refuses—yet the Apostle, when he was speaking of the intercourse of married persons, did not there give greater authority to the husband than to the woman; but: let the husband, he says, render to his wife her due, and likewise the wife to the husband: the wife does not have authority over her own body, but the husband; and likewise the husband does not have authority over his own body, but the wife. (1 Cor 7, 3-4)
QsHept.4.59.4
Quando ergo in hac re parem utriusque esse voluit potestatem, puto quod nobis intellegendum insinuet, istam de concumbendo vel non concumbendo regulam non pertinere ad ea vota, ubi non habent parem vir et mulier potestatem, sed viri maior est, ac prope eius solius est. Non enim ait Lex virum non debere reddere vota sua, si uxor prohibuerit; sed uxorem, si vir prohibuerit. Unde non mihi videtur in huiusmodi votis et definitionibus atque obligationibus, quae adversus animam fiunt, etiam ista debere accipi, quae inter se vir et uxor de concumbendo, vel de abstinentia concumbendi placita habuerint.
Since, then, in this matter he willed the authority of both to be equal, I think he suggests to us, for our understanding, that this rule about lying together or not lying together does not pertain to those vows in which the husband and the wife do not have equal authority, but the husband's is greater, and is almost his alone. For the Law does not say that the husband ought not to fulfill his vows if his wife forbids; but that the wife ought not, if her husband forbids. Hence it does not seem to me that, in vows and pledges and obligations of this kind, which are made against the soul, those agreements should also be reckoned which a husband and wife have made between themselves about lying together, or about abstaining from lying together.
QsHept.4.59.4
59. 5. Deinde quia et istae iustificationes dicuntur, et meminimus in illis iustificationibus, quae in Exodo sub hoc nomine aliae commemorantur (Cf. Ex 21-23), multa praecipi, quae accipi ad proprietatem non possint, nec in Novo Testamento observentur; sicut de aure servi pertundenda (Cf. Ex 21, 6), et si quid eiusmodi est: non absurde etiam hic aliquid figurate dictum intellegitur, ut quoniam sunt multae abstinentiae cerimoniarum irrationabiles, et aliquando etiam inimicae veritati, hoc fortasse hic intellegi voluerit, tunc ratas esse, cum rationabiles fuerint; hoc est, cum eas approbaverit ratio, quae ad vicem viri debet regere omnem animalem motionem, quae fit non tantum in appetendo, verum etiam in abstinendo: ut si mente et ratione decernitur, tunc fiat; si autem improbatur consilio rationis, non fiat. Quod si ratio quod prius recte faciendum esse decreverit, post improbet, sit peccatum consilii: etiam sic tamen nonnisi rationi motio illa consentiat.
59. 5. Then, since these too are called ordinances, and we remember that among those ordinances which are mentioned under this same name elsewhere in Exodus (See Ex 21-23) many things are commanded which cannot be taken in their proper sense, nor are observed in the New Testament—such as the boring through of a servant's ear, (See Ex 21, 6) and the like—it is not absurd that here too something is understood to be said figuratively. So, since there are many abstinences in ceremonial observances that are unreasonable and sometimes even hostile to the truth, perhaps he willed this to be understood here: that those abstinences are valid when they are reasonable; that is, when reason has approved them—reason which, in the place of the husband, ought to govern every movement of the soul, a movement that occurs not only in desiring but also in abstaining—so that, if it is decided by mind and reason, then let it be done; but if it is disapproved by the counsel of reason, let it not be done. But if reason, having first decided that something ought rightly to be done, afterward disapproves it, let the fault be one of counsel: even so, however, let that movement consent to nothing but reason.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quid sit: Cum virtute eorum...
What this means: With their strength . . .
60. (31, 5-6) Quid est: et misit eos Moyses mille ex tribu et mille ex tribu cum virtute eorum? Utrum virtutem eorum vult intellegi, "principes eorum"? an virtutem a Domino eis datam, vel per ipsum Moysen impetratam? an potius virtutem eorum dicit, ea quibus virtus eorum sustentaretur?
60. (31:5-6) What does this mean: and Moses sent them, a thousand from each tribe and a thousand from each tribe with their strength (Num 31, 5-6)? Does he mean us to understand their strength as "their leaders"? or strength given them by the Lord, or obtained through Moses himself? or does he rather call their strength the things by which their strength was sustained?
QsHept.4.59.5
De morte Balaam.
Concerning the death of Balaam.
61. (31, 8) Potest videri quaestio, quomodo quando Israelitae Madianitas debellaverunt, interfectum dicat Scriptura Balaam, qui fuerat conductus ad maledicendum populum Israel: cum superius quando benedicere coactus est, ita eamdem actionem Scriptura concluserit, cum ait: et surgens Balaam abiit reversus in locum suum, et Balac abiit ad semetipsum (Num 24, 25). Si ergo redierat ad locum suum Balaam, quomodo hic interfectus est, cum de tam longinquo, id est de Mesopotamia venerit? An forte reversus est ad Balac, et hoc Scriptura non dixit? Quamquam etiam possit in locum suum rediisse intellegi, quod ab ipso loco ubi sacrificia faciebat, in eum locum reversus est unde illuc exierat, id est, ubi tamquam peregrinus habebat hospitium. Non enim dictum est: "in domum suam," aut: "in patriam suam"; sed: in locum suum. Habet autem et quisque peregrinus locum suum, ubi ad tempus habitat. De ipso autem Balac qui eum conduxerat, non dictum est: ad locum suum, sed: ad semetipsum; id est, ubi dominans habitabat. Posset ergo dici: ad locum suum, et dominans, et peregrinus; ad semetipsum autem, non video quomodo posset dici peregrinus, cum ad hospitium suum venisset.
61. (31:8) A question may seem to arise as to how, when the Israelites had subdued the Midianites, Scripture says that Balaam was killed—Balaam who had been hired to curse the people of Israel—since earlier, when he was compelled to bless, Scripture so concluded that same episode when it said: and Balaam, rising up, departed and returned to his own place, and Balak went off to himself. (Num 24, 25) If, then, Balaam had returned to his own place, how was he killed here, since he had come from so far away, that is, from Mesopotamia? Or did he perhaps return to Balak, and Scripture did not say so? Although it can also be understood that he returned to his own place in the sense that, from the very place where he was offering sacrifices, he returned to that place from which he had gone out to it—that is, where he had his lodging as a stranger. For it is not said: "to his own house," or: "to his own country"; but: to his own place. Now every stranger too has his own place, where he dwells for a time. But of Balak himself, who had hired him, it is not said: to his own place, but: to himself; that is, where he dwelt as ruler. So one could say to his own place both of a ruler and of a stranger; but to himself I do not see how a stranger could be said, since he had come to his own lodging.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quomodo virtutem depraedati dicantur.
How they are said to have plundered their strength.
62. (31, 9) Et praedam egerunt mulieres Madian, et suppellectilem eorum, et pecora eorum, et omnia quae possederant, et virtutem eorum depraedati sunt. Cum iam dixisset mulieres, supellectilem, et pecora, et omnia quae possidebant; quid deinde addidit: et virtutem eorum depraedati sunt? Nimirum enim haec intellegenda est virtus, de qua et supra dictum est, misisse millenos de singulis tribubus cum virtute eorum (Cf. Num 31, 6 e Quaest. 4, 60). An forte cibus quo sustentabantur, virtus eorum appellata est, quo subministrato vires suppetunt, et quo subtracto vires deficiunt? Unde per prophetam Deus cum minaretur, ait: auferam virtutem panis, et virtutem aquae (Isa 3, 1). Et Moyses ergo cum annona miserat illos millenos, quod dictum est: cum virtute eorum; et isti Madianitis victis etiam hoc eorum inter caetera fuerant depraedati.
62. (31:9) And they took as spoil the women of Midian, and their goods, and their cattle, and all that they possessed, and they plundered their strength. (Num 31, 9) When it had already named the women, the goods, the cattle, and all that they possessed, what then did it add by: and they plundered their strength? Surely this is to be understood as the strength of which it was said above, that he sent a thousand from each of the tribes with their strength. (See Num 31, 6 and Question 4, 60) Or perhaps the food by which they were sustained is called their strength—the food which, when supplied, gives them their powers, and when withdrawn, makes their powers fail? Hence God, when threatening through the prophet, said: I will take away the strength of bread, and the strength of water. (Isa 3, 1) And so Moses too had sent those thousands with provisions, which is what is meant by: with their strength; and when the Midianites were conquered, they had plundered this of theirs as well, among the rest.
QsHept.4.59.5
Ubi Balaam consilium malignum dederit.
Where Balaam gave malicious counsel.
63. (31, 15-16) Utquid vivificastis omne femininum? Haec enim fuerunt filiis Israel, secundum verbum Balaam, ut recedere facerent et despicere verbum Domini propter Phogor. Hoc consilium malignum, ut eis ad illecebram feminae supponerentur, per quas non solum corporaliter, sed etiam spiritaliter in adorando idolo fornicarentur, quando dederit Balaam Scriptura non dixit; et tamen apparet factum esse, cum hic commemoratur. Sic ergo potuit et redire ipse Balaam, qui iam ierat in locum suum (Cf. Num 24, 25), ut non locum eius intellegamus peregrinationis hospitium; quamvis hoc Scriptura tacuerit.
63. (31:15-16) Why have you kept alive every female? For these were a cause to the children of Israel, according to the word of Balaam, to make them depart and despise the word of the Lord because of Peor. (Num 31, 15-16) When Balaam gave this malicious counsel—that women should be set before them as an enticement, women through whom they might commit fornication not only bodily but also spiritually by worshiping the idol—Scripture did not say; and yet it is plain that it was done, since it is mentioned here. So it is possible that Balaam himself, who had already gone to his own place, (See Num 24, 25) also returned, so that we should not understand his place to be the lodging of his sojourn; although Scripture passed over this in silence.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quae sint civitates refugiorum.
What the cities of refuge are.
64. (35, 11-12) Quid est quod ait: et erunt civitates vobis refugia a vindicante sanguinem, et non morietur is qui occidit, quoadusque stet in conspectu synagogae in iudicium; cum de iis loquatur, qui nolentes occiderint, et alibi (Cf. Num 35, 28) dicat, tunc unumquemque in tali causa confugientium exire liberum de civitate quo confugerat, cum sacerdos maximus fuerit defunctus? Quomodo ergo hic dicit: et non morietur is qui occidit, quoadusque stet in conspectu synagogae in iudicium; nisi quia ideo iudicatur ut tunc ei liceat esse in civitate refugii, si manifestum factum fuerit in iudicio quod nolens occiderit?
64. (35:11-12) What does it mean that it says: and the cities shall be for you a refuge from the avenger of blood, and he who has killed shall not die, until he stands before the congregation for judgment (Num 35, 11-12); when it is speaking of those who have killed unwillingly, and elsewhere (See Num 35, 28) says that then each one in such a case among those who have taken refuge is free to leave the city to which he had fled, when the high priest has died? How then does it say here: and he who has killed shall not die, until he stands before the congregation for judgment; except because he is judged so that it may then be lawful for him to be in the city of refuge, if it has been made plain in the judgment that he killed unwillingly?
QsHept.4.59.5
Quomodo interfici iubeatur homicida.
How the slayer is commanded to be killed.
65. (35, 19. 12) Quid est quod ait: qui vindicat sanguinem, ipse interficiet homicidam; cum occurrerit ei, iste interficiet eum? Sic enim sonat male intellegentibus, quasi passim et sine iudicio data fuerit ultori mortis propinqui sui, licentia occidendi eius interfectorem. Sed hoc intellegi voluit, quia secundum id quod supra dictum est, qui occiderit, confugiat ad unam de civitatibus refugiorum, quoadusque stet in iudicium, ne ante inventus a propinquo occidatur; quia etsi nolens occidit, praeter illas civitates inventus occiditur. Cum vero in iudicium steterit in aliqua earum civitatum, et iudicatus fuerit homicida in aliqua earum in quas fugere conceditur, esse ibi non sinitur; tum demum iam iudicatum, ubicumque compertum, propinquo licet occidere. Neque enim opus est eum ad iudicium deduci, cum iam fuerit iudicatus homicida, et propterea de illis civitatibus pulsus sit.
65. (35:19, 12) What does it mean that it says: he who avenges blood, he himself shall kill the slayer; when he meets him, this one shall kill him (Num 35, 19. 12)? For to those who understand it badly it sounds as though license to kill the slayer were given indiscriminately and without judgment to the avenger of his kinsman's death. But it willed this to be understood: that, according to what was said above, he who has killed should flee to one of the cities of refuge, until he stands for judgment, lest he be killed beforehand by the kinsman who finds him; because, even if he killed unwillingly, he is killed if found outside those cities. But when he has stood for judgment in one of those cities, and has been judged a murderer in one of those to which it is granted to flee, he is not allowed to be there; then at last, once he has been judged, the kinsman is permitted to kill him wherever he is found. For there is no need for him to be brought to judgment, since he has already been judged a murderer, and has on that account been driven out of those cities.
QsHept.4.59.5
Bk. 5Questions on DeuteronomyQuaestiones in Deuteronomim
Deus sic est adiutor hominum ut tamen ipsi homines cooperentur.
God is the helper of men in such a way that the men themselves nonetheless cooperate.
1. (1, 29-30) In eo quod commemorat Moyses, dixisse se populo timenti hostes inhabitantes terram, quo introducendus fuit: ne paveatis, neque timeatis ab eis: Dominus Deus vester, qui praecedit ante faciem vestram, ipse simul debellabit eos vobiscum: satis ostenditur ita esse adiutorem Deum, ut etiam homines agant aliquid.
1. (1:29-30) In the passage where Moses recalls that he said to the people, who feared the enemies inhabiting the land into which they were to be brought: do not be afraid, neither fear them: the Lord your God, who goes before your face, he himself will fight against them together with you (Deut 1, 29-30)—it is sufficiently shown that God is a helper in such a way that men too do something.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quomodo Deus induravit spiritum Seon.
How God hardened the spirit of Sihon.
2. (2, 30) Et noluit Seon rex Esebon transire nos per ipsum, quoniam induraverat Dominus Deus noster spiritum eius, et confortavit cor eius, ut traderetur in manus tuas, sicut in hac die. Haec dicens Moyses, dum populum alloquitur, tale aliquid commemorat, quale dicebatur in Exodo: ego induravi cor Pharaonis (Ex 10, 1); et quod in Psalmis legitur: convertit cor eorum, ut odissent populum eius (Ps 104, 25).
2. (2:30) And Sihon king of Heshbon was not willing to let us pass through his territory, because the Lord our God had hardened his spirit, and had made his heart resolute, that he might be delivered into your hands, as at this day. (Deut 2, 30) In saying this while he addresses the people, Moses recalls something of the same sort as was said in Exodus: I have hardened Pharaoh's heart (Ex 10, 1); and what is read in the Psalms: he turned their heart, that they hated his people. (Ps 105 (104), 25)
QsHept.4.59.5
Nec tacetur hic causa indurationis huius, cum dicitur, ut traderetur in manus tuas, sicut in hac die: id est, ut vinceretur a te; quod non fieret, nisi resisteret; non autem resisteret, nisi corde obdurato. Cuius rei iustitiam si quaesierimus, inscrutabilia sunt iudicia Dei (Rom 11, 33): iniquitas autem non est apud Deum (Cf. Rom 9, 14). Sane notandum est, confortatum cor posse dici et in malo.
Nor is the cause of this hardening passed over in silence here, when it is said, that he might be delivered into your hands, as at this day: that is, that he might be conquered by you; which would not happen unless he resisted; and he would not resist unless his heart were hardened. If we should ask after the justice of this matter, the judgments of God are inscrutable (Rom 11, 33): yet there is no injustice with God. (See Rom 9, 14) It is certainly to be noted that a heart can be said to be made resolute even in evil.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quomodo Og reliquus dicatur ex gigantibus.
How Og is said to be left over from the giants.
3. (3, 11) Verumtamen Og rex Basan reliquus factus est a Raphain. Hoc nomine, quod est Raphain, gigantes significari in Hebraea lingua dicunt qui eam noverunt (Cf. GIROLAMO, Lib. nom.: CC 72, pp. 70, 87, 97, 134). Unde quod habent plerique codices derelictus est a Raphain, planius utique dicitur, reliquus factus est, ut ipse ex illis remansisse intellegatur: cuius etiam consequenter longitudo et latitudo ferrei lecti commemoratur, ad eius magnitudinem commendandam.
3. (3:11) Nevertheless Og king of Bashan was left over from the Rephaim. (Deut 3, 11) By this name, which is Rephaim, those who know the Hebrew language say that giants are signified. (See Jerome, Book of Hebrew Names: CCSL 72, pp. 70, 87, 97, 134) Hence what very many manuscripts have, was left behind by the Rephaim, is certainly said more plainly as was left over, so that he himself may be understood to have remained from among them: of whom, accordingly, the length and breadth of his iron bed is also recorded, to commend his great size.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quae differentia sit inter similitudinem et imaginem.
What the difference is between likeness and image.
4. (4, 16-17) Ne feceritis iniquitatem, et faciatis vobis ipsis sculptilem similitudinem, omnem imaginem. Quid intersit inter similitudinem et imaginem quaeri solet (De Gen. c. Manich. 1, 17, 27; De divv. qq. 83, 51). Sed hic non video quid interesse voluerit, nisi aut duobus istis vocabulis unam rem significaverit, aut similitudinem dixerit, si, verbi gratia, fiat statua vel simulacrum habens effigiem humanam, non tamen alicuius hominis exprimantur lineamenta, sicut pictores vel statuarii faciunt, intuentes eos quos pingunt seu fingunt. Hanc enim imaginem dici nemo dubitaverit: secundum quam distinctionem omnis imago etiam similitudo est, non omnis similitudo etiam imago est.
4. (4:16-17) Do not commit iniquity, and make for yourselves a carved likeness, any image. (Deut 4, 16-17) What the difference is between likeness and image is commonly asked. (On Genesis Against the Manichees 1.17.27; Miscellany of Eighty-three Questions 51) But here I do not see what difference he wished there to be, unless either he signified one thing by these two words, or he said likeness to mean that, if, for example, a statue or figure is made having a human form, the features of some particular man are nevertheless not expressed, as painters or sculptors do when they look at those whom they paint or fashion. For no one would doubt that this is called an image: and according to this distinction every image is also a likeness, but not every likeness is also an image.
QsHept.4.59.5
Unde si gemini inter se similes sint, similitudo dici potest alterius cuiuslibet in altero, non imago. Si autem patri filius similis sit, etiam imago recte dicitur; ut sit pater prototypus, unde illa imago expressa videatur: quarum aliae sunt eiusdem substantiae, sicut filius; aliae non eiusdem, sicut pictura. Unde illud quod in Genesi scriptum est: fecit Deus hominem ad imaginem Dei (Gen 1, 27); manifestum est ita dictum, ut non eiusdem substantiae sit imago quae facta est. Si enim eiusdem esset, non facta, sed genita diceretur. Sed quod non addidit: "et similitudinem," cum superius dictum esset: faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram (Gen 1, 26); quibusdam visum est similitudinem aliquid amplius esse quam imaginem (Cf. TERTULLIANO, De bapt. 5, 7), quod homini reformando per Christi gratiam postea servaretur. Miror autem si non propterea postea imaginem solam voluit commemorare, quia ubi imago, continuo et similitudo est.
Hence if twins are alike one another, the likeness of either of them can be said to be in the other, but not the image. But if a son is like his father, it is also rightly called an image; so that the father is the prototype, from which that image is seen to be drawn: of which images some are of the same substance, like a son; others not of the same, like a painting. Hence what is written in Genesis: God made man to the image of God (Gen 1, 27); it is plain that it was said in such a way that the image which was made is not of the same substance. For if it were of the same, it would be said not to have been made, but begotten. But because it did not add: "and likeness," when above it had been said: let us make man to our image and likeness (Gen 1, 26); it seemed to some that likeness is something more than image, (See Tertullian, On Baptism 5.7) something to be reserved afterward for the man who is to be reformed through the grace of Christ. But I wonder whether it was not rather for this reason that he wished afterward to mention image alone: because where there is an image, there is at once also likeness.
QsHept.4.59.5
Unde et hic Moyses similitudinem et imaginem fieri vetat, secundum eam fortasse rationem quam diximus. In Decalogo autem generaliter dicitur, nullam fieri debere similitudinem (Cf. Ex 20, 4), nec imago commemoratur. Cum enim nulla similitudo fit, procul dubio nec imago fit; quoniam si imago, utique et similitudo. Non autem si fit similitudo, continuo fit et imago: tamen si nulla similitudo, sequitur ut nulla imago.
Hence here too Moses forbids a likeness and an image to be made, perhaps according to that reasoning which we have stated. In the Decalogue, however, it is said generally that no likeness ought to be made, (See Ex 20, 4) and no image is mentioned. For when no likeness is made, beyond doubt no image is made either; since if there is an image, there is certainly also a likeness. But it is not the case that, if a likeness is made, an image is at once made too: yet if there is no likeness, it follows that there is no image.
QsHept.4.59.5
Denique ubi prohibuit similitudinem et imaginem, hominis intellegi voluit, ubi et similitudo fieri potest, non huius aut illius, sed cuiuslibet hominis; et imago, id est huius proprie, vel illius hominis. Cum vero de pecoribus diceretur atque irrationalibus animantibus, solam "similitudinem" dixit: quis enim reperiri potest, qui sibi unum constituat canem, vel quid eiusmodi, quem intuens eius imaginem pingat, aut fingat? quod de hominibus usitatissimum est.
Finally, where he forbade likeness and image, he meant the likeness and image of a man to be understood, where a likeness can be made not of this or that particular man, but of any man whatever; and an image, that is, of this or that man specifically. But when it was speaking of cattle and irrational animals, it said "likeness" only: for who can be found who would set up for himself one particular dog, or anything of the kind, and, looking at it, paint or fashion its image? a thing which is most usual in the case of men.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quid significetur per aquam.
What is signified by water.
5. (4, 18) Quid est autem quod ait: similitudinem omnis piscis, quaecumque sunt in aquis sub terra. An et aquam, propter tractabilem corpulentiam, terram intellegi voluit, et secundum hoc in eo quod scriptum est, fecit Deus coelum et terram (Gen 1, 1), et aquas debemus accipere? Assidue quippe Scriptura his duabus partibus commemoratis, universum mundum vult intellegi, secundum illud: auxilium meum a Domino, qui fecit coelum et terram (Ps 120, 2), et innumerabilia eiusmodi. An ideo dictum est, sub terra, quod terra nisi superior aquis esset, habitari utique ab hominibus et animalia terrena habere non posset?
5. (4:18) But what does it mean that it says: the likeness of any fish, whatever is in the waters under the earth? Did he mean water too, on account of its tractable bodily mass, to be understood as earth, and according to this should we, in what is written, God made heaven and earth, (Gen 1, 1) understand the waters also? For Scripture constantly, by mentioning these two parts, means the whole world to be understood, according to that saying: my help is from the Lord, who made heaven and earth, (Ps 121 (120), 2) and countless sayings of this kind. Or was it said under the earth for this reason, that unless the earth were higher than the waters, it could not be inhabited by men and have land animals?
QsHept.4.59.5
An gentibus videatur permissum colere solem et stellas et omnem ornatum caeli.
Whether it may seem that the gentiles are permitted to worship the sun and the stars and all the array of heaven.
6. (4, 19) Et ne suspiciens in coelum, et videns solem et lunam et stellas et omnem ornatum coeli, errans adores ea, et servias illis, quae distribuit Dominus Deus tuus ea, omnibus gentibus, quae sunt sub coelo. Non ita dictum est, tamquam Deus praeceperit ea coli a gentibus, a solo autem populo suo non coli: sed aut ita dictum est, quod Deus praescierit gentes culturam exhibituras his coelestibus et tamen hoc praesciens creaverit ea; eum vero populum suum futurum esse praesciverit, qui ista non coleret: aut distribuit dictum est, ut intellegatur usus, qui commendatur in Genesi: ut sint in signis, et in temporibus, et in diebus, et in annis (Gen 1, 14); quem usum in eis communem habet populus Dei cum omnibus gentibus, non autem cultum quem habent aliae gentes.
6. (4:19) And lest, looking up to heaven and seeing the sun and the moon and the stars and all the array of heaven, you go astray and adore them, and serve them, which the Lord your God has distributed to all the nations that are under heaven. (Deut 4, 19) This was not said as though God commanded these things to be worshiped by the nations, but not to be worshiped by his own people alone; rather it was said either in the sense that God foreknew that the nations would render worship to these heavenly bodies and yet, foreknowing this, created them, while foreknowing that there would be that people of his which would not worship them; or distributed was said so that the use is understood which is commended in Genesis: that they may be for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and for years (Gen 1, 14)—a use which the people of God hold in common with all the nations, but not the worship which the other nations practice.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quomodo similitudo generaliter capitur.
How likeness is taken in a general sense.
7. (4, 23) Ne obliviscamini testamentum Domini Dei vestri, quod disposuit ad vos, et faciatis vobismetipsis sculptilem similitudinem omnium quaecumque constituit tibi Dominus Deus tuus. Hic certe generaliter loquens similitudinem posuit, imaginem tacuit; quoniam si nulla fit similitudo, profecto nec imago: quia ubi imago, continuo similitudo; quamvis non ubi similitudo, continuo imago.
7. (4:23) Do not forget the covenant of the Lord your God, which he made with you, and make for yourselves a carved likeness of any of the things which the Lord your God has appointed for you. (Deut 4, 23) Here certainly, speaking generally, it set down likeness and was silent about image; since, if no likeness is made, surely no image is made either: because where there is an image, there is at once a likeness; although not where there is a likeness, is there at once an image.
QsHept.4.59.5
Quid sit: a summo caeli usque ad summum caeli.
What this means: from one end of heaven to the other end of heaven.
8. (4, 32-33) Quaerendum quomodo dictum sit: interrogate dies priores, qui fuerunt priores te, ex die qua creavit Deus hominem super terram, et a summo coeli usque ad summum coeli. Subauditur enim, interrogate. Videtur autem significare totum orbem terrarum. Sed cur, a summo coeli usque ad summum coeli dicat, non, "a summo terrae usque ad summum terrae," non est facile dignoscere. Talis enim quaedam locutio est et in Evangelio cum dicit Dominus, quod congregabuntur electi eius a summis coelorum usque ad terminos eorum (Cf. Mt 24, 31).
8. (4:32-33) It must be asked how it is said: inquire of the former days, which were before you, from the day when God created man upon the earth, and from one end of heaven to the other end of heaven. (Deut 4, 32-33) For inquire is understood. It seems, however, to signify the whole world. But why it says from one end of heaven to the other end of heaven, not "from one end of the earth to the other end of the earth," is not easy to discern. For there is a similar manner of speaking also in the Gospel when the Lord says that his elect will be gathered from one end of the heavens to their other end. (See Mt 24, 31)
QsHept.4.59.5
Nisi forte hic nec in hominibus nec in angelis auditum esse vult intellegi, quod in hoc populo factum singulare commendat: hoc enim sequitur: si factum est secundum verbum magnum hoc, si auditum est tale quid: si audivit gens vocem Dei viventis loquentis e medio ignis, quemadmodum audisti tu, et vixisti. Quod si ita est, ut nec in hominibus nec in angelis hoc dicat auditum; quid est ergo illud in Evangelio: a summis coelorum usque ad terminos eorum, cum sine dubio Dominus hoc ait, cum de novissima electorum suorum congregatione loqueretur?
Unless perhaps here he means us to understand that what he commends as having been done uniquely among this people has not been heard of either among men or among angels; for this follows: if anything has been done according to this great word, if any such thing has been heard: whether a nation has heard the voice of the living God speaking out of the midst of the fire, as you have heard, and lived. But if this is so, that he says this has not been heard of either among men or among angels, what then is that passage in the Gospel: from one end of the heavens to their other end, since the Lord said this without doubt when he was speaking of the final gathering of his elect?
QsHept.4.59.5
De verbis: Dominus disposuit testamentum ad vos, non patribus vestris.
Concerning the words: The Lord made the covenant with you, not with your fathers.
9. 1. (5, 2-4) Quid est quod ait: Dominus Deus vester disposuit ad vos testamentum in Horeb: non patribus vestris disposuit Dominus testamentum hoc, sed ad vos, vos hic omnes viventes hodie; facie ad faciem locutus est Dominus ad vos in monte e medio ignis? An quia illi qui non ingrediuntur in Terram Promissionis (mortui sunt enim omnes) non pertinent ad hoc testamentum, quorum tunc recognitio facta est, cum a viginti annis aetatis et supra numerarentur usque ad quinquaginta annos habiles ad bellum (Cf. Num 1, 20)? Quomodo ergo illis locutus est Dominus, qui hodie vivunt? An quia ex viginti annis et infra potuerunt multi tunc esse, qui hoc bene meminissent, alieni ab illa poena, quam Deus constituit illis qui tunc numerati sunt, non intrare in Terram Promissionis; et hos utique appellat, qui quamvis viginti annorum et supra non essent, quando Deus in monte loquebatur, ut numerari tunc possent, potuerunt tamen esse decem et novem et infra usque ad puerilem aetatem, quae posset illa quae facta et dicta sunt et videre, et audire, et memoria retinere?
9. 1. (5:2-4) What does it mean that it says: the Lord your God made a covenant with you at Horeb: the Lord did not make this covenant with your fathers, but with you, you who are all here alive today; the Lord spoke to you face to face on the mountain out of the midst of the fire (Deut 5, 2-4)? Is it because those who do not enter the Land of Promise (for they all died) do not belong to this covenant—those of whom a reckoning was then made, when from twenty years of age and upward up to fifty years they were numbered as fit for war? (See Num 1, 20) How, then, did the Lord speak to those who are alive today? Is it because from twenty years and under there could then have been many who would remember this well, exempt from that punishment which God appointed for those who were then numbered, that they should not enter the Land of Promise? And surely it is these whom he addresses, who, although they were not twenty years and over when God spoke on the mountain, so as to be numbered then, could nonetheless have been nineteen and under, down to the age of boyhood—an age that could both see and hear and retain in memory the things that were done and said.
QsHept.4.59.5
9. 2. Sed quid est quod ait: facie ad faciem locutus est Dominus ad vos; quos paulo ante maxime admonere curavit, quod nullam similitudinem viderint, sed solam vocem de medio ignis audierint (Cf. Deut 4, 33)? An propter rerum evidentiam, et quodammodo praesentiam manifestatae divinitatis, de qua dubitare nemo posset, his verbis usus est? Quod si ita est, quid prohibet de ipso Moyse hoc intellegi, in eo quod de illo dictum est, quod facie ad faciem locutus sit cum eo Dominus (Cf. Ex 33, 11), ut nec ipse aliquid oculis viderit praeter ignem? An aliquid amplius vidisse intellegitur, quia scriptum est eum intrasse in nebulam vel nimbum ubi erat Deus (Cf. Ex 24, 18)? Sed etsi aliquid amplius vidit, quam illi; non eum tamen mortalibus oculis vidisse Dei substantiam ex illis eius verbis intellegi potest, quibus ait Deo: si inveni gratiam ante te, ostende mihi temetipsum, ut scienter videam te (Ex 33, 13). Neque enim arbitrandum est hunc populum, cui Moyses loquebatur, sic tunc vidisse Deum facie ad faciem, quando in monte loquebatur e medio ignis, quemadmodum Apostolus dicit in fine nos esse visuros, ubi ait: videmus nunc per speculum in aenigmate, tunc autem facie ad faciem. Quid autem hoc, et quantum esset, consequenter aperuit, dicens: nunc scio ex parte, tunc autem cognoscam sicut et cognitus sum (1 Cor 13, 12). Quod etiam ipsum caute accipiendum est, ne tantam putetur habiturus homo cognitionem Dei, quantam nunc habet hominis Deus; sed pro suo modo ita perfectam, ut ei nihil adhuc exspectetur addendum: ut quam perfecte nunc Deus novit hominem, sed tamen sicut Deus hominem, ita tunc perfecte noverit homo Deum, sed tamen sicut homo Deum. Neque enim quia dictum est: estote perfecti, sicut Pater vester coelestis perfectus est (Mt 5, 48), ideo aequalitatem Patris, quam Verbum habet unigenitum, sperare debemus: quamvis non defuerint qui et hoc futurum putaverint, nisi forte quid dicant parum intellegimus.
9. 2. But what does it mean that it says: the Lord spoke to you face to face—to those whom shortly before he had been most careful to warn that they had seen no likeness, but had heard only a voice out of the midst of the fire? (See Deut 4, 33) Did he use these words on account of the plainness of the events, and, as it were, the presence of the manifested divinity, about which no one could doubt? But if so, what prevents us from understanding this of Moses himself, in what is said of him, that the Lord spoke with him face to face, (See Ex 33, 11) so that he too saw nothing with his eyes except the fire? Or is he understood to have seen something more, because it is written that he entered into the cloud or mist where God was? (See Ex 24, 18) But even if he saw something more than they, that he did not see the substance of God with mortal eyes can be understood from those words of his in which he says to God: if I have found grace before you, show me yourself, that I may knowingly see you. (Ex 33, 13) For it must not be thought that this people, to whom Moses was speaking, then so saw God face to face, when he was speaking on the mountain out of the midst of the fire, as the Apostle says we shall see in the end, where he says: we see now through a glass in a dark manner, but then face to face. And what this is, and how great it is, he then disclosed, saying: now I know in part, but then I shall know even as I am known. (1 Cor 13, 12) This too must be taken cautiously, lest a man be thought to be going to have as great a knowledge of God as God now has of man; but a knowledge perfect after its own measure, such that nothing more is awaited to be added to it: so that, as perfectly as God now knows man—yet as God knows man—so then man will perfectly know God, yet as man knows God. For not because it is said: be perfect, as your heavenly Father is perfect, (Mt 5, 48) should we hope for equality with the Father, which the only-begotten Word has: although there have not been lacking those who thought this too would come to pass, unless perhaps we little understand what they mean.
QsHept.5.9.2
Quomodo Moyses stet inter Dominus et populum.
How Moses stands between the Lord and the people.
10. 1. (5, 5-6. 24) Quid est quod ait: et ego stabam inter Dominum et vos in tempore illo, annuntiare vobis verba Domini; tamquam in loco esset Dominus, hoc est in monte unde illi voces audiebant? Quod sic accipiendum est, ut non ex hoc suspicemur Dei substantiam in ullo aliquo esse corporali loco, qui est ubique totus, nec per locorum intervalla propinquat aut recedit: sed demonstrationes eius in ea creatura, quae non est quod ipse, non aliter humanis sensibus exhibentur. Unde Dominus volens auferre ab huiusmodi suspicionibus mentem nostram, quibus putatur Deus loco aliquo contineri: veniet, inquit, hora, quando neque in monte hoc, neque in Ierosolymis adorabitis Patrem. Vos adoratis quod nescitis: nos adoramus quod scimus; quia salus ex Iudaeis est. Sed venit hora et nunc est, quando veri adoratores adorabunt Patrem in spiritu et veritate. Nam et Pater tales quaerit qui adorent eum. Spiritus est Deus, et eos qui adorant eum, in spiritu et veritate oportet adorare (Io 4, 21-24). Medium ergo se dixit Moyses non inter Dei substantiam et populum intervallo aliquo loci; sed quia per eum placuit populo audire caetera Dei verba, posteaquam vehementer est territus, audita de medio ignis voce Dei dicentis Decalogum Legis (Cf. Ex 20, 19).
10. 1. (5:5-6, 24) What does it mean that it says: and I stood between the Lord and you at that time, to announce to you the words of the Lord—as though the Lord were in a place, that is, on the mountain from which they heard the voices? This is to be taken so that we do not on this account suspect the substance of God to be in any bodily place—God, who is everywhere whole, and does not by intervals of place draw near or withdraw; but his manifestations in that creation which is not what he himself is are presented to human senses in no other way. Hence the Lord, wishing to take away from our mind suspicions of this kind, by which God is thought to be contained in some place, said: the hour will come, when neither on this mountain nor in Jerusalem will you adore the Father. You adore what you do not know: we adore what we know; for salvation is from the Jews. But the hour comes, and now is, when the true worshipers will adore the Father in spirit and in truth. For the Father too seeks such to adore him. God is a Spirit, and those who adore him must adore him in spirit and in truth. (Jn 4, 21-24) So Moses called himself the one in the middle, not between the substance of God and the people by some interval of place; but because it pleased the people to hear the rest of God's words through him, after they had been violently terrified upon hearing, out of the midst of the fire, the voice of God speaking the Decalogue of the Law. (See Ex 20, 19)
QsHept.5.9.2
10. 2. Sed merito quaeritur quomodo accipiantur haec verba Deuteronomii, dicente Moyse: et ego stabam inter Dominum et vos in tempore illo, annuntiare vobis verba Domini; quoniam timuistis a facie ignis, et non ascendistis in montem, dicens: 'ego sum Dominus Deus tuus,' et caetera: quae iam verba Dei sunt, quae Decalogus continet. Quid ergo vult quod addidit: dicens? Si enim putaverimus hyperbaton, ut ordo verborum sit: et ego stabam inter Dominum et vos in tempore illo, annuntiare vobis verba Domini, dicens: Ego sum Dominus Deus tuus: non erit verum. Non enim haec verba per Moysen populus, sed de medio ignis audivit: quod cum sustinere non posset audito Decalogo, postulavit ut per Moysen caetera audiret.
10. 2. But it is rightly asked how these words of Deuteronomy are to be taken, when Moses says: and I stood between the Lord and you at that time, to announce to you the words of the Lord; because you feared in the face of the fire, and did not go up the mountain, saying: I am the Lord your God, and so on—which are now words of God, which the Decalogue contains. What, then, does he mean by adding: saying? For if we suppose a hyperbaton, so that the order of the words is: and I stood between the Lord and you at that time, to announce to you the words of the Lord, saying: I am the Lord your God—it will not be true. For the people did not hear these words through Moses, but out of the midst of the fire: and since they could not endure it once the Decalogue was heard, they asked to hear the rest through Moses.
QsHept.5.10.2
Restat ergo ut quod positum est, dicens, pro eo positum intellegamus, ac si esset: "cum diceret"; ut iste sit sensus: et ego stabam inter Dominum et vos in tempore illo, annuntiare vobis verba Domini; quoniam timuistis a facie ignis, et non ascendistis in montem, cum diceret: ego sum Dominus Deus tuus: ut subaudiatur, "cum diceret utique Dominus." Cum enim haec verba diceret Dominus, quae consequenter ex Decalogo cuncta commemorat, tunc timuit populus a facie ignis, et non ascendit in montem, et rogavit ut per Moysen potius verba Domini audiret (Cf. Ex 20, 18-19).
It remains, then, that we understand what is set down, saying, to be set down in place of, as it were, "when he said"; so that this is the sense: and I stood between the Lord and you at that time, to announce to you the words of the Lord; because you feared in the face of the fire, and did not go up the mountain, when he said: I am the Lord your God: so that we understand, "when the Lord said it." For when the Lord was speaking these words, which it then recounts in full from the Decalogue, the people feared in the face of the fire, and did not go up the mountain, and asked rather to hear the words of the Lord through Moses. (See Ex 20, 18-19)
QsHept.5.10.2
10. 3. Quae verba Moyses commemorat in Deuteronomio dicta sibi a populo, cum audire iam nollent vocem Dei, sed per eum peterent sibi dici quae dicebat Deus; id est: ecce ostendit Dominus Deus noster nobis gloriam suam, et vocem eius audivimus e medio ignis, et caetera: non eadem prorsus leguntur in Exodo, ubi primum narrata sunt, quae modo repetuntur (Cf. Ex 20, 22). Unde intellegamus, quod aliquoties iam commemoravi, non esse in mendacio deputandum, si aliis quibuslibet verbis eadem voluntas manifestatur, propter Evangelistarum etiam verba, quae ab imperitis et calumniosis tamquam repugnantia reprehenduntur. Neque enim magnum erat Moysi attendere quae in Exodo scripserat, et eisdem omnino verbis illa repetere, nisi pertineret ad sanctos doctores nostros hoc ipsum insinuare discentibus, ut nihil aliud in verbis loquentium quaerant, nisi voluntatem propter quam enuntiandam verba instituta sunt.
10. 3. The words which Moses recounts in Deuteronomy as said to him by the people, when they were no longer willing to hear the voice of God but asked that what God was saying be said to them through him—that is: behold, the Lord our God has shown us his glory, and we have heard his voice out of the midst of the fire, and so on—are not read in exactly the same form in Exodus, where they were first narrated, the things that are now repeated. (See Ex 20, 22) From this let us understand what I have already mentioned several times: that it is not to be reckoned a falsehood if the same intention is made plain by any other words whatever—and this on account of the Evangelists' words too, which by the unskilled and the slanderous are faulted as though contradictory. For it would not have been a great matter for Moses to attend to what he had written in Exodus and to repeat those things in exactly the same words, were it not that it pertains to our holy teachers to impress this very thing upon learners: that they should seek nothing else in the words of those who speak but the intention for the announcing of which the words were instituted.
QsHept.5.10.3
Quid est quod ait Moyses dictum sibi esse a Domino de populo hebraeo.
What it means that Moses says it was said to him by the Lord concerning the Hebrew people.
11. (5, 29) Quid est quod ait Moyses dictum sibi esse a Domino de populo Hebraeo: quis dabit esse sic cor eorum in eis, ut timeant me, et custodiant mandata mea? An hic iam vult intellegi, gratia sua concedi hoc beneficium, ut sit in hominibus iustitia Dei ex fide, non quasi propria, velut ex Lege (Cf. Phil 3, 9)? Hoc enim et per prophetam significat, dicens: auferam eis cor lapideum, et dabo eis cor carneum (Ez 11, 19; 36, 26): quod propter sensum dictum est, quem "caro" habet, et "lapis" non habet, verbo utique translato.
11. (5:29) What does it mean that Moses says it was said to him by the Lord concerning the Hebrew people: who will grant that their heart be so within them, that they fear me, and keep my commandments? (Deut 5, 29) Does he here mean us to understand that this benefit is granted by his grace, namely, that there be in men the righteousness of God which is from faith, not as it were their own, as from the Law? (See Phil 3, 9) For he signifies this also through the prophet, saying: I will take away from them their heart of stone, and will give them a heart of flesh (Ezek 11, 19; 36, 26)—which was said with reference to the feeling that "flesh" has and "stone" does not have, the word of course being used in a transferred sense.
QsHept.5.10.3
Hoc ipsum et alibi dicit: ecce dies veniunt, dicit Dominus, et consummabo super domum Israel et super domum Iuda testamentum novum; non secundum testamentum quod disposui ad patres eorum in die qua apprehendi manum eorum, ut educerem eos de terra Aegypti. Quoniam hoc testamentum quod disposui ad eos, post dies illos: dans Leges meas in cor eorum, et in mente eorum superscribam eas, et iniquitatum eorum et peccatorum eorum non memor ero amplius (Ier 31, 31-34). Hic enim discrevit Novum Testamentum a Veteri, quod in Veteri data est Lex in tabulis lapideis, in Novo autem in cordibus, quod fit per gratiam. Unde et Apostolus dicit: non in tabulis lapideis, sed in tabulis cordis carnalibus: et alio loco: idoneos nos, inquit, fecit ministros Novi Testamenti, non litterae, sed spiritus (2 Cor 3, 3. 6).
He says this same thing elsewhere also: behold, the days are coming, says the Lord, and I will accomplish over the house of Israel and over the house of Judah a new covenant; not according to the covenant which I made with their fathers in the day when I took their hand to lead them out of the land of Egypt. For this is the covenant which I will make with them after those days: putting my laws into their heart, and in their mind I will inscribe them, and their iniquities and their sins I will remember no more. (Jer 31, 31-34) For here he distinguished the New Covenant from the Old, in that in the Old the Law was given on tablets of stone, but in the New in hearts, which is done through grace. Hence the Apostle too says: not on tablets of stone, but on the fleshly tablets of the heart: and in another place: he made us, he says, fit ministers of the New Covenant, not of the letter, but of the spirit. (2 Cor 3, 3. 6)
QsHept.5.10.3
Melius fit si nec iuraveris.
It is better if you do not even swear.
12. (6, 13) Quod ait de Domino: et in nomine eius iurabis, non ita praeceptum accipiendum est, quasi iurari iusserit; sed in alterius alicuius Dei nomine iurari prohibuit. Melius autem fit si secundum Evangelium nec iuraveris (Cf. Mt 5, 34); non quia mala est vera iuratio, sed ne in periurium incidatur facilitate iurandi. Qui enim iurat, non solum verum, sed etiam falsum iurare potest: qui autem omnino non iurat, a periurio longe ambulat.
12. (6:13) What it says of the Lord: and you shall swear by his name, (Deut 6, 13) is not to be taken as a command, as though it bade swearing; rather it forbade swearing by the name of any other god. But it is better, according to the Gospel, if you do not even swear (See Mt 5, 34); not because true swearing is evil, but lest one fall into perjury through readiness to swear. For he who swears can swear not only what is true but also what is false: whereas he who does not swear at all walks far from perjury.
QsHept.5.10.3
Quomodo aperte dicatur quod alibi obscure.
How something is said plainly which elsewhere is said obscurely.
13. (8, 2) Et recordaberis omnem viam quam duxit te Dominus Deus tuus in deserto, ut affligeret te, et tentaret te, et cognita faceret quae in corde tuo sunt, si observabis mandata eius, an non. Hic apertius dictum est, quod alibi genere locutionis obscurum est, ubi legitur: tentat vos Dominus Deus vester, ut sciat si diligitis eum (Deut 13, 3). Intellegitur enim positum esse, ut sciat, pro eo quod est, ut sciri faciat; quod modo dilucide dictum est: ut tentaret te, et cognita faceret quae in corde tuo sunt: non enim ait, "et cognosceret"; quod quidem si dixisset, intellegendum erat, cognita faceret.
13. (8:2) And you shall remember all the way by which the Lord your God has led you in the desert, that he might afflict you, and test you, and make known the things that are in your heart, whether you will keep his commandments, or not. (Deut 8, 2) Here is said more plainly what elsewhere is obscure by its manner of expression, where it is read: the Lord your God tests you, that he may know whether you love him. (Deut 13, 3) For it is understood that that he may know is set down for, that he may cause it to be known; which is now said clearly: that he might test you, and make known the things that are in your heart: for it does not say, "and might come to know"; which, indeed, if it had said, would have to be understood as make known.
QsHept.5.10.3
Quomodo qui prius laudabantur nunc dura cervice esse dicantur in vituperationem eorum.
How those who were earlier praised are now said to be stiff-necked, to their reproach.
14. (9, 6-8) Et scies hodie quia non propter iustitias tuas Dominus Deus tuus dat tibi terram bonam istam haereditare; quoniam populus dura cervice es. Certe isti sunt qui propterea non meruerunt perire in deserto, quia nescierunt dexteram aut sinistram (Cf. Num 14, 25; Deut 1, 39): ecce iam dura cervice appellantur. Unde videndum est illud in sacramento esse dictum, non quod istorum merita commendata sint. Nam ne quis existimet subito istos vituperabiles factos, qui merito fuissent ante laudati, paulo post eis dicitur: memor esto, ne obliviscaris, quanta exacerbasti Dominum Deum tuum in deserto; ex qua die existis de terra Aegypti, donec venistis in locum hunc, increduli perseverabatis quae ad Dominum.
14. (9:6-8) And you shall know today that it is not for your righteousness that the Lord your God gives you this good land to inherit; for you are a stiff-necked people. (Deut 9, 6-8) Surely these are the very ones who for this reason did not deserve to perish in the desert, because they did not know the right hand or the left (See Num 14, 25; Deut 1, 39): behold, they are now called stiff-necked. Hence it must be seen that this was said as a mystery, not because their merits were commended. For lest anyone suppose that those who had deservedly been praised before were suddenly made blameworthy, a little later it is said to them: remember, do not forget, how greatly you provoked the Lord your God in the desert; from the day you went out of the land of Egypt, until you came to this place, you persevered in being unbelieving toward the Lord.
QsHept.5.10.3
Quod si quidam eorum tales erant, quidam vero fideles et boni, etiam sic non utique illis datur Terra Promissionis, qui nesciunt dexteram aut sinistram, ut hoc sic intellegamus quasi non offenderint Deum. Nam et patres eorum, qui mortui sunt, nec in eamdem terram intrare permissi sunt, tales inveniuntur fuisse, ut in eis essent quidam etiam boni. Propter quod Apostolus, non omnes, sed quosdam eorum dicit offendisse, in quibus eorum peccata commemorat (Cf. 1 Cor 10, 6-9). Similes quippe istos parentibus suis, ita evidentius docet et ista Scriptura Deuteronomii, quod consequenter adiungit, et dicit: et in Horeb exacerbastis Dominum. Ubi certe illi exacerbaverunt, qui propter eadem mala merita sua non sunt in Terram Promissionis inducti.
But even if some of them were such, while some were faithful and good, even so the Land of Promise is certainly not given to those who do not know the right hand or the left in such a way that we should understand this as though they had not offended God. For their fathers too, who died and were not permitted to enter that same land, are found to have been such that among them were some even good. On account of this the Apostle says that not all, but some of them offended, among whom he mentions their sins. (See 1 Cor 10, 6-9) That these are indeed like their parents, this Scripture of Deuteronomy also teaches more evidently, in what it adds next, saying: and at Horeb you provoked the Lord. There certainly those provoked him who, for those same evil merits of theirs, were not led into the Land of Promise.
QsHept.5.10.3
Cum in Exodo Moyses verba legis scripsisse dicatur, quomodo id Deo adscribitur.
Since in Exodus Moses is said to have written the words of the law, how it is ascribed to God.
15. 1. (10, 1-4) In illo tempore dixit Dominus ad me: 'excide tibi duas tabulas lapideas quemadmodum priores, et ascende ad me in montem; et facies tibi arcam ligneam: et scribam in tabulis verba quae erant in tabulis prioribus, quas contrivisti; et immittes eas in arcam.' Et feci arcam ex lignis imputribilibus, et excidi duas tabulas lapideas sicut priores, et ascendi in montem, et duae tabulae in duabus manibus meis. Et scripsit in tabulis secundum scripturam priorem decem verba, quae locutus est Dominus ad vos in monte e medio ignis: et dedit eas Dominus mihi.
15. 1. (10:1-4) At that time the Lord said to me: Cut for yourself two tablets of stone like the former ones, and come up to me on the mountain; and you shall make for yourself an ark of wood: and I will write on the tablets the words that were on the former tablets, which you broke; and you shall put them into the ark. And I made an ark of incorruptible wood, and cut two tablets of stone like the former ones, and went up the mountain, with the two tablets in my two hands. And he wrote on the tablets, according to the former writing, the ten words, which the Lord spoke to you on the mountain out of the midst of the fire: and the Lord gave them to me. (Deut 10, 1-4)
QsHept.5.10.3
Non immerito quaeritur quomodo haec in Deuteronomio dicantur, Moyse recolente ac repetente quae gesta sunt; cum in Exodo, ubi primum haec dicta et facta narrantur, ita sit scriptum: Et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: 'scribe tibi verba haec; etenim in verbis his posui Testamentum tibi et Israel. Et erat ibi Moyses in conspectu Domini quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus; panem non manducavit, et aquam non bibit, et scripsit in tabulis verba Testamenti, decem verba (Ex 34, 27-28).' Cum ergo in Exodo ipse Moyses in tabulis decem Legis verba scripsisse narretur, quomodo hic in Deuteronomio Deus in tabulis eadem verba scripsisse recolitur?
It is not without reason asked how these things are said in Deuteronomy, with Moses recalling and repeating what was done; when in Exodus, where these things are first narrated as said and done, it is written thus: And the Lord said to Moses: Write for yourself these words; for in these words I have established a covenant with you and with Israel. And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread, and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant, the ten words. (Ex 34, 27-28) Since, then, in Exodus Moses himself is narrated to have written the ten words of the Law on the tablets, how is it here in Deuteronomy recalled that God wrote the same words on the tablets?
QsHept.5.10.3
15. 2. Denique illud quod in Exodo, cum transeunter tractaremus, et quid nobis in ea differentia visum fuerit litteris mandaremus (Cf. Quaest. 2, 166), cur priores tabulae, quae contritae sunt, digito Dei scriptae referantur; secundas autem tamdiu in Arca tabernaculoque mansuras, ipse Moyses scripsisse dicatur: ita per hanc differentiam duo Testamenta significata esse diximus, ut in Veteri Testamento Lex commendaretur tamquam opus Dei, ubi homo nihil fecerit, eo quod Lex timore non posset impleri: quoniam cum vere fit opus legis, caritate ut, non timore; quae caritas gratia est Testamenti Novi (Cf. Rom 13, 10). Ideo in saecundis tabulis homo legitur scripsisse verba Dei, quia homo potest facere opus Legis per caritatem iustitiae, quod non potest per timorem poenae.
15. 2. Finally, that point which, when we treated of it in passing in Exodus and committed to writing what seemed to us in that difference (See Question 2, 166)—namely, why the former tablets, which were broken, are reported to have been written by the finger of God, while the second ones, which were to remain so long in the Ark and the tabernacle, Moses himself is said to have written: we said that by this difference the two covenants were signified, so that in the Old Covenant the Law was commended as the work of God, where man did nothing, because the Law could not be fulfilled by fear—since, when the work of the law is truly done, it is done by love, not by fear; and this love is the grace of the New Covenant. (See Rom 13, 10) For this reason, on the second tablets, man is read to have written the words of God, because man can do the work of the Law through the love of righteousness, which he cannot do through fear of punishment.
QsHept.5.15.2
15. 3. Nunc ergo cum legitur in Deuteronomio de secundis tabulis ita dictum: et excidi duas tabulas lapideas sicut priores, et ascendi in montem, et duae tabulae in duabus manibus meis. Et scripsit in tabulis secundum scripturam priorem decem verba: non enim ait: "et scripsi"; sed, scripsit, hoc est, Deus; sicut paulo ante dixerat verba Dei sibi dicta: excide tibi duas tabulas lapideas quemadmodum priores, et ascende ad me in montem; et facies tibi arcam ligneam: et scribam in tabulis verba quae erant in tabulis prioribus: discutienda nascitur quaestio, quod utrasque tabulas, id est et priores et secundas, Deus hic legitur scripsisse, non homo.
15. 3. Now, then, when it is read in Deuteronomy concerning the second tablets, said thus: and I cut two tablets of stone like the former ones, and went up the mountain, with the two tablets in my two hands. And he wrote on the tablets, according to the former writing, the ten words—for it does not say: "and I wrote"; but, he wrote, that is, God; just as a little before he had said that the words of God were spoken to him: cut for yourself two tablets of stone like the former ones, and come up to me on the mountain; and you shall make for yourself an ark of wood: and I will write on the tablets the words that were on the former tablets—a question arises that must be examined: that here both sets of tablets, that is, both the former and the second, are read to have been written by God, not by man.
QsHept.5.15.3
Sed si in ipso quoque Exodo verba Dei legantur, ubi iubet easdem tabulas secundas excidi a Moyse, nihil aliud invenitur, quam ipsum Deum se easdem promisisse scripturum. Nam ita scriptum est: et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: 'excide tibi duas tabulas lapideas sicut et priores, et ascende ad me in montem: et scribam in tabulis verba quae erant in tabulis prioribus, quas tu contrivisti (Ex 34, 1).'
But if in Exodus too the words of God are read, where he bids those same second tablets to be cut by Moses, nothing else is found than that God himself promised that he would write them. For it is written thus: and the Lord said to Moses: Cut for yourself two tablets of stone like the former ones too, and come up to me on the mountain: and I will write on the tablets the words that were on the former tablets, which you broke. (Ex 34, 1)
QsHept.5.15.3
Excepto itaque libro Deuteronomii, quaestionem istam etiam solus liber Exodi continet, quomodo dixerit Deus: et scribam in tabulis verba quae erant in tabulis prioribus; cum paulo post legatur: scribe tibi verba haec; etenim in verbis his posui Testamentum tibi et Israel. Et erat ibi Moyses in conspectu Domini quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus; panem non manducavit, et aquam non bibit, et scripsit in tabulis verba Testamenti, decem verba.
And so, apart from the book of Deuteronomy, the book of Exodus alone also contains this question: how God said: and I will write on the tablets the words that were on the former tablets; when a little later it is read: write for yourself these words; for in these words I have established a covenant with you and with Israel. And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread, and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant, the ten words.
QsHept.5.15.3
Si enim superius quod dictum est: scribe tibi verba haec; etenim in verbis his posui Testamentum tibi et Israel, ad superiora pertinet, quando Deus ista praecipiebat, ut non in duabus lapideis tabulis scriberentur, sed in illo libro Legis, ubi multa conscripta sunt; certe illud quod sequitur: et erat ibi Moyses in conspectu Domini quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus; panem non manducavit, et aquam non bibit, et scripsit in tabulis verba Testamenti, decem verba (Ex 34, 27-28), satis manifestat eumdem Moysen in tabulis haec decem verba scripsisse, non Deum.
For if what is said above, write for yourself these words; for in these words I have established a covenant with you and with Israel, pertains to what precedes—when God was commanding these things, that they should be written not on the two tablets of stone, but in that book of the Law where many things are written down—then certainly what follows: and Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread, and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant, the ten words, (Ex 34, 27-28) makes plain enough that this same Moses wrote these ten words on the tablets, not God.
QsHept.5.15.3
Nisi forte violenter quidem, sed certa necessitate compellimur, ubi dictum est: Et scripsit in tabulis verba Testamenti, decem verba, non Moysen subaudire, sed Dominum; supra enim positum est: Et erat ibi Moyses in conspectu Domini: ut a Domino, in cuius conspectu erat Moyses, quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus panem non manducans, et aquam non bibens, scripta intellegantur haec decem verba in tabulis, sicut ante promiserat.
Unless perhaps, by a forced reading, yet under a sure necessity, we are compelled, where it is said: And he wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant, the ten words, to understand not Moses, but the Lord; for above it is set down: And Moses was there in the sight of the Lord: so that these ten words are understood to have been written on the tablets by the Lord, in whose sight Moses was for forty days and forty nights eating no bread and drinking no water, as he had promised before.
QsHept.5.15.3
15. 4. Quod si ita est, non quidem illa differentia duorum Testamentorum, quae nobis visa est, in his verbis commendari potest, quando et priores et secundas tabulas scripsit, non homo, sed Deus: verumtamen illa certe distantia non habet dubitationem, quod priores tabulas et Deus fecit, et Deus scripsit. Non enim tunc dictum est ad Moysen: excide tibi duas tabulas: sed ita potius legitur: et conversus Moyses descendit de monte, et duae tabulae testimonii in manibus eius: tabulae lapideae scriptae ex utraque parte, hinc atque hinc erant scriptae; et tabulae opus Dei erant, et scriptura scriptura Dei est sculpta in tabulis (Ex 32, 15-16). Iam enim superius dixerat easdem tabulas scriptas digito Dei, sic loquens: et dedit Moysi, statim ut cessavit loqui ad eum, in monte Sina duas tabulas testimonii, tabulas lapideas scriptas digito Dei (Ex 31, 18).
15. 4. But if this is so, that difference of the two covenants which seemed good to us cannot indeed be commended in these words, since both the former and the second tablets were written not by man, but by God: yet this distinction certainly admits of no doubt, that the former tablets both God made and God wrote. For it was not then said to Moses: cut for yourself two tablets: but rather it is read thus: and Moses, turning, came down from the mountain, with the two tablets of testimony in his hands: tablets of stone written on both sides, on this side and on that they were written; and the tablets were the work of God, and the writing is the writing of God carved on the tablets. (Ex 32, 15-16) For above it had already said that those same tablets were written by the finger of God, speaking thus: and he gave to Moses, as soon as he had ceased to speak to him on Mount Sinai, two tablets of testimony, tablets of stone written by the finger of God. (Ex 31, 18)
QsHept.5.15.4
Ibi ergo et tabulae opus Dei erant, et scriptura earum digito Dei facta. Secundas autem tabulas ipse Moyses iubetur excidere; ut ipsae certe opere humano intellegantur excisae, quamvis eas Deus ipse scripserit, sicut promisit cum iuberet excidi.
There, then, both the tablets were the work of God, and their writing was made by the finger of God. But the second tablets Moses himself is bidden to cut; so that these at least are understood to have been cut by human work, although God himself wrote them, as he promised when he bade them be cut.
QsHept.5.15.4
Porro autem si diligentius attendamus, ideo utrumque dictum esse in secundis tabulis, quia et Deus facit per gratiam suam opus Legis in homine, et homo per fidem suam suscipiens gratiam Dei, pertinens ad Testamentum Novum, cooperator est adiuvantis Dei (ideo autem in primis solum opus Dei commemoratur, quia Lex spiritalis est, et Lex sancta, et mandatum sanctum et iustum et bonum (Rom 7, 12): ideo vero nullum opus hominis ibi commemoratur, quia infideles non contemperantur adiutorio gratiae, sed ignorantes Dei iustitiam et suam volentes constituere iustitiae Dei non sunt subiecti (Rom 10, 3); unde illis Lex ad condemnationem valet, quod significat contritio tabularum); profecto non cogimur violento intellectu subaudire quod Deus scripserit, ubi Scriptura dixit: et erat ibi Moyses in conspectu Domini quadraginta diebus et quadraginta noctibus; panem non manducavit et aquam non bibit, et scripsit in tabulis verba Testamenti (Ex 34, 28): ubi valde sonat scripsisse Moysen.
Furthermore, if we attend more carefully, both things were said of the second tablets for this reason: because God too works the work of the Law in man through his grace, and man, receiving the grace of God through his faith, belonging to the New Covenant, is a fellow worker with the God who helps (whereas on the first tablets the work of God alone is mentioned, because the Law is spiritual, and the Law is holy, and the commandment holy and just and good (Rom 7, 12): but no work of man is mentioned there, because unbelievers are not blended with the help of grace, but, being ignorant of the righteousness of God and wishing to establish their own, are not subject to the righteousness of God (Rom 10, 3); hence for them the Law avails for condemnation, which the breaking of the tablets signifies); accordingly we are not compelled by a forced understanding to supply that God wrote, where Scripture said: and Moses was there in the sight of the Lord forty days and forty nights; he ate no bread and drank no water, and he wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant (Ex 34, 28): where it strongly sounds that Moses wrote.
QsHept.5.15.4
Sed ideo superius (Cf. Ex 34, 1) Deus se promisit scripturum, et in Deuteronomio non solum ita promisisse, verum etiam ipse scripsisse narratur, ut significetur quod ait Apostolus: Deus enim est qui operatur in vobis et velle, et operari, pro bona voluntate (Phil 2, 13): hoc est, in eis qui ex fide gratiam suscipiunt, et non suam iustitiam volunt statuere, sed iustitiae Dei subiecti sunt (Cf. Rom 10, 3), ut ipsi sint in Christo iustitia Dei (Cf. 2 Cor 5, 21). Nam et illic Apostolus utrumque dicit, et Deum operari, et ipsos. Nam si ipsi non operabatur, quomodo eis dicebat: cum timore et tremore vestram ipsorum salutem operamini (Phil 2, 12)? Operatur ergo ille, cooperamur nos: non enim aufert, sed adiuvat bonae voluntatis arbitrium.
But God promised above (See Ex 34, 1) that he would write, and in Deuteronomy is narrated not only to have promised thus but even himself to have written, in order to signify what the Apostle says: for it is God who works in you both to will and to work, for his good pleasure (Phil 2, 13): that is, in those who receive grace by faith, and do not wish to establish their own righteousness, but are subject to the righteousness of God, (See Rom 10, 3) so that they themselves may be in Christ the righteousness of God. (See 2 Cor 5, 21) For there too the Apostle says both: that God works, and that they work. For if they were not working, how could he say to them: work out your own salvation with fear and trembling (Phil 2, 12)? He works, then, and we work together with him: for he does not take away, but helps the choice of a good will.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quid per tribum Levi significetur.
What is signified by the tribe of Levi.
16. (10, 8-9) In illo tempore distinxit Dominus tribum Levi, portare Arcam testamenti Domini, assistere coram Domino, ministrare, et orare in nomine eius usque in hunc diem. Propter hoc non est Levitis pars et sors cum fratribus suis; Dominus ipse pars eius est, sicut dixit ei. Nisi per hanc tribum significaretur universum regale sacerdotium, quod ad Novum pertinet Testamentum, nullo modo ausus esset dicere homo, qui ex eadem tribu non erat: pars mea Dominus (Ps 72, 26); et in alio Psalmo: Dominus pars haereditatis meae (Ps 15, 5).
16. (10:8-9) At that time the Lord set apart the tribe of Levi, to carry the Ark of the covenant of the Lord, to stand before the Lord, to minister, and to pray in his name to this day. For this reason there is for the Levites no portion and lot with their brethren; the Lord himself is his portion, as he said to him. (Deut 10, 8-9) Unless by this tribe were signified the whole royal priesthood that belongs to the New Covenant, in no way would a man who was not of that same tribe have dared to say: the Lord is my portion (Ps 73 (72), 26); and in another Psalm: the Lord is the portion of my inheritance. (Ps 16 (15), 5)
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo verba legis praecipiantur scribi, cum id factum non sit.
How the words of the law are commanded to be written, when this was not done.
17. (11, 20) Quid est quod praecepit Moyses commendans verba Domini, et ait: scribetis ea super limina domorum vestrarum et ianuarum vestrarum: cum hoc secundum proprietatem nemo fecisse Israelitarum commemoretur, vel legatur; quia nec quisquam potest, nisi forte dividat ea per multas partes domus suae? An hyperbolica commendatio est, sicut multa dicuntur (Cf. Num 18, 21-32; Deut 18, 1-8; 26, 12)?
17. (11:20) What does it mean that Moses commanded, in commending the words of the Lord, and said: you shall write them upon the thresholds of your houses and of your gates (Deut 11, 20): when no one of the Israelites is mentioned, or read, to have done this in the proper sense; since no one can, unless perhaps he divides them among many parts of his house? Or is it a hyperbolic commendation, as many things are said? (See Num 18, 21-32; Deut 18, 1-8; 26, 12)
QsHept.5.15.4
De decimationibus omnium fructuum et primitivorum pecorum.
Concerning the tithes of all fruits and the firstlings of the cattle.
18. (12, 11) Quaerendum quomodo iubeat decimationes omnium fructuum et primitiva pecorum non manducari, nisi in civitate ubi Templum erit, cum eas Levitis dari in Lege praeceperit.
18. (12:11) It must be asked how he bids that the tithes of all fruits and the firstlings of the cattle not be eaten except in the city where the Temple will be, when he commanded in the Law that these be given to the Levites.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo Deus tentare dicatur, etc.
How God is said to test, and so on.
19. (13, 1-3) Si autem surrexerit in te propheta, seu somniator somnians, et dederit tibi signum vel prodigium, et venerit signum sive prodigium quod locutus est ad te, dicens: 'eamus, et serviamus diis aliis, quos nescitis: non audietis verba prophetae illius, vel somniantis somnium illud; quoniam tentat Dominus Deus vester vos scire an diligatis Dominum Deum vestrum ex toto corde vestro, et ex tota anima vestra.' Hoc quidam interpretes Latini non ita posuerunt, scire an diligatis; sed, ut sciat an diligatis. Quamvis eadem sententia videatur: verumtamen illud quod dictum est, scire, facilius ad illos refertur; ut sic accipiamus, tentat vos scire, ac si diceretur, "tentando vos facit scire."
19. (13:1-3) But if there arises among you a prophet, or a dreamer dreaming dreams, and gives you a sign or wonder, and the sign or wonder comes to pass which he spoke to you, saying: Let us go, and serve other gods, whom you do not know: you shall not hear the words of that prophet, or of that dreamer of a dream; because the Lord your God is testing you, to know whether you love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul. (Deut 13, 1-3) Some Latin translators did not put it thus, to know whether you love; but, that he may know whether you love. Although the sense seems the same, yet what is expressed as to know is more easily referred to those people; so that we take he is testing you to know as if it were said, "by testing he makes you know."
QsHept.5.15.4
Ubi sane intellegi voluit, etiam illa quae a divinantibus non secundum Deum dicuntur, si acciderint quae dicuntur, non accipienda sic, ut fiant quae praecipiuntur ab eis, aut colantur quae coluntur ab eis. Nec praeter suam potestatem Deus ostendit esse quod ista contingunt: sed quasi quaereretur cur ea permittat, causam tentationis exposuit, ad cognoscendam eorum dilectionem, utrum eam habeant erga Deum suum; cognoscendam vero ab ipsis potius, quam ab illo qui scit omnia antequam fiant.
Here he certainly meant it to be understood that even those things which are spoken by diviners not according to God, if the things spoken come to pass, are not so to be accepted that the things commanded by them should be done, or the things worshiped by them should be worshiped. Nor does God show that these things happen outside his own power: but, as though it were asked why he permits them, he set forth the reason for the testing—namely, to make known their love, whether they have it toward their God; to be made known, however, to themselves rather than to him who knows all things before they come to pass.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo ea quae de decimis dicuntur intellegi debeant et quomodo fiat remissio annorum.
How the things said about tithes ought to be understood, and how the remission of years takes place.
20. (14, 28-29; 15, 1) Post tres annos produces omnem decimam fructuum tuorum, in illo anno pones illud in civitatibus tuis, et veniet Levita, quia non est ei pars neque sors tecum; et advena et pupillus et vidua, quae in civitatibus tuis; et manducabunt, et saturabuntur; ut benedicat te Dominus Deus tuus in omnibus operibus tuis quaecumque feceris. Ex ista decima non dixit ut ipse manducet cum suis; ac per hoc Levitis et advenis et pupillis et viduis eam iussit impendi. Sed obscure positum est, quia non est distincta ista decima ab illa quam voluit cum Levitis in eo loco manducari, quem Dominus elegisset Templo suo (Cf. Deut 14, 22-23).
20. (14:28-29; 15:1) After three years you shall bring forth all the tithe of your fruits; in that year you shall lay it up in your cities, and the Levite shall come, because he has no portion or lot with you; and the sojourner and the orphan and the widow who are in your cities; and they shall eat, and be filled; that the Lord your God may bless you in all the works that you do. (Deut 14:28-29; 15:1) He did not say that one should eat of this tithe with his own household; and by this he commanded that it be expended on the Levites and the sojourners and the orphans and the widows. But it is set down obscurely, because this tithe is not distinguished from that which he willed to be eaten with the Levites in that place which the Lord had chosen for his Temple. (See Deut 14:22-23)
QsHept.5.15.4
Sed in ea interpretatione, quae est ex Hebraeo, apertius hoc distinctum reperimus. Ait enim: anno tertio separabis aliam decimam ex omnibus quae nascentur tibi eo tempore, et repones intra ianuas tuas; venietque Levites, qui aliam non habet partem nec possessionem tecum, et peregrinus et pupillus et vidua, qui intra portas tuas sunt, et comedent, et saturabuntur; ut benedicat tibi Dominus Deus tuus in cunctis operibus manuum tuarum, quae feceris.
But in that translation which is from the Hebrew we find this more plainly distinguished. For it says: in the third year you shall separate another tithe out of all the things that grow for you at that time, and you shall store it within your gates; and the Levite shall come, who has no other portion or possession with you, and the stranger and the orphan and the widow who are within your gates, and they shall eat, and be filled; that the Lord your God may bless you in all the works of your hands that you do.
QsHept.5.15.4
Primo hoc ipsum planius est quod ait: anno tertio; intellegitur enim "uno anno interposito": in Septuaginta autem, quoniam post tres annos dixit, incertum est utrum eos medios esse voluerit, ut quinto quoque anno fieret.
First, this very thing is plainer, that it says: in the third year; for it is understood "with one year intervening": whereas in the Septuagint, since it said after three years, it is uncertain whether he meant those years to be in between, so that it would be done every fifth year.
QsHept.5.15.4
Deinde cum ait: et separabis aliam decimam, satis ostendit extra esse illam quam voluit eum ipsum qui offert, manducare cum suis et Levitis in eo loco quem Dominus elegisset. Et hanc enim aliam decimam intra ianuas suas eum ponere praecepit, non ad eum locum deferre, ubi Dominus se voluit invocari. Et veniet, inquit: Levites, qui non habet partem nec possessionem tecum, et peregrinus et pupillus et vidua, qui intra portas tuas sunt, et comedent. Hinc certe manifeste verum est, non istam decimam Deum fieri voluisse communem ei qui offert, et his quibus impendenda est; sed illis solis erogari eam iussit, qui aliud non haberent, in quibus praecipue Levitem posuit.
Next, when it says: and you shall separate another tithe, it shows well enough that the one which he willed the offerer himself to eat with his own household and with the Levites in the place which the Lord had chosen is a separate thing. For he commanded the offerer to lay up this other tithe within his own gates, not to carry it to that place where the Lord willed himself to be invoked. And the Levite, it says, who has no portion or possession with you, and the stranger and the orphan and the widow who are within your gates, shall come, and shall eat. Hence it is certainly plainly true that God did not will this tithe to be shared in common by the offerer and by those on whom it is to be expended; but he commanded it to be paid out to those alone who had nothing else, among whom he set the Levite first.
QsHept.5.15.4
Post septem annos facies remissionem. Hic certe manifestatur, quomodo et superius dixerit: post tres annos. Non enim et hos septem annos medios esse voluit: unoquoque anno eam fieri praecepit, tamquam Sabbatismum annorum.
After seven years you shall make a remission. Here it is certainly made plain how he also said above: after three years. For he did not will these seven years either to be in between: he commanded it to be done in each single year, as a Sabbath of years.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo verbum occultum magnifice dicatur.
How a hidden word is finely described.
21. (15, 9) Attende tibi ipsi, ne fiat verbum occultum in corde tuo, iniquitas, dicens: 'appropiat annus septimus, annus remissionis; et malignetur oculus tuus in fratrem tuum egenum, et non tribuas ei: et exclamabit adversum te ad Dominum, et erit in te peccatum magnum.' Magnifice occultum verbum hoc dixit; quoniam nemo audet hoc dicere qui potuerit cogitare, ideo non esse mutuum dandum indigenti, quoniam appropinquat annus remissionis, cum Deus propter misericordiam utrumque praeceperit, et commodari cum quisque indiget, et remitti anno remissionis. Quomodo ergo misericorditer remissurus est illo anno quo remittendum est, si crudeliter cogitat illo tempore dandum non esse quo dandum est?
21. (15:9) Take heed to yourself, lest there be a hidden word in your heart, an iniquity, saying: The seventh year, the year of remission, draws near; and your eye be grudging toward your needy brother, and you give him nothing: and he cry out against you to the Lord, and there be in you a great sin. (Deut 15:9) He finely called this a hidden word; for no one who could have thought it dares to say this: that a loan ought not therefore to be given to the needy because the year of remission draws near, when God for the sake of mercy commanded both—that something be lent when anyone is in need, and that it be remitted in the year of remission. How, then, will a man mercifully remit in that year in which there is to be remission, if he cruelly thinks that nothing ought to be given at the time when it ought to be given?
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo liberatio suorum intellegenda sit.
How the freeing of one's own is to be understood.
22. (15, 12) Si autem venumdatus fuerit tibi frater tuus Hebraeus aut Hebraea, serviet tibi sex annis, et septimo dimittes eum liberum a te. Hos emptos non anno remissionis remitti voluit, quem septimum quemque observari oportebat ab omnibus; sed anno septimo emptionis eius, quotocumque anno illorum septimus iste annus occurreret.
22. (15:12) But if your brother, a Hebrew man or a Hebrew woman, is sold to you, he shall serve you six years, and in the seventh you shall send him away free from you. (Deut 15:12) He did not will these purchased persons to be released in the year of remission, which every seventh year had to be observed by all; but in the seventh year of his purchase, in whatever year of those this seventh year fell.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quae primogenita offerri iubeat.
What firstlings he commands to be offered.
23. (15, 19) Omne primogenitum quod natum fuerit in bobus tuis, et in ovibus tuis, masculina sanctificabis Domino Deo tuo. Quaerendum utrum quae Graece dicuntur πρωτότοκα, nec Latine dici nisi primogenita potuerunt, in his tantum intellegenda sunt, quae nascuntur ex matribus: ipsa enim proprie pariuntur potius quam gignuntur. "Parere" quippe est τίκτειν, quod est ex femina, unde πρωτότοκον dicitur: "gignere" autem est γεννᾶν, unde proprie Latine primogenitus dicitur. Ex feminis autem dabantur primitiva, id est quae prima pariebantur, non quae prima gignebantur a viris, si forte ex viduis quae iam pepererant gignerentur. Non enim aliter essent quae aperirent vulvam, quod proprium voluit esse Lex eorum quae primo nata Domino debebantur.
23. (15:19) Every firstling that is born among your oxen and among your sheep, the males you shall sanctify to the Lord your God. (Deut 15:19) It must be asked whether the things that are called in Greek πρωτότοκα, and could not be called in Latin except firstborn (primogenita), are to be understood only of those which are born of mothers: for these, properly speaking, are brought forth (parere) rather than begotten. For "to bring forth" is τίκτειν, which is from the female, whence πρωτότοκον is said: but "to beget" is γεννᾶν, whence properly in Latin primogenitus (firstbegotten) is said. From the females, however, were given the firstlings, that is, those first brought forth, not those first begotten by males, in case any happened to be begotten by males upon widows who had already given birth. For otherwise they would not be such as opened the womb, which the Law willed to be the property of those things first born that were owed to the Lord.
QsHept.5.15.4
Si ergo est in his verbis certa distinctio, non frustra Dominus non dicitur a Patre μονότοκος, sed μονογενής, id est unigenitus, quod est unicus: a mortuis autem primogenitus (Col 1, 18) quidem Latine dicitur, quia non potuit Latinum verbum ita componi secundum loquendi consuetudinem; Graece autem πρωτότοκος dicitur, non πρωτογενὴς: tamquam Pater genuerit aequalem sibi, creatura vero pepererit. Nam et quod dicitur primogenitus omnis creaturae (Col 1, 15), quae et ibi πρωτότοκος Graece legitur, potest ita intellegi secundum novam creaturam, de qua dicit Apostolus: si qua igitur in Christo nova creatura (2 Cor 5, 17): ex qua ille primitivus est, quia primitus ita resurrexit, ut iam non moriatur, nec ei mors ultra dominetur (Rom 6, 9); quod novae creaturae, quae in illo est, futurum promittitur in fine.
If, then, there is in these words a sure distinction, it is not in vain that the Lord is not called by the Father μονότοκος, but μονογενής, that is, only-begotten, which means unique: but he is called firstborn from the dead (Col 1:18) in Latin indeed, because a Latin word could not be so composed according to the custom of speech; in Greek, however, he is called πρωτότοκος, not πρωτογενής: as though the Father had begotten one equal to himself, but the creation had brought forth. For what is said, the firstborn of all creation (Col 1:15)—which there too is read in Greek as πρωτότοκος—can be understood thus according to the new creation, of which the Apostle says: if, then, anyone is in Christ, a new creation (2 Cor 5:17): of which he is the firstling, because he first rose in such a way that he now dies no more, nor does death have dominion over him any longer (Rom 6:9); which is promised to come to pass in the end for the new creation that is in him.
QsHept.5.15.4
Sed ista distinctio non temere affirmanda, sed in Scripturis diligentius perscrutanda est. Movet enim quemadmodum dici potuit in Proverbiis: primogenite, tibi dico, fili (Prov 31, 2); id est, ex cuius persona dictum intellegatur. Si enim ex Dei Patris persona ad Christum dicitur (cui sententiae utrum sequentia consonent vix est asserere), eumdem dicit primogenitum quem unigenitum: primogenitum, quia etiam nos filii Dei sumus (Cf. 1 Io 3, 2); unigenitum vero, quoniam solus ille de substantia Patris et Patri aequalis atque coaeternus est. Mirum est autem utrum inter "parere" et "gignere" evidentissimis documentis Sacra Scriptura distinguat.
But this distinction is not to be rashly affirmed, but to be more carefully searched out in the Scriptures. For it is troubling how it could be said in Proverbs: firstborn, I say to you, my son (Prov 31:2); that is, in whose person it is to be understood as said. For if it is said in the person of God the Father to Christ (and whether what follows is consonant with this view can scarcely be asserted), it calls the same one firstborn whom it calls only-begotten: firstborn, because we too are sons of God (See 1 Jn 3:2); but only-begotten, because he alone is of the substance of the Father and equal to the Father and coeternal with him. But it is doubtful whether Sacred Scripture distinguishes between "to bring forth" and "to beget" by the most evident proofs.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo boves offerri iubentur.
How oxen are commanded to be offered.
24. (16, 2) Et immolabis Pascha Domino Deo tuo, oves et boves. Quid sibi vult hoc, quod addidit, boves; cum immolationem Paschae de ove tantummodo commendaverit, quam iussit accipi ex ovibus et haedis vel ex capris? quod mystice accipitur propter Christum, cuius ex iustis et peccatoribus est origo carnalis. Non enim ait: "ex ovibus aut capris," licet proprie non possit intellegi "ovis ex capris": sed ne forte Iudaei dicerent subaudiendum caprum si dictum esset: "aut ex capris"; dictum est, ex ovibus et capris (Ex 12, 5). Quid ergo hic sibi volunt boves? An propter alia sacrificia quae ipsis diebus azymorum sunt immolanda?
24. (16:2) And you shall sacrifice the Passover to the Lord your God, sheep and oxen. (Deut 16:2) What does this mean, that he added oxen; when he commended the sacrifice of the Passover from a sheep only, which he commanded to be taken from the sheep and the kids or from the goats? This is taken mystically on account of Christ, whose carnal origin is from the just and from sinners. For he did not say: "from the sheep or the goats," although strictly "a sheep from the goats" cannot be understood: but lest perhaps the Jews should say that a goat was to be supplied if it had been said "or from the goats," it was said, from the sheep and goats. (Ex 12:5) What, then, do the oxen mean here? Is it on account of other sacrifices which are to be offered on those same days of unleavened bread?
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo praecipiatur alia intermissio.
How another interval is enjoined.
25. (16, 9-11) Quaerendum quomodo praeceperit observari quod ait: septem septimanas integras dinumerabis tibi ipsi, inchoare te falcem iniicere in messem: incipies numerare septem septimanas, et facies diem festum septimanarum Domino Deo tuo, prout valet manus tua, quaecumque Dominus tibi dederit, secundum quod benedicet te Dominus Deus tuus; et epulaberis ante Dominum Deum tuum. Si enim ab universo populo haec pentecoste iussa est observari, numquid omnes uno die credendum est falcem iussos mittere in messem? Si autem sibi quisque observat istam quinquagesimam, dinumerans ab illo die quo falcem mittit, non una est universo populo: illa vero una est quae computatur ab immolatione Paschae usque in diem datae Legis in Sina.
25. (16:9-11) It must be asked how he commanded the observance of what he says: seven full weeks you shall count for yourself, from when you begin to put the sickle to the harvest: you shall begin to count seven weeks, and you shall keep a feast of weeks to the Lord your God, as much as your hand is able, whatever the Lord has given you, according as the Lord your God blesses you; and you shall feast before the Lord your God. (Deut 16:9-11) For if this Pentecost was commanded to be observed by the whole people, are we to believe that all were commanded to put the sickle to the harvest on one day? But if each one observes this fiftieth day for himself, counting from that day on which he puts the sickle in, it is not one and the same for the whole people: whereas that one is one and the same which is reckoned from the sacrifice of the Passover up to the day on which the Law was given on Sinai.
QsHept.5.15.4
Si rex praecipitur constitui de tribus cur displicuit postea quod Saul rex eligit.
If a king is commanded to be appointed from the tribes, why it afterward displeased that Saul was chosen king.
26. (17, 14-15) Si autem intraveris in terram quam Dominus Deus tuus dat tibi in sorte, et haereditaveris eam, et habitaveris in ea, et dices: 'constituam super me principes, sicut et caeterae gentes quae circa me sunt; constituendo constitues super te principem, quem elegerit Dominus Deus tuus ipsum: ex fratribus tuis constitues super te principem; non poteris constituere super te hominem alienum, quia non est frater tuus.' Quaeri potest cur displicuerit populus Deo, quando regem desideravit (Cf. 1 Reg 8, 7), cum hic inveniatur esse permissus. Sed magis hinc intellegendum est, merito non fuisse secundum voluntatem Dei, quia fieri hoc non praecepit, sed desiderantibus permisit. Verumtamen praecepit, ne fieret alienus, sed frater, id est, ex eodem populo indigena non alienigena. Quod autem ait: non poteris, intellegendum est, "non debebis."
26. (17:14-15) But if you enter into the land which the Lord your God gives you as your lot, and inherit it, and dwell in it, and say: I will set leaders over me, like the other nations also that are around me; in appointing you shall appoint over yourself a leader, whom the Lord your God shall choose: from your brethren you shall appoint a leader over yourself; you cannot appoint over yourself a foreign man, because he is not your brother. (Deut 17:14-15) It can be asked why the people displeased God when they desired a king, (See 1 Sam 8:7) since here it is found to be permitted. But rather from this it is to be understood that it was rightly not according to the will of God, because he did not command this to be done, but permitted it to those who desired it. Nevertheless he commanded that the king should not be a foreigner, but a brother, that is, a native of the same people, not a foreigner. As for what it says, you cannot, it is to be understood, "you ought not."
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo rex vetetur multiplicare uxores.
How the king is forbidden to multiply wives.
27. (17, 17) De rege cum loqueretur ait: non multiplicabit sibi uxores, ut non discedat cor eius: et argentum et aurum non multiplicabit sibi valde. Unde quaeritur utrum David contra hoc praeceptum non fecerit: non enim unam habuit uxorem (Cf. 2 Reg 5, 13). Nam de Salomone manifestum est quod transgressus fuerit hoc praeceptum, et in feminis, et in auro, et in argento. Sed hinc potius intellegitur permissum fuisse regibus, ut plures haberent quam unam: multiplicare enim prohibiti sunt: quae prohibitio non habet transgressionem, si paucae fuerint, sicut David fuerunt; non autem multae, sicut Salomoni. Quamvis cum addidit: ut non discedat cor eius, hoc magis videtur praecepisse, ne multiplicando perveniat ad alienigenas feminas: per quas factum est in Salomone, ut discederet cor eius a Deo (Cf. 3 Reg 11, 1-6). Multiplicatio tamen generaliter ita prohibita est, ut etiamsi ex Hebraeis solis eas multiplicasset, contra hoc praeceptum fecisse merito argui posset.
27. (17:17) Speaking of the king, he said: he shall not multiply wives for himself, lest his heart turn away: and silver and gold he shall not greatly multiply for himself. (Deut 17:17) Hence it is asked whether David did not act against this commandment: for he did not have one wife. (See 2 Sam 5:13) For concerning Solomon it is plain that he transgressed this commandment, both in women, and in gold, and in silver. But from this it is rather understood that it was permitted to kings to have more than one: for they were forbidden to multiply: which prohibition involves no transgression if they were few, as David's were; but not many, as Solomon's were. Although, when he added: lest his heart turn away, he seems rather to have commanded this, lest by multiplying he should come to foreign women: through whom it came to pass in Solomon that his heart turned away from God. (See 1 Kgs 11:1-6) Yet the multiplying is forbidden generally, so that even if he had multiplied them from Hebrews alone, he could rightly be charged with having acted against this commandment.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quae sit pars propter venditionem.
What the portion is on account of the sale.
28. (18, 6-8) Si autem supervenerit Levites ex una civitatum tuarum, ex omnibus filiis Israel, ubi ipse incolit, secundum quod cupit anima eius in locum quem elegerit Dominus, id est, si desideraverit ire ad locum ubi Dominus invocatur; et ministrabit nomini Domini Dei sui, sicut omnes fratres eius Levitae, qui astant ibi coram Domino: partem partitam edet, praeter venditionem, quae est secundum familiam.
28. (18:6-8) But if a Levite comes from one of your cities, from all the children of Israel, where he dwells, according as his soul desires, to the place which the Lord shall choose, that is, if he desires to go to the place where the Lord is invoked; and he ministers to the name of the Lord his God, like all his brethren the Levites who stand there before the Lord: he shall eat an allotted portion, besides the sale which is according to the family. (Deut 18:6-8)
QsHept.5.15.4
Quam dicat venditionem, obscurum est: nisi forte quia decimationes et primogenita praecepit vendi ab eis qui in longinquo habitarent, ne multa cogerentur portare ad locum invocationis Domini, vel pecora ducere, ut illic ab eis denuo emerentur ex eodem pretio; et iusserat habere ibi partem Levitam, qui maneret in ea civitate, unde illae decimationes et primogenita debebantur. Et ideo dixit secundum familiam hoc deberi Levitae, quoniam ex successione qua succedit parentibus suis, hoc circa eum servari oportet, quod parentibus exhibitum est.
What he calls the sale is obscure: unless perhaps because he commanded that tithes and firstlings be sold by those who dwelt far off, lest they be compelled to carry many things to the place of the Lord's invocation, or to lead cattle, so that there they might be bought back from them again at the same price; and he had commanded that the Levite who remained in that city, from which those tithes and firstlings were owed, should have a portion there. And therefore he said that this was owed to the Levite according to the family, because, by the succession in which he succeeds his forebears, what was rendered to his forebears ought to be observed in his regard.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo portentorum inspectores prohibeantur cum portenta ecclesia inspiciat.
How inspectors of portents are forbidden, when the Church inspects portents.
29. (18, 10-11) Quoniam portentorum inspectores prohibet esse in populo Dei, quaerendum est quomodo ista portenta quae inspici prohibentur, discernantur ab eis quae divinitus ita dantur, ut quid significent dici debeant: sicut omnia miracula, quae in Scripturis reperiuntur significantia quod pertineat ad regulam fidei; sicut dicimus quid significaverit vellus in area compluta siccum, vel in sicca area complutum (Cf. Iudc 6, 37-39); aut virga Aaron quae floruit (Cf. Num 17, 8), et nuces attulit; et caetera huiusmodi. Sicut autem discernuntur divinationes, quas consequenter prohibet, a praedictionibus vel annuntiationibus Prophetarum, sic illae inspectiones prodigiorum a significationibus divinorum miraculorum discernendae sunt.
29. (18:10-11) Since he forbids there to be inspectors of portents among the people of God, it must be asked how these portents which are forbidden to be inspected are to be distinguished from those which are given by God in such a way that it ought to be said what they signify: such as all the miracles which are found in the Scriptures signifying what pertains to the rule of faith; as when we say what the fleece signified, dry on the rain-soaked threshing floor, or rain-soaked on the dry floor (See Judg 6:37-39); or Aaron's rod which blossomed (See Num 17:8) and brought forth nuts; and other things of this kind. As the divinations which he forbids next are distinguished from the predictions or announcements of the Prophets, so those inspections of prodigies are to be distinguished from the significations of divine miracles.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo Deo coagere praecipimur.
How we are commanded to act together with God.
30. (20, 4) Quoniam Dominus Deus vester, qui praecedit vobiscum, simul debellabit vobiscum inimicos vestros, et salvos faciet vos. Ecce quemadmodum et in spiritalibus conflictibus sperandum et petendum est adiutorium Dei, non ut nos nihil faciamus, sed ut adiuti cooperemur. Sic enim ait: debellabit vobiscum, ut etiam ipsos acturos quod agendum esset ostenderet.
30. (20:4) For the Lord your God, who goes before with you, will fight together with you against your enemies, and will save you. (Deut 20:4) Behold how, even in spiritual conflicts, the help of God is to be hoped for and asked—not that we should do nothing, but that, being helped, we should work together. For it says thus: he will fight with you, so as to show that they too would do what was to be done.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo cui domus non est dedicata iubetur reverti in domum ne moriatur in bello, etc.
How a man for whom a house has not been dedicated is bidden to return home, lest he die in war, and so on.
31. (20, 5-7) Et loquentur scribae ad populum dicentes: 'quis est homo qui aedificavit domum novam, et non dedicavit eam? vadat, et revertatur in domum suam, ne moriatur in bello, et homo alius dedicet eam. Et quis est homo qui pastinavit vineam, et non est epulatus ex ea? vadat, et revertatur in domum suam, ne moriatur in bello, et homo alius epuletur ex ea. Et quis est homo qui sponsavit uxorem, et non accepit eam? vadat, et redeat in domum suam, ne moriatur in bello, et homo alius accipiat eam.'
31. (20:5-7) And the scribes shall speak to the people, saying: Who is the man who has built a new house, and has not dedicated it? let him go, and return to his house, lest he die in war, and another man dedicate it. And who is the man who has planted a vineyard, and has not feasted from it? let him go, and return to his house, lest he die in war, and another man feast from it. And who is the man who has betrothed a wife, and has not taken her? let him go, and return to his house, lest he die in war, and another man take her. (Deut 20:5-7)
QsHept.5.15.4
Possunt movere ista, quasi meliore conditione moriantur in bello, qui iam dedicaverunt aedificia sua, iamque epulati sunt de novellis, iamque duxerunt sponsas suas, quam ii qui nondum. Sed quoniam his rebus tenetur humanus affectus, et magni aestimantur haec ab hominibus; intellegendum est ad hoc ista dici in bellum procedentibus, ut quisquis animo his tenetur, appareat cum revertitur, ne propter hoc minus fortiter agat, dum timet ne ante moriatur, quam domum dedicaverit, aut de novella sua biberit, aut sponsam suam duxerit. Nam utique quantum ad feminam pertinet, melius alteri nubit intacta quam vidua: sed haec, ut dixi, instituta sunt propter virorum animos explorandos.
These things can be troubling, as though those who have already dedicated their buildings, and have already feasted from the new vineyards, and have already taken their betrothed, die in war in a better condition than those who have not yet done so. But since human feeling is held by these things, and they are highly esteemed by men, it is to be understood that these things are said to those going out to war for this reason: that whoever is held in mind by these things may show it when he returns, lest on this account he act less bravely, while he fears lest he die before he has dedicated his house, or drunk from his new vineyard, or taken his betrothed. For surely, as far as concerns the woman, it is better that she marry another untouched than as a widow: but these things, as I said, were instituted for testing the minds of the men.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quae vasa vetentur super mulierem.
What implements are forbidden upon a woman.
32. (22, 5) Non erunt vasa viri super mulierem: vasa bellica vult intellegi, id est, arma. Nam quidam etiam hoc interpretati sunt.
32. (22:5) The implements of a man shall not be upon a woman (Deut 22:5): he means implements of war to be understood, that is, weapons. For some too have interpreted it thus.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo maior poena significetur in muliere quam in viro si uterque defecerit.
How a greater penalty is indicated for the woman than for the man, if each has failed.
33. (22, 13-21) Si autem quis acceperit uxorem, et habitaverit cum ea, et oderit eam, et imponat ei occasionis verba, et detulerit ei nomen malignum, et dixerit: 'mulierem hanc accepi, et accedens ad eam non inveni eius virginalia': et accipiens pater puellae, et mater, producent virginalia puellae ad seniores ad portam, et dicet pater puellae senioribus: 'filiam meam hanc dedi homini huic uxorem, et odio habens eam, ipse nunc imponit ei occasionis verba dicens: 'non inveni filiae tuae virginalia': et ecce virginalia filiae meae.' Et replicabunt pallium coram senibus civitatis illius. Et accipient senes civitatis hominem illum, et castigabunt eum, et damnificabunt eum centum siclis, et dabunt patri adolescentulae; quia protulit nomen malum super virginem Israelitem: et ipsius erit uxor; non poterit dimittere eam perpetuo tempore. Si autem verum factum sit hoc verbum, et non inveniantur virginalia puellae, et producent adolescentulam ad ianuam domus patris ipsius, et lapidabunt eam viri civitatis eius in lapidibus, et morietur; quoniam fecit impudentiam in filiis Israel, prostituere domum patris sui: et auferes malignum ex vobis ipsis.
33. (22:13-21) But if someone takes a wife, and dwells with her, and hates her, and lays against her words of accusation, and brings upon her an evil name, and says: I took this woman, and going in to her I did not find her tokens of virginity: then the father of the girl, and the mother, taking them, shall bring forth the girl's tokens of virginity to the elders at the gate, and the father of the girl shall say to the elders: I gave this my daughter to this man as a wife, and, hating her, he now lays against her words of accusation, saying: I did not find your daughter's tokens of virginity: and behold, my daughter's tokens of virginity. And they shall spread out the garment before the elders of that city. And the elders of the city shall take that man, and chastise him, and fine him a hundred shekels, and give them to the father of the young woman; because he brought an evil name upon a virgin of Israel: and she shall be his wife; he cannot put her away for all time. But if this word is true, and the girl's tokens of virginity are not found, then they shall bring forth the young woman to the door of her father's house, and the men of her city shall stone her with stones, and she shall die; because she committed shamelessness among the children of Israel, in prostituting her father's house: and you shall remove the evil from among yourselves. (Deut 22:13-21)
QsHept.5.15.4
Satis hinc apparet quemadmodum subditas feminas viris, et pene famulas Lex esse voluerit uxores: quod dicens adversus uxorem vir testimonium unde lapidaretur illa, si hoc verum esse demonstraretur; ipse tamen non vicissim lapidatur, si hoc falsum esse constiterit; sed tantummodo castigatur, et damnificatur, eique perpetuo iubetur adhaerere qua carere voluerat. In aliis autem causis, eum qui testimonio falso cuiquam nocuerit, quo, si probaretur, iussit occidi, eadem poena plecti iubet, qua fuerat, si verum esset, iste plectendus.
It appears well enough from this how the Law willed wives to be subject to their husbands, and almost their servants: for the man, in giving testimony against his wife on the strength of which she would be stoned if it were shown to be true, is not himself stoned in turn if it is established to be false; but is only chastised, and fined, and bidden to cleave perpetually to her whom he had wished to be rid of. But in other cases, the one who has harmed someone by false testimony, whereby, if it were proved, he had bidden that person to be killed, he bids to be punished with the same penalty with which the other, if it were true, would have had to be punished.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo violata iubetur retineri.
How a woman who has been violated is bidden to be retained.
34. (22, 28-29. 19.) Si autem invenerit aliquis puellam virginem quae sponsata non est, et vim faciens ei dormierit cum ea, et inventus fuerit; dabit homo qui dormivit cum ea, patri puellae quinquaginta didrachma argenti, et ipsius erit uxor; quia humiliavit eam: non poterit dimittere eam per omne tempus.
34. (22:28-29, 19) But if someone finds a virgin girl who is not betrothed, and, forcing her, lies with her, and is found out; the man who lay with her shall give to the girl's father fifty didrachmas of silver, and she shall be his wife; because he humbled her: he cannot put her away for all time. (Deut 22:28-29, 19)
QsHept.5.15.4
Merito quaeritur utrum ista poena sit, ut non eam possit dimittere per omne tempus, quam inordinate atque illicite violavit. Si enim ob hoc intellegere voluerimus eam non posse, id est non debere dimitti per omne tempus, quia uxor effecta est, occurrit illud quod permisit Moyses dare libellum repudii, et dimittere (Cf. Deut 24, 3-4; Mt 5, 31; 19, 7; Mc 10, 4). In his autem qui illicite vitiant, noluit licere, ne ad ludibrium fecisse videatur, et potius finxisse quod eam uxorem duxerit, quam vere placitoque duxisse. Hoc et de illa iussum est, cui fuerit vir calumniatus de virginalibus non inventis.
It is rightly asked whether this is a penalty, that he cannot for all time put away her whom he violated in a disorderly and unlawful way. For if we should wish to understand on this account that he cannot, that is, ought not, put her away for all time, because she has been made his wife, there occurs that which Moses permitted—to give a bill of divorce and to put her away. (See Deut 24:3-4; Mt 5:31; 19:7; Mk 10:4) But in the case of those who unlawfully corrupt a woman, he did not will it to be permitted, lest he should seem to have acted in mockery, and rather to have pretended that he took her as a wife than to have truly and willingly taken her. This was commanded also concerning the woman against whom her husband brought a false charge about tokens of virginity not found.
QsHept.5.15.4
Si Moabites vetantur intrare Ecclesiam Domini in aeternum, quomodo Ruth intravit.
If Moabites are forbidden to enter the Church of the Lord forever, how Ruth entered.
35. (23, 3-4) Non intrabit Ammanites et Moabites in Ecclesiam Domini, et usque ad decimam generationem non intrabit in Ecclesiam Domini, et usque in aeternum.
35. (23:3-4) An Ammonite and a Moabite shall not enter the Church of the Lord, and up to the tenth generation he shall not enter the Church of the Lord, and forever. (Deut 23:3-4)
QsHept.5.15.4
Quaestio est, quomodo intraverit Ruth quae Moabitis fuit (Cf. Ruth 1, 22), de qua etiam caro Domini originem ducit (Cf. Mt 1, 5). Nisi forte istam mystice prophetaverit intraturam, quod ait, usque ad decimam generationem. Computantur enim generationes ex Abraham, quando fuit et Lot qui genuit Moabitas et Ammanitas ex filiabus (Cf. Gen 19, 37-38); et inveniuntur cum ipso Abraham compleri decem generationes usque ad Salmon, qui genuit Booz, qui maritus secundus fuit Ruth. Sunt enim istae, Abraham, Isaac, Iacob, Iudas, Phares, Esrom, Aram, Aminadab, Naason, Salmon: Salmon quippe genuit Booz (Cf. 1 Par 2, 11), qui viduam duxit Ruth; ac per hoc videtur post decimam generationem genus fecisse in Ecclesia Domini pariendo filios ipsi Booz.
The question is how Ruth entered, who was a Moabite, (See Ruth 1:22) from whom even the flesh of the Lord draws its origin. (See Mt 1:5) Unless perhaps it prophesied mystically that she would enter, in what it says, up to the tenth generation. For the generations are reckoned from Abraham, when there was also Lot, who begot the Moabites and Ammonites by his daughters (See Gen 19:37-38); and they are found, with Abraham himself, to complete ten generations up to Salmon, who begot Boaz, who was the second husband of Ruth. For these are they: Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Judah, Perez, Hezron, Ram, Amminadab, Nahshon, Salmon: for Salmon begot Boaz (See 1 Chr 2:11), who married the widow Ruth; and by this it seems that after the tenth generation she produced offspring in the Church of the Lord by bearing sons to Boaz himself.
QsHept.5.15.4
Sed cur additum sit: et usque in aeternum, merito adhuc quaeritur. An quia deinceps nulla anima de Ammanitis et Moabitis intravit in illam Ecclesiam populi Hebraeorum, posteaquam ista generatione decima prophetia completa est?
But why it was added: and forever, is still rightly asked. Is it because afterward no soul from among the Ammonites and Moabites entered into that Church of the Hebrew people, after the prophecy was fulfilled in that tenth generation?
QsHept.5.15.4
An potius ita dictum est: et usque ad decimam generationem, ut omnino semper intellegi voluerit, per denarii numeri quamdam universitatem, ut hoc exposuerit quodammodo addendo et dicendo: et usque in aeternum? Quod si ita est, Ruth contra praeceptum vetitum videtur admissa.
Or rather was it said thus: and up to the tenth generation, so that he meant it to be understood as always, through a kind of totality of the number ten, so that he expounded this in a manner by adding and saying: and forever? But if this is so, Ruth seems to have been admitted against the forbidding precept.
QsHept.5.15.4
An Ammanitas prohibuit admitti, non Ammanitidas, id est, viros inde, non feminas? maxime quia cum evertissent Israelitae ipsam gentem, omnes viros occidere iussi sunt, feminas autem non, nisi eas quae noverant concubitum viri (Cf. Num 31, 17-18); quoniam ipsae in fornicationem seduxerant populum: virgines autem salvas esse voluerunt, non eis imputantes culpam qua everti illa gens meruit;
Or did he forbid Ammonite men to be admitted, not Ammonite women, that is, men from there, not women? especially because, when the Israelites had overthrown that very nation, they were commanded to kill all the males, but not the females, except those who had known intercourse with a man (See Num 31:17-18); since these had seduced the people into fornication: but they willed the virgins to be kept safe, not imputing to them the fault by which that nation deserved to be overthrown;
QsHept.5.15.4
quam etiam hic commemoravit, velut quaereretur cur Moabitas et Ammanitas admitti noluerit in Ecclesiam Domini: subiunxit enim: eo quod non obviaverint vobis cum panibus et aqua in via, cum exiretis de Aegypto, et quia conduxerunt adversum te Balaam filium Beor de Mesopotamia, ut malediceret te. Has culpas nec tunc, quando illa gens debellata est, feminis imputaverunt, quas salvas conservare maluerunt.
which fault he also mentioned here, as though it were asked why he was unwilling for the Moabites and Ammonites to be admitted into the Church of the Lord: for he added: because they did not meet you with bread and water on the way, when you were going out of Egypt, and because they hired against you Balaam the son of Beor from Mesopotamia, to curse you. These faults they did not impute, even then when that nation was subdued, to the women, whom they chose rather to preserve safe.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo servum fugitivum restitui vetet.
How he forbids a fugitive slave to be restored.
36. (23, 15-16) Non trades puerum domino suo, qui appositus est tibi a domino suo: non quod dominus eius eum apposuerit, id est commendaverit; potius enim "depositum" diceret; sed appositum dixit a domino suo, id est huic adiunctum, cum ab illo abscessisset: non ergo suscipi, sed reddi potius prohibuit fugitivos. Hoc quidem putari potest, nisi intellegamus genti et populo ista dici, non uni homini. Ex alia itaque gentem refugientem ad istam gentem cui loquebatur, hominem a domino suo, id est a rege suo, reddi prohibuit: quod etiam alienigena servavit Achis rex Geth, quando ad eum refugit David a facie domini sui, hoc est, regis Saul (Cf. 1 Reg 21, 10). Apertissime autem hoc explanat, cum dicit de ipso refuga: in vobis habitabit, in omni loco ubi placuerit ei.
36. (23:15-16) You shall not hand over a servant to his master, who has been put alongside you by his master (Deut 23:15-16): not that his master put him there, that is, entrusted him; for then it would rather say "deposited"; but it said put alongside by his master, that is, joined to this person when he had departed from that one: so it forbade not that fugitives be received, but rather that they be given back. This indeed could be thought, unless we understand these things to be said to a nation and a people, not to a single man. And so it forbade a man fleeing from another nation to this nation to which he was speaking to be given back to his master, that is, to his king: which even a foreigner observed, Achish king of Gath, when David fled to him from the face of his master, that is, of King Saul. (See 1 Sam 21:10) But he explains this most plainly, when he says of the very fugitive: he shall dwell among you, in every place where it pleases him.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo fornicationem omnem praescribat.
How he prohibits all fornication.
37. (23, 17) Non erit meretrix a filiabus Israel, et non erit fornicans a filiis Israel. Ecce ubi manifeste prohibuit fornicari et viros et feminas etiam cum non alienis coniugibus; peccatum esse demonstrans misceri non coniugibus suis, quando et meretrices esse, et ad meretrices accedere prohibet, quarum publice venalis est turpitudo. In Decalogo autem moechiae nomine non videtur hoc aperte prohibuisse, quoniam moechia nonnisi adulterium intellegi solet. Unde quid nobis videretur, ibi tractavimus (Cf. Quaest. 2, 71, 4).
37. (23:17) There shall be no harlot among the daughters of Israel, and there shall be no fornicator among the sons of Israel. (Deut 23:17) Behold where he plainly forbade both men and women to fornicate even when not with the spouses of others; showing it to be a sin to be joined to those who are not one's own spouses, when he forbids both that there be harlots and that men go in to harlots, whose shamefulness is publicly for sale. But in the Decalogue he does not seem to have plainly forbidden this under the name of adultery (moechia), since adultery is usually understood to be nothing but adultery proper. Hence what seemed good to us we treated there. (See Question 2, 71, 4)
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo mercedem meretricis et pretium canis vetet admitti in domum Domini et quid sit iumentum.
How he forbids the hire of a harlot and the price of a dog to be admitted into the house of the Lord, and what a beast of burden is.
38. (23, 18. 17) Non offeres mercedem meretricis, neque commutationem canis in domum Domini Dei tui ad omne votum, quoniam abominatio Domino Deo tuo est, et utrumque:
38. (23:18, 17) You shall not offer the hire of a harlot, nor the exchange-price of a dog, into the house of the Lord your God for any vow, because both are an abomination to the Lord your God (Deut 23:18, 17):
QsHept.5.15.4
quod ita intellegitur, quoniam abominatio Domino Deo tuo est, et hoc non unum horum, sed utrumque. De cane quippe vetat fieri commutationem primogenitorum, quam iubet fieri de aliis immundis animalibus, id est equis et asinis, et si quid est eorum quae adiuvant hominem, et Latine a iuvando iumenta dicuntur. De cane autem noluit; utrum et de porco, et quare noluerit, requirendum est: et si de omnibus talibus noluit, quare solum canem isto loco exceptum fecerit.
which is understood thus, that it is an abomination to the Lord your God—and this not one of these two, but both. For he forbids the exchange-price of firstlings to be made from a dog, which he bids to be made from other unclean animals, that is, horses and asses, and any of those things which help man, and which in Latin are called iumenta (beasts of burden) from helping (iuvare). But of the dog he was unwilling; whether also of the pig, and why he was unwilling, must be inquired: and if he was unwilling concerning all such animals, why he made only the dog an exception in this place.
QsHept.5.15.4
De mercede autem meretricis ut diceret, videtur ea esse causa, quia superius prohibuerit esse meretricem de filiabus Israel, aut quemquam filiorum Israel uti meretrice: et ne subreperet cogitationi, expiari posse hoc peccatum, si aliquid inde offerretur in Templum, dicendum fuit quod sit abominatio Domino.
But that he should speak of the hire of a harlot, the reason seems to be this: that above he had forbidden there to be a harlot among the daughters of Israel, or any of the sons of Israel to make use of a harlot; and lest it creep into anyone's thought that this sin could be expiated if something from it were offered in the Temple, it had to be said that it is an abomination to the Lord.
QsHept.5.15.4
De verbis: Et auferetur malignus ex vobis.
Concerning the words: And you shall remove the evil one from among you.
39. (24, 7) Morietur fur ille, id est, qui furatus est hominem; et auferetis malignum ex vobis ipsis. Assidue hoc dicit Scriptura (Cf. Deut 22, 21. 24), cum iubet occidi malos: qua locutione usus est etiam Apostolus, cum diceret: quid enim mihi de iis qui foris sunt iudicare? Nonne de iis qui intus sunt, vos iudicatis? Auferte malum ex vobis ipsis (1 Cor 5, 12-13). Nam Graecus habet τὸν πονηρόν quod etiam hic scriptum est: hoc autem potius "malignum" solet interpretari, quam "malum." Nec ait, τὸ πονηρόν, id est, hoc "malignum"; sed τὸν πονηρόν, quod est, hunc "malignum." Ex quo apparet eum voluisse intellegi, qui aliquid tale commisit, ut excommunicatione sit dignus. Hoc enim nunc agit in Ecclesia excommunicatio, quod agebat tunc interfectio. Quamvis et aliter illud apostolicum possit intellegi, ut unusquisque malum vel malignum ex se ipso sit iussus auferre. Qui sensus acceptabilior esset, si hoc malum, vel hoc "malignum," non autem hunc malignum in Graeco inveniretur: nunc vero credibilius est de homine dictum, quam de vitio. Quamquam possit eleganter intellegi etiam homo auferre a se malum hominem, quemadmodum dictum est: exuite vos veterem hominem: quod exponens ait: qui furabatur, iam non furetur (Eph 4, 22. 28).
39. (24:7) That thief shall die, that is, he who has stolen a man; and you shall remove the evil one from among yourselves. (Deut 24:7) Scripture says this constantly, (See Deut 22:21, 24) when it bids the wicked to be killed: a manner of speaking which the Apostle also used, when he said: for what is it to me to judge those who are outside? Do you not judge those who are inside? Remove the evil one from among yourselves. (1 Cor 5:12-13) For the Greek has τὸν πονηρόν, which is also written here: and this is usually rendered "the evil one" rather than "the evil thing." Nor does it say τὸ πονηρόν, that is, this "evil thing"; but τὸν πονηρόν, that is, this "evil one." From which it appears that he meant to be understood the one who has committed some such thing as to be worthy of excommunication. For excommunication now does in the Church what killing did then. Although that apostolic saying can also be understood otherwise, so that each one is bidden to remove the evil or the evil one from himself. Which sense would be more acceptable, if "this evil" or "this evil thing," and not "this evil one," were found in the Greek: but as it is, it is more credible that it was said of a man than of a vice. Although it could elegantly be understood that a man too removes from himself an evil man, just as it is said: put off the old man: which, expounding, he says: let him who stole steal no more. (Eph 4:22, 28)
QsHept.5.15.4
Quid cum dicitur sacerdos Levita innuitur.
What is implied when a priest is called a Levite.
40. (24, 8) Secundum legem omnem quam iuraverint vobis sacerdotes Levitae. Hic apparet omnem sacerdotem Levitam fuisse; quamvis non omnis Levites sacerdos fuerit.
40. (24:8) According to all the law which the Levitical priests shall swear to you. (Deut 24:8) Here it appears that every priest was a Levite; although not every Levite was a priest.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo vetetur pignerator intrare domum eius qui pignus dat et quomodo restitui pignus debetur.
How the one taking a pledge is forbidden to enter the house of him who gives the pledge, and how the pledge must be restored.
41. (24, 10-13) Si debitum fuerit in proximo tuo, debitum quodcumque, non intrabis in domum eius pignerare pignus: foris stabis, et homo apud quem debitum tuum est, proferet tibi pignus foras. Si autem homo eget, non dormies in pignore eius, redditione reddes ei vestimentum suum circa occasum solis; et dormiet in vestimento suo, et benedicet te, et tibi erit misericordia coram Domino Deo tuo.
41. (24:10-13) If there is a debt owed by your neighbor, any debt whatever, you shall not enter his house to take a pledge: you shall stand outside, and the man with whom your debt is shall bring out the pledge to you. But if the man is needy, you shall not sleep on his pledge; in returning you shall return to him his garment about the setting of the sun; and he shall sleep in his garment, and shall bless you, and there shall be to you mercy before the Lord your God. (Deut 24:10-13)
QsHept.5.15.4
Non immerito videtur ad opus misericordiae pertinere ut non intret pignerator in domum, ne fiat perturbatio debitori: sed ex hoc etiam ipsum debitorem admonet pignus foras proferre creditori. Quod vero iubet egenti pignus eodem die restitui, ut in eo dormiat qui non habet ubi dormiat, merito movet, ut requiratur cur non potius creditori praeceperit ut non auferat pignus, quod eodem die oportet ut restituat.
Not without reason does it seem to pertain to a work of mercy that the one taking the pledge should not enter the house, lest disturbance be caused to the debtor: but by this he also admonishes the debtor himself to bring out the pledge to the creditor. As for his bidding that the pledge be restored to the needy man on the same day, so that he may sleep in it who has nowhere to sleep, it rightly prompts us to ask why he did not rather command the creditor not to take away a pledge which he must restore on the same day.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quod si ad compellendum debitorem fieri voluerit, quomodo se urgeat ad reddendum, cum sciat pignus eodem die se recepturum? An forte hoc fieri voluerit propter memoriam, ne obliviscatur reddere, et tunc non reddat si vere non habuerit: maxime quia creditoris sui misericordia vincitur, cui esse non debet ingratus, si pignus receperit in quo dormiat; simul et creditor cum ille non reddiderit, debet eum credere non habere, qui hac etiam indiget misericordia, ut pignus ei propterea restituatur, quod aliud non habet ubi dormiat?
But if he willed it to be done in order to compel the debtor, how does he urge himself to pay, when he knows he will get the pledge back on the same day? Or did he perhaps will this to be done for the sake of memory, lest he forget to pay, and then not pay if he truly had nothing—especially because he is overcome by the mercy of his creditor, to whom he ought not to be ungrateful, if he has received back a pledge in which to sleep; and at the same time the creditor too, when the man has not paid, ought to believe that he has nothing, who needs even this mercy, that the pledge be restored to him for the reason that he has nowhere else to sleep?
QsHept.5.15.4
De verbis: non morientur patres pro filiis, etc.
Concerning the words: The fathers shall not die for the sons, and so on.
42. (24, 16) Non morientur patres pro filiis, et filii non morientur pro patribus: unusquisque in suo peccato morietur. Ecce non solum Prophetae hoc dixerunt (Cf. Ez 18, 18-20), verum etiam Lex dicit, sua culpa quemque interimendum, non autem patris sui, aut filii sui. Quid est ergo quod alibi dicitur: Deus reddens peccata patrum in filios, in tertiam et quartam progeniem? An de filiis nondum natis illud intellegitur, propter originale peccatum, quod etiam ex Adam traxit genus humanum; hic autem de filiis iam natis est facta distinctio, ut unusquisque in suo peccato moriatur? Non enim trahit aliquid ex patre, qui iam natus erat, quando pater eius peccavit. Sed cum et ibi dicit: his qui oderunt me (Ex 20, 5); manifestum est etiam illam conditionem posse mutari, si filii parentum suorum facta non fuerint imitati. Nam et illud ex Adam temporaliter redditur, quia omnes propter hoc moriuntur; non autem in aeternum eis qui fuerint per gratiam spiritaliter regenerati, in eaque permanserint usque in finem.
42. (24:16) The fathers shall not die for the sons, and the sons shall not die for the fathers: each one shall die in his own sin. (Deut 24:16) Behold, not only the Prophets said this, (See Ezek 18:18-20) but the Law too says that each is to be put to death by his own fault, not by that of his father or his son. What, then, is it that is said elsewhere: God repaying the sins of the fathers upon the sons, to the third and fourth generation? Is that understood of sons not yet born, on account of original sin, which the human race has drawn even from Adam; whereas here a distinction has been made about sons already born, that each one may die in his own sin? For he who was already born when his father sinned draws nothing from his father. But since there too it says: to those who hate me (Ex 20:5); it is plain that even that condition can be changed, if the sons have not imitated the deeds of their parents. For that punishment from Adam too is repaid temporally, because all die on this account; but not eternally for those who have been spiritually reborn through grace, and have remained in it to the end.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quamvis et illud merito quaeri possit, si redduntur peccata patrum in filios his qui oderunt Deum, cur in tertiam et quartam generationem, vel praetermissa prima et secunda, vel non etiam in caeteras permanente impietate et imitatione malorum parentum. An per hunc numerum, quoniam septenarius intellegitur, universitatem significare voluit: et ideo non ipsum potius septenarium posuit, ut diceret "in septimam generationem," ac sic omnis intellegeretur; quia causam perfectionis huius numeri hoc modo potius intimavit? Ideo namque perhibetur perfectus, quia ex his duobus constat, ternario scilicet primo impari toto, et quaternario primo pari toto. Unde esse et illud propheticum existimo, quod assidue repetitur: in tribus et quatuor impietatibus non aversabor (Am 1, 3); per quod voluit impietates universas potius quam tres vel quatuor intellegi.
Although it can also rightly be asked, if the sins of the fathers are repaid upon the sons to those who hate God, why to the third and fourth generation, either passing over the first and second, or not also to the rest, when impiety and the imitation of evil parents continues. Or did he, by this number, since seven is understood, mean to signify totality: and therefore did not rather set down the number seven itself, so as to say "to the seventh generation," and thus have it understood as all; because in this way he rather intimated the reason for the perfection of this number? For it is held to be perfect because it consists of these two, namely, three, the first whole odd number, and four, the first whole even number. Hence I think that prophetic saying too which is constantly repeated: for three and four impieties I will not turn away (Amos 1:3); by which he meant all impieties to be understood rather than three or four.
QsHept.5.15.4
De verbis: Non declinabis iudicium advenae...
Concerning the words: You shall not turn aside the judgment of the sojourner . . .
43. (24, 17) Non declinabis iudicium advenae, et orphani, et viduae. Non pignerabis vestimentum viduae. Cur non ait: "et non pignerabis vestimentum eorum"? Quae enim causa est ut trium istorum iudicium declinare vetuerit, pignus autem auferri vestimentum solius viduae, non et illorum?
43. (24:17) You shall not turn aside the judgment of the sojourner, and of the orphan, and of the widow. You shall not take in pledge the garment of the widow. (Deut 24:17) Why does it not say: "and you shall not take in pledge their garment"? For what is the reason that he forbade the judgment of these three to be turned aside, but that the garment be taken in pledge of the widow alone, and not of those others too?
QsHept.5.15.4
Nisi quia iudicia omnium facienda propterea commendavit, quia non habent a quibus defendantur sive advena, quia in terra aliena est; sive orphanus, id est pupillus quia parentibus caret; sive vidua, quia maritum non habet: pignus vero cum prohibet vestimentum auferre viduae, puto quod satis eleganter admoneat, eas vere dicendas esse viduas, quae etiam pauperes sunt. Id enim et Apostolus evidenter ostendit, ubi ait: si qua autem vidua filios et nepotes habet, discat primum domum suam pie tractare, et mutuam vicem parentibus reddere: hoc enim acceptum est coram Domino. Quae autem vere vidua est, et desolata, speravit in Dominum, et persistit in orationibus nocte et die (1 Tim 5, 4-5).
Unless because he commended the judgments of all to be done for this reason, that they have none by whom they may be defended—whether the sojourner, because he is in a foreign land; or the orphan, that is, the fatherless, because he lacks parents; or the widow, because she has no husband: but when he forbids the garment of a widow to be taken in pledge, I think that he admonishes elegantly enough that those are truly to be called widows who are also poor. For the Apostle too plainly shows this, where he says: but if any widow has children or grandchildren, let her learn first to treat her own household piously, and to make a return in turn to her parents: for this is acceptable before the Lord. But she who is truly a widow, and desolate, has hoped in the Lord, and persists in prayers night and day. (1 Tim 5:4-5)
QsHept.5.15.4
Hanc vere viduam dixit, quae non habet a quibus sustentetur; quia non solum viro, sed etiam posteris atque omni ope destituta est: divitem quippe non diceret desolatam. Pauperi itaque pignus non est auferendum vestimentum: nam et hoc ipso quod vestimentum prohibet auferri, pauperem ostendit. Neque enim creditor non potius auferret argentum, vel si quid aliud, quam vestimentum. Porro si occurrerit animo: "quid," si multa habeat vestimenta non necessaria, sed superflua? quomodo intellegitur vere vidua, hoc est non solum desolata, verum etiam quae non in deliciis agit? Quam subiecit dicens: quae autem in deliciis agit, vivens mortua est (1 Tim 5, 6). Hanc quippe opposuit, tamquam e contrario verae viduae, tamquam talis non sit vera vidua. Quaecumque autem divites alias nuptias experiri noluerunt, continentia in eis laudatur, non desolatio commendatur. Hae quippe maritis tantum viduatae sunt, non aliis rebus.
He called her truly a widow who has no one by whom she may be sustained; because she is destitute not only of a husband, but also of descendants and of all means: for he would not call a rich woman desolate. And so the garment is not to be taken in pledge from a poor woman: for by this very thing, that he forbids the garment to be taken away, he shows her to be poor. For surely the creditor would rather take away silver, or anything else, than a garment. Furthermore, if it should occur to the mind: "what if she has many garments, not necessary but superfluous?" how is she understood to be truly a widow, that is, not only desolate, but also one who does not live in luxury? Such a one he set down, saying: but she who lives in luxury is dead while living. (1 Tim 5:6) For this one he set in opposition, as it were contrary to the true widow, as though such a one is not a true widow. But whatever rich women have been unwilling to try other marriages, in them continence is praised, not desolation commended. For these are widowed of husbands only, not of other things.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quae derelinqui et quibus praecipiat.
What things he commands to be left behind, and for whom.
44. (24, 19) Quod admonet, ut in messe oblitum manipulum nemo colligat, et olivam vel uvam relictam nemo repetat diligentius neglecta colligere, et dicit egentibus dimittenda; occurrit forsitan cogitationi: "quid, si haec quae ab agrorum dominis dimittuntur, non egentes, sed improbi colligant?" Sed considerandum primo illum misericordia facere, qui hoc animo dimittit, ut egentes habeant quod dimittitur. Deinde cum haec populo praecipiuntur, simul admonentur ii qui non indigent, ista non quaerere.
44. (24:19) As for his admonition that in the harvest no one gather up a forgotten sheaf, and that no one go back to gather more carefully the olive or the grape left behind that was neglected, and his saying that these are to be left for the needy; perhaps it occurs to the mind: "what if these things which are left by the owners of the fields are gathered not by the needy, but by the dishonest?" But it must be considered, first, that he acts with mercy who leaves them with this intention, that the needy may have what is left. Next, when these things are commanded to the people, those who are not in need are at the same time admonished not to seek these things.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quod si quaesierint, quid aliud quam res alienas, et, quod gravius est, pauperum invadere iudicandi sunt? Utrique ergo commemorantur his praeceptis, et quorum agri sunt, ut misericorditer ea relinquant; et qui indigentes non sunt, ut inde se abstineant: quando utrumque dicitur, et a quibus dimittenda sint, et quibus dimittenda sint.
But if they should seek them, what else are they to be judged but invaders of another's property, and—what is graver—of the property of the poor? Both, therefore, are addressed by these precepts: both those whose fields they are, that they leave these things mercifully; and those who are not in need, that they abstain from them: since both are spoken of, both by whom things are to be left, and for whom they are to be left.
QsHept.5.15.4
Qui iudices intellegendi sunt iudicare.
What judges are to be understood to judge.
45. (25, 1-3) Si autem fuerit altercatio inter homines, et accesserint ad iudicium, et iudicaverint, et iustificaverint iustum. Iudices intellegendi sunt iudicare, non illi qui dicti sunt altercationem habere. Deinde sequitur: et reprehenderint impium. Et erit, si dignus fuerit plagis, qui impie agit, constitues eum in conspectu iudicum, et flagellabunt eum ante se, secundum impietatem eius: numero quadraginta flagellabunt eum; non apponent. Si autem apposuerint flagellare eum super has plagas plures, deturpabitur frater tuus coram te.
45. (25:1-3) But if there is a dispute between men, and they come to judgment, and they judge, and they justify the just one. The judges are to be understood to judge, not those who were said to have the dispute. Then it follows: and they condemn the impious one. And it shall be, if the one who acts impiously is worthy of stripes, you shall set him before the judges, and they shall scourge him in their presence, according to his impiety: they shall scourge him to the number of forty; they shall not add. But if they add to scourge him more stripes beyond these, your brother will be disfigured before you. (Deut 25:1-3)
QsHept.5.15.4
Valde advertendum est. Cum ea peccata plagis emendanda praeceperit, quae digna non sunt mortis supplicio vindicari, et hoc tam paucis plagis; eum tamen qui caeditur, appellavit impium vel impie agentem: ut noverimus, non sicut plurimi loquuntur, locutas esse Scripturas; quas incuriosius legimus, cum putamus adulterium non esse impietatem, quia in hominem videtur peccasse qui hoc fecerit, cum illud peccatum morte plecti iubeat Lex (Cf. Deut 22, 22); et his peccatis graviores esse dicimus impietates, cum sint earum quaedam quae flagelli plagis quadraginta puniuntur. Est itaque levis impietas, quae verbere digna est; et est gravior quae morte digna est: ita etiam illa peccata quae non in Deum, sed in hominem videntur admitti, sunt morte digna quaedam; sunt alia correptione, seu verbere, seu venia faciliore. Ita enim locutos esse Septuaginta interpretes constat, ut etiam illius qui plagis dignus est, impietatem vocaverint.
It must be greatly noted. Since he commanded those sins to be corrected by stripes which are not worthy to be punished by the penalty of death, and that by so few stripes; yet the one who is beaten he called impious, or one acting impiously: so that we may know that the Scriptures did not speak as most people speak; for we read them too carelessly when we think that adultery is not impiety, because the one who has done this seems to have sinned against a man, although the Law bids that sin to be punished with death (See Deut 22:22); and we say that impieties are graver than these sins, when there are some of them which are punished with forty stripes of the scourge. There is, then, a light impiety, which is worthy of a beating; and there is a graver one which is worthy of death: so too those sins which seem to be committed not against God, but against man, are some worthy of death; others worthy of reproof, or a beating, or an easier pardon. For it is established that the Seventy translators so spoke as to call even the impiety of one who is worthy of stripes.
QsHept.5.15.4
Quomodo frater defuncti fratris uxorem ducat.
How a brother is to marry the wife of his deceased brother.
46. 1. (25, 5-6) Si autem habitaverint fratres in unum, et mortuus fuerit unus ex eis, semen autem non fuerit ei; non erit uxor defuncti foris non appropianti: frater viri eius intrabit ad eam, et accipiet eam sibi uxorem, et cohabitabit ei. Et erit, infans quicumque natus fuerit, constituetur ex defuncti nomine, et non delebitur nomen eius ex Israel.
46. 1. (25:5-6) But if brothers dwell together, and one of them dies, and he has no offspring; the wife of the deceased shall not be outside to a man not akin: the brother of her husband shall go in to her, and shall take her to himself as a wife, and shall dwell with her. And it shall be, whatever child is born shall be reckoned by the name of the deceased, and his name shall not be blotted out from Israel. (Deut 25:5-6)
QsHept.5.15.4
Videtur hoc praecepisse Lex de fratris uxore ducenda, non ob aliud, nisi ut semen suscitet fratri qui sine liberis defunctus est. Quod autem ait: constituetur ex defuncti nomine, et non delebitur nomen eius ex Israel, id est nomen defuncti; ex hoc videtur dictum, ut ille qui nascitur, hoc nomine appelletur, quo appellabatur defunctus, cui quodam modo propagatur.
The Law seems to have commanded this about marrying a brother's wife for no other reason than to raise up offspring for the brother who has died without children. As for what it says, shall be reckoned by the name of the deceased, and his name shall not be blotted out from Israel, that is, the name of the deceased; from this it seems to be said that the one who is born should be called by that name by which the deceased was called, to whom he is in a manner propagated.
QsHept.5.15.4
Unde nobis visum est magis secundum adoptionis morem solvere in Evangelio quaestionem de duobus patribus Ioseph (Cf. De Cons. Ev. 2, 3), quorum unum commemorat Matthaeus, eum scilicet qui genuit Ioseph (Cf. Mt 1, 16); alterum Lucas, eum cuius filius erat Ioseph (Cf. Lc 3, 23): quoniam nullius eorum nomen Ioseph accepit.
Hence it seemed better to us to resolve, according to the custom of adoption, the question in the Gospel about the two fathers of Joseph (See Agreement among the Evangelists 2.3)—one of whom Matthew mentions, namely the one who begot Joseph (See Mt 1:16); the other Luke, the one whose son Joseph was (See Lk 3:23): since Joseph did not take the name of either of them.
QsHept.5.15.4
Nisi forte hoc dictum est: constituetur ex defuncti nomine, non ut eius nomen accipiat, sed ut ex eius nomine, id est tamquam filius, non eius cuius semine est genitus, sed illius defuncti cui semen suscitatum est, haeres constituatur. Quod enim additum est: et non delebitur nomen eius ex Israel, potest ita intellegi, non quod nomen eius puer consequenter accipiat; sed quod ille non sine posteritate mortuus esse videbitur, et ideo permanet eius nomen, hoc est memoria.
Unless perhaps this was said: shall be reckoned by the name of the deceased, not that he takes his name, but that by his name, that is, as a son—not of him by whose seed he was begotten, but of that deceased man for whom the offspring was raised up—he is appointed heir. For what is added, and his name shall not be blotted out from Israel, can be understood thus: not that the boy consequently takes his name; but that the deceased will be seen not to have died without posterity, and therefore his name, that is, his memory, remains.
QsHept.5.15.4
Neque enim etiam si ipse filium genuisset, nomen suum ei fuerat impositurus, ut nomen eius non deleretur ex Israel: sed ex hoc utique non deleretur, quia non sine liberis ex hac vita emigraret; et hoc iubetur ex eius uxore frater eius implere, quod ille non potuit.
For even if he had himself begotten a son, he would not have imposed his own name upon him, so that his name should not be blotted out from Israel: but it would not be blotted out for this reason, that he would not depart from this life without children; and his brother is bidden to fulfill by his wife what he could not.
QsHept.5.15.4
Nam etsi frater non fuisset, et propinquus ducebat uxorem eius, qui sine filiis mortuus esset, ad suscitandum semen fratri suo: sicut fecit Booz ducendo Ruth, ut semen excitaret propinquo suo, cuius fuerat illa uxor, nec de illo pepererat; et tamen qui de illa natus est, ex nomine quidem defuncti constitutus est, qui filius eius est dictus, atque ita factum est ut nomen defuncti non deleretur ex Israel, nec tamen eius nomine appellatus est (Cf. Ruth 4, 13-17).
For even if there was no brother, a kinsman too married the wife of him who had died without children, in order to raise up offspring for his kinsman: as Boaz did in marrying Ruth, to raise up offspring for his kinsman, whose wife she had been and by whom she had not given birth; and yet the one who was born of her was reckoned by the name of the deceased, who was called his son, and so it came to pass that the name of the deceased was not blotted out from Israel, nor yet was he called by his name. (See Ruth 4:13-17)
QsHept.5.15.4
Quaestio de duobus patribus Ioseph.
The question of the two fathers of Joseph.
46. 2. Quae cum ita sint, abundantius duobus modis solvi potest Evangelica quaestio, ut unus eorum quos diversos commemorant Matthaeus et Lucas (Cf. Mt 1, 16; Lc 3, 23), ita fuerit propinquus alteri ad ducendam eius uxorem, ut alios etiam sursum versus parentes atque maiores iste, alios ille habere potuerit. Nam si fratrum filii fuissent, unum habuissent avum; quod non ita est: nam secundum Matthaeum, Mathan est avus Ioseph; secundum Lucam vero, non Mathan, sed Mathath.
46. 2. Since these things are so, the Gospel question can be resolved more fully in two ways: so that one of those whom Matthew and Luke mention as different (See Mt 1:16; Lk 3:23) was so kinsman to the other in order to marry his wife, that this one could have had still other parents and ancestors upward, and that one others. For if they had been sons of brothers, they would have had one grandfather; which is not so: for according to Matthew, Matthan is the grandfather of Joseph; according to Luke, however, not Matthan, but Matthat.
QsHept.5.46.2
Quod si quisquam putat esse tantum similitudinem nominis, ut ab scriptoribus in una littera erratum sit, ut fieret tam parva et pene nulla diversitas; quid de istorum patribus dicturus est? Nam secundum Lucam Mathath filius fuit Levi; secundum Matthaeum autem, Mathan ex Eleazar genitus invenitur: atque ita inde sursum versus diversi sunt patres et avi; et deinde maiores usque ad Zorobabel, qui fere est vigesimus sursum versus ab Ioseph apud Lucam, apud Matthaeum vero undecimus. Qui propterea idem ipse esse creditur, quia pater eius apud utrumque evangelistam Salathiel invenitur: quamvis fieri potuerit, ut alius fuerit eodem nomine, habens eiusdem nominis patrem, cuius et ille habuit.
But if anyone thinks there is only a similarity of name, so that the writers erred in one letter, making so small and almost no difference; what will he say of their fathers? For according to Luke, Matthat was the son of Levi; but according to Matthew, Matthan is found to have been begotten of Eleazar: and so from there upward the fathers and grandfathers are different; and then the ancestors up to Zerubbabel, who is about the twentieth upward from Joseph in Luke, but in Matthew the eleventh. He is believed to be the same person for this reason, that his father is found in both evangelists to be Shealtiel: although it could have come about that there was another of the same name, having a father of the same name as the one that the other's father had.
QsHept.5.46.2
Nam et inde sursum versus diversi sunt: alium quippe habet Zorobabel avum apud Lucam, qui est Neri; alium apud Matthaeum, qui est Iechonias; atque inde superius nusquam est consonantia, quousque veniatur ad David, apud Matthaeum per Salomonem, apud Lucam per Nathan. Difficillimum autem videtur non fuisse aliquem propinquiorem qui duceret uxorem fratris sui, quam eum qui ex David esset consanguineus tam longinquo gradu, non aliqua infra propinquitate coniunctus; cum sit apud Lucam David pene quadragesimus a Ioseph, apud Matthaeum autem ferme vigesimus septimus.
For from there upward too they are different: for Zerubbabel has one grandfather in Luke, who is Neri; another in Matthew, who is Jeconiah; and from there upward there is nowhere agreement, until one comes to David, in Matthew through Solomon, in Luke through Nathan. But it seems most difficult that there was no one more closely akin to marry his brother's wife than one who was a blood relation from David at so distant a degree, not joined by any nearer kinship; since in Luke David is almost the fortieth from Joseph, but in Matthew about the twenty-seventh.
QsHept.5.46.2
Aut si propinqui ad uxores defunctorum ducendas etiam illi quaerebantur, qui ex feminarum sanguine propinquabant, fieri potuit ut esset aliquis ita propinquans, qui Ioseph genuerit de uxore propinqui sui, qui sine liberis decessit: ac sic ei esset alter ex natura pater, alter ex Lege; in quorum patribus et avis et deinde maioribus ideo nulla propinquitas appareret, quod non ex maribus, sed ex feminis propinquarent. Verumtamen si ita esset, nec David aliquando unus pater occurreret.
Or if those too were sought as kinsmen to marry the wives of the deceased who were akin through the blood of the women, it could have come about that there was someone so akin who begot Joseph by the wife of his kinsman, who died without children: and so he had one father by nature, another by the Law; in whose fathers and grandfathers and then ancestors no kinship would appear, because they were akin not through males, but through females. Nevertheless, if this were so, not even David would at some point occur as one father.
QsHept.5.46.2
Aut si quisquam potuisse contendit, ubi ponimus quod consuetudo Scripturae non est feminas in genealogia pro maribus ponere, sicut eas nullus Evangelista interposuit? Ubi enim commemorantur matres, non ponuntur nisi cum patribus. Ac per hoc aut ita propinquior defuit ad uxorem defuncti sibi copulandam, ut origo cognationis David repeteretur: aut adoptio fecit alterum patrem quem posset habere Ioseph.
Or if anyone contends that it could be so, where do we put it that it is not the custom of Scripture to set down women in a genealogy in place of males, just as no Evangelist inserted them? For where mothers are mentioned, they are not set down except together with fathers. And by this, either a nearer kinsman was lacking to be joined to the wife of the deceased, so that the origin of kinship had to be traced back to David: or adoption made the other father whom Joseph could have.
QsHept.5.46.2
Qui in dandis decimis omnia mandata implevit.
One who, in giving tithes, fulfilled all the commandments.
47. (26, 14) Quid est quod inter illa quae iubet dicere hominem, qui in dandis decimis, et quaecumque dare vel impendere iussus est, omnia mandata complevit, etiam hoc cum laude et commendatione sua dicere iubetur: non dedi ex eis mortuo? An per hoc prohibet parentalia, quae observare gentes solent?
47. (26:14) What does it mean that, among those things which he bids a man say who in giving tithes, and whatever he was bidden to give or expend, fulfilled all the commandments, he is bidden to say this too, with his own praise and commendation: I have not given any of them to the dead (Deut 26:14)? Does he by this forbid the rites for the dead which the nations are accustomed to observe?
QsHept.5.46.2
Quomodo possit intellegi ire in dextra.
How going to the right can be understood.
48. 1. (28, 13-14) Non praeteribis ab omnibus verbis quae ego mando tibi hodie, dextra aut sinistra ire post deos alienos, servire illis. Quaeri potest quomodo possit intellegi ire in dextra, qui post deos alienos ierit servire illis; cum dextra in laude ponatur, illud autem numquam laudabiliter fieri possit: nam et quod reprehenditur in via vitae, qui declinat in dextra, non ibi ea reprehenduntur quae dextra sunt, sed ille qui declinat in ea, id est, qui sibi arrogat quae Dei sunt.
48. 1. (28:13-14) You shall not pass beyond any of the words which I command you today, to go to the right or to the left after foreign gods, to serve them. (Deut 28:13-14) It can be asked how going to the right can be understood of one who has gone after foreign gods to serve them; since the right is set down for praise, but that can never be done in a praiseworthy way: for even what is reproved in the way of life, when one turns aside to the right, the things that are on the right are not there reproved, but the one who turns aside to them, that is, who arrogates to himself the things that are God's.
QsHept.5.46.2
Ideo dicitur in Proverbiis: non declines in dextra aut in sinistra: vias enim quae a dextris sunt novit Dominus; perversae autem sunt quae a sinistris (Prov 4, 27). Ergo bonae sunt dextrae, quas novit Dominus. Novit enim Dominus vias iustorum (Ps 1, 6), sicut in Psalmo legitur. Cur ergo dictum sit: ne declines in dextra, consequenter ostendit addendo: Ipse enim rectos faciet cursus tuos. Absit autem ut dextras, quas novit Dominus, negemus esse rectas: sed, ut dixi, declinare in eas est, non illius gratiae, sed sibi tribuere velle quod rectum est. Denique, ut dixi, adiungit et dicit: ipse enim faciet rectos cursus tuos, et omnia itinera tua in pace producet (Prov 4, 27 (sec.LXX)).
Therefore it is said in Proverbs: do not turn aside to the right or to the left: for the ways which are on the right the Lord knows; but those which are on the left are perverse. (Prov 4:27) So the things on the right, which the Lord knows, are good. For the Lord knows the ways of the just (Ps 1:6), as is read in the Psalm. Why, then, it was said: do not turn aside to the right, it shows next by adding: for he will make your courses straight. But far be it that we should deny the things on the right, which the Lord knows, to be straight: but, as I said, to turn aside to them is to wish to attribute to oneself, and not to his grace, what is right. Finally, as I said, it adds and says: for he will make your courses straight, and will bring forth all your journeys in peace. (Prov 4:27 (LXX))
QsHept.5.46.2
48. 2. Quapropter quod isto loco Deuteronomii, de quo agimus, dictum est. Non praeteribis ab omnibus verbis quae ego mando tibi hodie, dextra aut sinistra ire post deos alienos, servire illis, non ideo dictum est, quia dii alii possunt etiam in dextris accipi; sed aut terrena loca significata sunt, quia et in dextra et in sinistra habebant gentes alios deos colentes: aut hoc de diis aliis separatim pronuntiandum est, ut duo sint sensus; unus videlicet: non praeteribis ab omnibus verbis quae ego mando tibi hodie, dextra aut sinistra, secundum illum scilicet intellectum, quem supra exposui; alius autem sit sensus, ire post deos alienos, servire illis, ut et hic subaudiatur: non praeteribis ab omnibus verbis quae ego mando tibi hodie.
48. 2. Wherefore, what was said in this place of Deuteronomy, with which we are dealing—You shall not pass beyond any of the words which I command you today, to go to the right or to the left after foreign gods, to serve them—was not said because foreign gods can also be taken to be among the things on the right; but either earthly places were signified, because on the right and on the left there were nations worshiping other gods: or this is to be pronounced separately concerning foreign gods, so that there are two senses; one, namely: you shall not pass beyond any of the words which I command you today, to the right or to the left, according to that understanding which I expounded above; but let there be another sense, to go after foreign gods, to serve them, so that here too be understood: you shall not pass beyond any of the words which I command you today.
QsHept.5.48.2
Quem totum sensum si dicere velimus, superiora verba, quae utrique sensui sunt communia, repetituri sumus; ut quomodo illic dicitur: non praeteribis ab omnibus, quae ego mando tibi hodie, dextra aut sinistra, sic et istic repetatur: non praeteribis ab omnibus quae ego mando tibi hodie, ire post deos alienos, servire illis. Praetereundo enim a verbis quae mandata sunt, etiam hoc fit, ut eatur post deos alienos. Non enim hoc solum mandatum est, aut hoc solum praeteriri Deus non vult, quod mandavit, ne post deos alienos eatur, sed omnia quae mandavit: hoc tamen ita praecipue, ut post generalitatem praecepti quo admonuit non esse praetereundum ab omnibus verbis mandatorum suorum, etiam hoc seorsum commendare voluerit.
And if we wish to state this whole sense, we shall have to repeat the earlier words, which are common to both senses; so that, as there it is said: you shall not pass beyond any of the things which I command you today, to the right or to the left, so here too be repeated: you shall not pass beyond any of the things which I command you today, to go after foreign gods, to serve them. For by passing beyond the words that were commanded, this too comes about, that one goes after foreign gods. For not this alone was commanded, nor this alone does God not wish to be passed beyond, which he commanded, that one not go after foreign gods, but all the things which he commanded: this, however, in such a way that, after the generality of the precept by which he admonished that none of the words of his commandments was to be passed beyond, he willed to commend this too separately.
QsHept.5.48.2
48. 3. Potest hoc quod ait: dextra aut sinistra, etiam sic intellegi, ut nec eorum causa, quae propter felicitatem appetuntur, nec eorum quae propter infelicitatem fugiuntur, ire mandaverit post deos alios: id est, nec pro iis quae amantur, nec contra ea quae odio habentur, a diis aliis auxilium esse poscendum: aut certe illo modo, ut vel concilientur, quo prosint; vel placentur, ne noceant. Nam et de quibusdam scriptum est in Psalmo: quorum os locutum est vanitatem, et dextera eorum dextera iniquitatis: ideo quia his rebus opinantur fieri hominem beatum, quas et boni et mali possunt habere; et ideo dextera est iniquitatis, quia iniqui sunt, qui eam dexteram putant. Non enim est vera dextera, sed dextera est eorum quorum os locutum est vanitatem. Beatum dixerunt populum cui haec sunt, cum potius, sicut mox adiungit et docet: beatus sit populus cuius Dominus Deus ipsius (Ps 143, 8. 15). Haec est vera dextera, aequitatis, non iniquitatis.
48. 3. What it says, to the right or to the left, can also be understood thus, that he commanded one to go after other gods neither for the sake of the things that are sought for the sake of happiness, nor for the sake of the things that are fled for the sake of unhappiness: that is, that help is to be asked of other gods neither for the things that are loved, nor against the things that are hated: or at least in that way, that they be either conciliated, so as to profit; or appeased, lest they harm. For of certain men too it is written in the Psalm: whose mouth has spoken vanity, and their right hand is a right hand of iniquity: for this reason, that they suppose a man is made blessed by those things which both good and evil men can have; and therefore it is a right hand of iniquity, because they are unjust who think it a right hand. For it is not a true right hand, but it is the right hand of those whose mouth has spoken vanity. They called the people blessed for whom these things are, when rather, as he presently adds and teaches, blessed is the people whose God is the Lord himself. (Ps 144:8, 15 (143:8, 15)) This is the true right hand, of equity, not of iniquity.
QsHept.5.48.3
Non est ergo eundum post deos alienos, neque in dextra, ut existimet homo ex ipsis se fieri beatum; neque in sinistra, ut existimando ipsis adversantibus se fieri miserum, ad hoc eos colat ut avertat. Aut certe si dextra intellegimus aeterna, sinistra vero temporalia bona; nec propter illa, nec propter ista eos colendos Sancta Scriptura hoc loco admonuisse credatur.
One must not, then, go after foreign gods, neither to the right, so that a man should think himself made blessed by them; nor to the left, so that, thinking himself made wretched by them when they are hostile, he should worship them in order to avert this. Or at least, if we understand the right as eternal goods, but the left as temporal goods; let it be believed that Holy Scripture in this place admonished that they are not to be worshiped either for the sake of those or for the sake of these.
QsHept.5.48.3
Unde appellatus sit liber Deuteronomium quasi secunda Lex.
Why the book is called Deuteronomy, as it were a second Law.
49. (29, 1) Haec verba Testamenti quod mandavit Dominus Moysi, statuere filiis Israel in terra Moab, praeter Testamentum quod testatus est eis in Horeb. Ostendit unde appellatus sit liber Deuteronomium, quasi secunda Lex; ubi magis illius repetitio est, quam aliquid aliud: pauca enim sunt, quae ibi non sint in eo quod primum datum est. Nec tamen appellantur haec duo Testamenta, quamvis ita haec verba sonare videantur: utrumque enim unum est Testamentum, quod in Ecclesia dicitur "vetus." Nam si propter haec verba duo Testamenta dicenda essent, iam non duo, sed plura essent, excepto Novo. Multis enim locis Scriptura dicit testamentum: sicut illud quod factum est ad Abraham de circumcisione (Cf. Ios 24, 25; Gen 17, 4), vel illud superius ad Noe (Cf. Gen 9, 9).
49. (29:1) These are the words of the covenant which the Lord commanded Moses to establish for the children of Israel in the land of Moab, besides the covenant which he covenanted with them at Horeb. (Deut 29:1) It shows why the book is called Deuteronomy, as it were a second Law; where it is rather a repetition of it than anything else: for there are few things there which are not in that which was first given. Yet these two are not called covenants, although these words seem to sound so: for both are one covenant, which in the Church is called "old." For if, on account of these words, two covenants had to be spoken of, there would now be not two, but more, apart from the New. For in many places Scripture speaks of a covenant: such as that which was made with Abraham concerning circumcision, (See Josh 24:25; Gen 17:4) or that earlier one with Noah. (See Gen 9:9)
QsHept.5.48.3
Oculi corporis et oculi cordis.
The eyes of the body and the eyes of the heart.
50. (29, 2-4) Et vos vidistis omnia quaecumque fecit Dominus Deus vester in terra Aegypti coram vobis Pharaoni, et omnibus servis eius, et omni terrae illius, tentationes magnas, quas viderunt oculi tui, signa et prodigia illa magna, et manum validam. Et non dedit Dominus Deus vobis cor scire, et oculos videre, et aures audire usque in diem istam. Quomodo ergo ait superius: vos vidistis tentationes magnas, quas viderunt oculi tui, si non dedit Dominus eis oculos videre, et aures audire; nisi quia viderunt corpore, et corde non viderunt? quia oculi dicuntur et cordis: propterea inde coepit: et non dedit Dominus Deus vobis cor scire. Ad hoc pertinent duo quae sequuntur, et oculos videre, et aures audire, id est intellegere, et obtemperare. Quod vero dicit: et non dedit Dominus Deus vobis; nullo modo increpans et arguens hoc diceret, nisi ad eorum quoque culpam pertinere intellegi vellet, ne quisquam se ex hoc excusabilem putet. Simul enim ostendit et sine adiutorio Domini Dei eos intellegere et obedire non posse oculis cordis, et auribus cordis: et tamen si adiutorium Dei desit, non ideo esse excusabile hominis vitium; quoniam iudicia Dei quamvis occulta, tamen iusta sunt (Cf. Apoc 16, 7).
50. (29:2-4) And you have seen all the things that the Lord your God did in the land of Egypt before you to Pharaoh, and to all his servants, and to all that land, the great trials which your eyes saw, those great signs and wonders, and the mighty hand. And the Lord God has not given you a heart to know, and eyes to see, and ears to hear, to this day. (Deut 29:2-4) How, then, does it say above: you have seen the great trials which your eyes saw, if the Lord did not give them eyes to see, and ears to hear; unless because they saw with the body, and did not see with the heart? for there are eyes of the heart too: for this reason he began from there: and the Lord God has not given you a heart to know. To this belong the two that follow, and eyes to see, and ears to hear, that is, to understand and to obey. As for his saying: and the Lord God has not given you; in no way would he say this in rebuking and reproving, unless he meant it to be understood as pertaining also to their fault, lest anyone think himself excusable on this account. For he shows at once both that without the help of the Lord God they cannot understand and obey with the eyes of the heart and the ears of the heart: and yet that, if the help of God is lacking, a man's fault is not on that account excusable; since the judgments of God, though hidden, are nonetheless just. (See Rev 16:7)
QsHept.5.48.3
An vinum et quantum secum tulerant Israelitae.
Whether the Israelites brought wine with them, and how much.
51. (29, 5-6) Et adduxit vos quadraginta annis in deserto: non inveteraverunt vestimenta vestra, et calceamenta vestra non sunt attrita a pedibus vestris; panem non manducastis, vinum et siceram non bibistis, ut sciretis quia iste Dominus Deus vester. Hinc apparet tantum vini in suis impedimentis potuisse portare Israelitas, quando exierunt de Aegypto, quod possent cito consumere. Nam si omnino nihil secum tulissent, unde esset illud de quo dictum est: sedit populus manducare et bibere, et surrexerunt ludere (Ex 32, 6)? Non enim hoc de aqua diceretur, cum et ipsius Moysi manifestissima verba sint, non fuisse illam vocem principium belli, sed principium vini (Cf. Ex 32, 6. 18).
51. (29:5-6) And he led you forty years in the desert: your garments did not grow old, and your sandals were not worn from your feet; you ate no bread, you drank no wine or strong drink, that you might know that this is the Lord your God. (Deut 29:5-6) From this it appears that the Israelites could carry only so much wine in their baggage, when they went out of Egypt, as they could quickly consume. For if they had brought absolutely nothing with them, whence would that have come of which it was said: the people sat down to eat and drink, and rose up to play (Ex 32:6)? For this would not be said of water, since the most plain words of Moses himself show that that voice was not the beginning of war, but the beginning of wine. (See Ex 32:6, 18)
QsHept.5.48.3
De verbis: Numquid est aliquis inter vos vir...
Concerning the words: Is there any man among you . . .
52. (29, 18. 21) Numquid est aliquis inter vos vir, aut mulier, aut familia, vel tribus, cuius mens declinavit a Domino Deo vestro, ire servire diis gentium illarum? Ne qua est in vobis radix sursum germinans in felle et amaritudine? Et erit, cum audierit verba maledictionis huius, et opinabitur in corde suo, dicens: Sancta mihi fiant, quoniam in errore cordis mei incedo: ut non simul perdat peccator eum qui sine peccato est; nolet Deus propitiare ei, sed tunc incendetur ira Domini, et zelus eius in homine illo, et adhaerebunt in eo omnia maledicta Testamenti huius, quae scripta sunt in libro Legis huius.
52. (29:18, 21) Is there any man among you, or woman, or family, or tribe, whose mind has turned away from the Lord your God, to go to serve the gods of those nations? Is there in you any root springing up in gall and bitterness? And it shall be, when he hears the words of this curse, and supposes in his heart, saying: Let holy things befall me, because I walk in the error of my heart: so that the sinner does not destroy together with himself the one who is without sin; God will not be willing to be propitious to him, but then the anger of the Lord and his zeal will be kindled against that man, and all the curses of this covenant will cleave to him, which are written in the book of this Law. (Deut 29:18, 21)
QsHept.5.48.3
Ita dictum est: numquid est in vobis? Ut tamquam requirentem intellegamus, ne forte sit. Si quis autem esset, eum terruit vehementer, ne forte quis- quam diceret in corde suo, audiens illa maledicta: sancta mihi sint, id est, maledicta sancta mihi sint: quoniam in errore cordis mei incedo, id est, "absit ut mihi ista eveniant, non mihi sint haec mala, sed sancta, id est propitia et innoxia; quoniam in errore cordis mei incedo, eundo scilicet post deos gentium, et eis tamquam impune serviendo." Non, inquit, erit sic.
It was said thus: is there in you? so that we understand him as inquiring, lest perhaps there be. But if there were anyone, he terrified him vehemently, lest perhaps anyone should say in his heart, hearing those curses: let holy things befall me, that is, let the curses be holy things to me: because I walk in the error of my heart, that is, "far be it that these should come upon me; let these not be evils to me, but holy things, that is, propitious and harmless; because I walk in the error of my heart, namely, by going after the gods of the nations, and serving them as though with impunity." It will not be so, he says.
QsHept.5.48.3
Non perdat simul peccator eum qui sine peccato est: tamquam diceret: "cavete ne cui vestrum talia persuadeat, qui talia cogitat."
Let not the sinner destroy together with himself the one who is without sin: as though he said: "take heed that no one who thinks such things persuade any of you of such things."
QsHept.5.48.3
Nolet Deus propitiare ei, sive talia cogitanti, sive illi cui talia fuerint persuasa, sicut ipse opinatus est dicendo: sancta mihi sint; et quasi hoc modo avertendo a se vim illius maledicti.
God will not be willing to be propitious to him, whether to the one thinking such things, or to the one to whom such things have been persuaded, as he himself supposed by saying: let holy things befall me; and as though in this way turning the force of that curse away from himself.
QsHept.5.48.3
Sed tunc accendetur ira Domini, et zelus eius in homine illo, quando putabit eam se avertere, ista in corde suo dicendo.
But then the anger of the Lord and his zeal will be kindled against that man, when he thinks he is turning it away by saying these things in his heart.
QsHept.5.48.3
Et adhaerebunt in eo omnia maledicta Testamenti huius, quae scripta sunt in libro Legis huius. Non possunt quidem omnia evenire uni homini: non enim etiam toties mori potest, quot genera mortis hic dicta sunt; sed omnia dixit, pro "quibuslibet," ut non sit immunis ab omnibus, cui evenerint aliqua eorum quibus pereat.
And all the curses of this covenant will cleave to him, which are written in the book of this Law. All of them, indeed, cannot befall one man: for he cannot die as many times as the kinds of death here named; but he said all for "any whatever," so that the one upon whom any of those things befall by which he may perish is not free from all of them.
QsHept.5.48.3
Quod autem ait: ut non simul perdat peccator eum qui sine peccato est; quod Graecus habet ἀναμάρτητον, non sic accipiendum est, tamquam ab omni prorsus peccato mundum et immunem hic dixerit ἀναμάρτητον, id est sine peccato; sed eum qui sine peccato isto esset, de quo loquebatur: sicut dicit Dominus in Evangelio: si non venissem, et locutus eis fuissem, peccatum non haberent (Io 15, 22); non utique omne, sed hoc peccatum quo non crediderunt in eum. Dicit etiam Deus ad Abimelech de Sara uxore Abrahae: scio quia in mundo corde fecisti hoc (Gen 20, 6): non utique mundum illius cor ita voluit intellegi, ut similis eis esset, de quibus dictum est: beati mundo corde, quoniam ipsi Deum videbunt (Mt 5, 8); sed ab illo peccato, de quo agebatur, mundum cor habebat, quoniam quantum ad ipsum pertinebat, non concupiverat coniugem alienam.
As for what it says, so that the sinner does not destroy together with himself the one who is without sin—where the Greek has ἀναμάρτητον—it is not to be taken as though by ἀναμάρτητον, that is, without sin, he meant one altogether clean and free from every sin; but one who was without that sin of which he was speaking: just as the Lord says in the Gospel: if I had not come, and spoken to them, they would have no sin (Jn 15:22); not every sin, of course, but this sin, by which they did not believe in him. God also says to Abimelech concerning Sarah, the wife of Abraham: I know that you did this with a clean heart (Gen 20:6): he did not mean his heart to be understood as so clean that he was like those of whom it is said: blessed are the clean of heart, for they shall see God (Mt 5:8); but he had a heart clean from that sin which was in question, since, as far as concerned him, he had not desired another's spouse.
QsHept.5.48.3
Quomodo gratia evidenter promittatur.
How grace is plainly promised.
53. (30, 6) Et circumpurgabit Dominus cor tuum, et cor seminis tui, diligere Dominum Deum tuum ex toto corde tuo, et ex tota anima tua, ut vivas tu. Evidens pollicitatio gratiae: promittit enim Deus se esse facturum quod solet iubere ut fiat.
53. (30:6) And the Lord will purify your heart all around, and the heart of your offspring, to love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, that you may live. (Deut 30:6) A plain promise of grace: for God promises that he himself will do what he is accustomed to command to be done.
QsHept.5.48.3
Quomodo facilitas legis suadeatur.
How the ease of the law is urged.
54. (30, 11-14) Quia mandatum hoc, quod ego mando tibi hodie, non est supra modum, neque longe abs te est: non in coelo est, dicens, id est, ut dicas: quis ascendet nobis in coelum, et accipiet nobis illud, et audientes illud faciemus? Neque trans mare est, dicens, id est, ut dicas: quis transfretabit nobis trans mare, et accipiet nobis illud, et audientes illud faciemus? Prope est verbum hoc valde in ore tuo, et in corde tuo, et in manibus tuis facere illud.
54. (30:11-14) For this commandment, which I command you today, is not beyond measure, nor is it far from you: it is not in heaven, saying, that is, that you should say: who will go up for us into heaven, and take it for us, and, hearing it, we shall do it? Neither is it across the sea, saying, that is, that you should say: who will cross over for us across the sea, and take it for us, and, hearing it, we shall do it? This word is very near, in your mouth, and in your heart, and in your hands, to do it. (Deut 30:11-14)
QsHept.5.48.3
Hoc esse verbum fidei (Cf. Rom 10, 8) dicit Apostolus: quod ad Novum pertinet Testamentum. Sed quaeri potest, cur ea superius mandata dixerit, quae scripta sunt in libro Legis huius (Cf. Deut 30, 10): nisi quia his omnibus spiritalia significantur ad Novum Testamentum pertinentia, si bene intellegantur.
The Apostle says that this is the word of faith, (See Rom 10:8) which belongs to the New Covenant. But it can be asked why he called those things commandments above which are written in the book of this Law (See Deut 30:10): unless because by all these things are signified spiritual things pertaining to the New Covenant, if they are well understood.
QsHept.5.48.3
Item quaeri potest cur hoc quod hic positum est: neque trans mare est, ut dicas: 'quis transfretabit nobis trans mare, et accipiet nobis illud,' Apostolus dixerit: aut quis descendet in abyssum; atque id exponens adiunxerit: hoc est Christum a mortuis reducere (Rom 10, 7): nisi quia mare appellavit totam in hoc saeculo vitam, quae morte transitur, ut quodam modo mare finiatur, et trans mare mors ipsa appelletur, velut "trans istam vitam," quae maris vocabulo significatur.
Likewise it can be asked why what is here set down: neither is it across the sea, that you should say: who will cross over for us across the sea, and take it for us, the Apostle stated as: or who will descend into the abyss; and, expounding it, added: this is to bring Christ back from the dead (Rom 10:7): unless because he called the whole of life in this world the sea, which is passed through by death, so that in a manner the sea comes to an end, and across the sea death itself is called, as it were "across this life," which is signified by the word sea.
QsHept.5.48.3
Deinde quod hic additum est, et in manibus tuis; non ait Apostolus, nisi, in ore tuo et in corde tuo (Rom 10, 8). Et hoc usque in finem exsecutus est, dicens: corde enim creditur ad iustitiam, ore autem confessio fit ad salutem (Rom 10, 10). Merito quod ex Hebraeo translatum est, quantum a nobis inspici potuit, non habet, in manibus tuis. Nec frustra tamen hoc a Septuaginta interpretibus additum existimo: nisi quia intellegi voluerunt etiam ipsas manus, quibus significantur opera, in corde accipi debere, ubi est fides quae per dilectionem operatur (Gal 5, 6). Nam si forinsecus ea quae Deus iubet, manibus fiant, et in corde non fiant, nemo est tam insulsus, qui praecepta arbitretur impleri. Porro si caritas, quae plenitudo est Legis (Cf. Rom 13, 10), habitet in corde, etiamsi manibus corporis quisquam non possit operari, pax illi est utique cum hominibus bonae voluntatis (Cf. Lc 2, 14).
Then, what is here added, and in your hands; the Apostle does not say, except, in your mouth and in your heart (Rom 10:8). And this he carried out to the end, saying: for with the heart it is believed unto righteousness, but with the mouth confession is made unto salvation (Rom 10:10). With good reason, what is translated from the Hebrew, as far as we could inspect it, does not have in your hands. Yet I think it was not added in vain by the Seventy translators: but because they meant the hands themselves, by which works are signified, to be understood as taken in the heart, where there is faith which works through love (Gal 5:6). For if outwardly the things which God commands are done with the hands, and are not done in the heart, no one is so foolish as to think the precepts fulfilled. But if love, which is the fullness of the Law, (See Rom 13:10) dwells in the heart, even if someone cannot work with the hands of the body, he certainly has peace with men of good will. (See Lk 2:14)
QsHept.5.48.3
Qui sint filii vituperabiles seu maculati et quomodo graece dicantur.
Who the blameworthy or stained sons are, and how they are called in Greek.
55. (32, 5) Peccaverunt non ei filii vituperabiles. Quod in Graeco est τέκνα μωμητά, quidam interpretati sunt sicut hic, id est, filii vituperabiles; quidam, filii commaculati; quidam, filii vitiosi. Unde non magna quaestio, imo nulla est. Sed illud merito ad quaerendum movet, si generaliter dictum est: peccaverunt non ei, quoniam qui peccat, non ei peccat, id est, non Deo nocet, sed sibi; quomodo intellegendum sit quod in Psalmo legitur: tibi soli peccavi (Ps 50, 6); et in Ieremia: tibi peccavimus, patientia Israel, Domine (Ier 14, 7-8); et iterum in Psalmo: Sana animam meam, quia peccavi tibi (Ps 40, 5): et utrum hoc sit "peccare Deo," "quod peccare in Deum." Unde ait Heli sacerdos: si in Deum peccaverit, quis orabit pro eo? (1 Reg 2, 25) Dicam ergo interim quid mihi in praesentia videatur. Intellegent fortasse aliquid melius, qui melius haec sapiunt, aut etiam nos alio tempore, quantum adiuverit Dominus.
55. (32:5) The blameworthy sons have sinned not against him. What in Greek is τέκνα μωμητά, some have rendered as here, that is, blameworthy sons; some, stained sons; some, faulty sons. Hence there is no great question, indeed none. But this rightly prompts inquiry: if it was said generally, they have sinned not against him, since he who sins sins not against him, that is, does not harm God, but himself; how is it to be understood what is read in the Psalm: against you only have I sinned (Ps 51:4 (50:6)); and in Jeremiah: we have sinned against you, O patience of Israel, O Lord (Jer 14:7-8); and again in the Psalm: heal my soul, for I have sinned against you (Ps 41:4 (40:5)): and whether this is "to sin against God," that is, "to sin in God." Hence Eli the priest says: if he sins against God, who will pray for him? (1 Sam 2:25) I will say, then, for the present, what seems to me now. Perhaps those who relish these things better will understand something better, or even we ourselves at another time, as far as the Lord helps.
QsHept.5.48.3
"Peccare in Deum," est in iis peccare quae ad Dei cultum pertinent. Nam hoc quod commemoravi, nihil aliud indicat: sic enim peccabant filii Heli, quibus hoc pater eorum dixit. Sic existimandum est peccari etiam in homines qui pertinent ad Deum: nam hoc Deus legitur dixisse ad Abimelech de Sara: propterea peperci tibi, ne peccares in me (Gen 20, 6). Peccare autem Domino, vel potius peccasse Domino (nisi forte alicubi scriptum occurrat quod huic sensui resistat), hi mihi videntur non immerito dici, qui piam poenitentiam peccati sui nunc agunt, ut glorificetur ignoscens Dominus.
"To sin against God" is to sin in those things which pertain to the worship of God. For what I have mentioned indicates nothing else: for so the sons of Eli sinned, to whom their father said this. So it is to be thought that men are sinned against too who belong to God: for God is read to have said this to Abimelech concerning Sarah: therefore I spared you, lest you sin against me (Gen 20:6). But to sin against the Lord, or rather to have sinned against the Lord (unless perhaps something written somewhere occurs that resists this sense), these seem to me to be rightly said of those who now do pious penance for their sin, that the forgiving Lord may be glorified.
QsHept.5.48.3
Causam quippe reddens David cur dixerit: tibi soli peccavi, et malum coram te feci; subiecit et ait: ut iustificeris in sermonibus tuis, et vincas cum iudicaris (Ps 50, 6):
For David, giving the reason why he said: against you only have I sinned, and done evil before you; added and said: that you may be justified in your words, and overcome when you are judged (Ps 51:4 (50:6)):
QsHept.5.48.3
sive cum dicit Deus: iudicate inter me et vineam meam (Isa 5, 3):
whether when God says: judge between me and my vineyard (Isa 5:3):
QsHept.5.48.3
sive de Domino Iesu Christo intellegatur, qui solus verissime dicere potuit: venit enim princeps mundi, et in me non habet quidquam (id est, quidquam peccati quod morte sit dignum); sed ut cognoscat mundus quia diligo Patrem, et sicut mandatum dedit mihi Pater, sic facio; surgite, eamus hinc (Io 14, 30-31): tamquam diceret: "etiamsi levissima peccata mortis supplicio persequatur princeps mundi," in me non habet quidquam, sed surgite, eamus hinc, id est, "ut patiar; quia in eo quod patior, voluntatem impleo Patris mei, non poenam solvo peccati mei."
or it be understood of the Lord Jesus Christ, who alone could most truly say: for the prince of the world comes, and in me he has nothing (that is, nothing of sin that is worthy of death); but that the world may know that I love the Father, and as the Father has given me commandment, so I do; rise, let us go from here (Jn 14:30-31): as though he said: "even if the prince of the world pursues the lightest sins with the penalty of death," in me he has nothing, but rise, let us go from here, that is, "that I may suffer; because in what I suffer, I fulfill the will of my Father, I do not pay the penalty of my sin."
QsHept.5.48.3
Et quod Ieremias ait: tibi peccavimus, patientia Israel, Domino utique suppliciter dicitur in poenitentia cum spe salutis ex venia.
And what Jeremiah says: we have sinned against you, O patience of Israel, is certainly said to the Lord in supplication, in penance, with hope of salvation through pardon.
QsHept.5.48.3
Et quod dictum est: sana animam meam, quia peccavi tibi, hoc idem agitur ut Deus ignoscendo glorificetur: quia magna est eius misericordia super confitentes sibi et redeuntes ad se, qui dicit se nolle mortem peccatoris, quantum ut revertatur et vivat (Cf. Ez 33, 11).
And what is said: heal my soul, for I have sinned against you, this same thing is done, that God may be glorified by forgiving: because great is his mercy upon those who confess to him and return to him, who says that he does not will the death of the sinner, so much as that he should turn back and live. (See Ezek 33:11)
QsHept.5.48.3
Hinc et ipse David non solum in psalmo, verum etiam cum eum Deus argueret per prophetam, non sine spe propitiationis Domini respondit: peccavi Domino (2 Reg 12, 13). Medico enim vulneratus videtur quodammodo, qui ut sanetur se subdit manibus medici, ut in eo medicinae opus impleatur. In hoc autem cantico praevidebat Propheta futuros quosdam, qui sic fuerant peccaturi Deum offendendo magnis iniquitatibus suis, ut nec poenitentiam agere vellent, et ad Deum redire ut sanarentur:
Hence David himself, not only in the psalm, but also when God reproved him through the prophet, answered not without hope of the Lord's propitiation: I have sinned against the Lord (2 Sam 12:13). For one wounded seems in a manner to be the physician's, who submits himself to be healed to the hands of the physician, that in him the work of medicine may be accomplished. But in this canticle the prophet foresaw that there would be some who were going to sin against God by offending him with their great iniquities in such a way that they would not even be willing to do penance and return to God to be healed:
QsHept.5.48.3
de quibus etiam alibi dicitur: quoniam caro sunt, et spiritus ambulans, et non revertens (Ps 77, 39). Potest etiam sic intellegi: "peccaverunt non ei," secundum id quod non ei nocuerunt peccato suo, sed sibi.
of whom it is also said elsewhere: for they are flesh, a spirit going forth and not returning (Ps 78:39 (77:39)). It can also be understood thus: "they have sinned not against him," according to this, that they did not harm him by their sin, but themselves.
QsHept.5.48.3
Quid significationis habeat benedictio Moysi, qua benedixit Israel.
What significance the blessing of Moses has, by which he blessed Israel.
56. (33, 1-5) Et haec benedictio quam benedixit Moyses homo Dei filios Israel, priusquam defungeretur. Et dixit: 'Dominus ex Sina venit, et alluxit ex Seir nobis: festinavit ex monte Pharan cum multis millibus Cades. Ad dexteram eius Angeli cum eo, et pepercit populo suo. Et omnes sanctificati sub manus tuas, et hi sub te sunt. Et accepit de verbis ipsius Legem, quam mandavit nobis Moyses, haereditatem congregationibus Iacob. Et erit in dilecto princeps, congregatis principibus populorum simul tribubus Israel.'
56. (33:1-5) And this is the blessing with which Moses the man of God blessed the children of Israel, before he died. And he said: The Lord came from Sinai, and dawned upon us from Seir: he hastened from Mount Paran with the many thousands of Kadesh. At his right hand were angels with him, and he spared his people. And all the sanctified are under your hands, and these are under you. And he received the Law from his words, which Moses commanded us, an inheritance for the assemblies of Jacob. And there shall be a prince in the beloved one, when the princes of the peoples are gathered together with the tribes of Israel. (Deut 33:1-5)
QsHept.5.48.3
Non neglegenter praetereunda est ista prophetia. Apparet quippe ista benedictio ad novum populum pertinere, quem Dominus Christus sanctificavit; ex cuius persona ista dicuntur a Moyse, non ex persona ipsius Moysi, quod in consequentibus evidenter apparet. Nam si propterea dictum est: Dominus ex Sina venit, quia in monte Sina Lex data est; quid sibi vult quod sequitur, et alluxit ex Seir nobis: cum Seir mons Idumaeae sit, ubi regnavit Esau?
This prophecy is not to be passed over carelessly. For this blessing appears to belong to the new people, whom the Lord Christ sanctified; in whose person these things are said by Moses, not in the person of Moses himself, which appears evidently in what follows. For if it was said: the Lord came from Sinai, because the Law was given on Mount Sinai; what does that mean which follows, and dawned upon us from Seir: since Seir is a mountain of Idumea, where Esau reigned?
QsHept.5.48.3
Deinde cum Moyses filios Israel benedicat his verbis, sicut Scriptura praedixit, quomodo idem dicit: et accepit de verbis ipsius Legem, quam mandavit nobis Moyses? Nimirum ergo prophetia est, ut diximus, populum novum Christi gratia sanctificatum praenuntians, ideo sub nomine filiorum Israel, quia semen est Abraham, hoc est, filii sunt promissionis (Cf. Rom 9, 8), et interpretatio eius est: "videns Deum (Cf. GIROLAMO, Lib. interpr. hebr. nom.: CC 72, p. 75)." Dominus ergo qui ex Sina venit, Christus intellegendus est, quoniam Sina interpretatur, "tentatio (Cf. GIROLAMO, ibid. p. 88)." Venit ergo ex tentatione passionis, crucis, mortis. Et alluxit ex Seir. Seir interpretatur, "pilosus (Cf. GIROLAMO, ibid. p. 72)," quod significat peccatorem; sic enim natus est Esau (Cf. Gen 25, 25) odio habitus (Cf. Mal 1, 3; Rom 9, 13): sed quoniam qui sedebant in tenebris et in umbra mortis, lux orta est eis (Cf. Isa 9, 2); ideo alluxit ex Seir.
Then, since Moses blesses the children of Israel with these words, as Scripture foretold, how does the same say: and he received the Law from his words, which Moses commanded us? Surely, then, it is a prophecy, as we said, announcing beforehand the new people sanctified by the grace of Christ—under the name of the children of Israel for this reason, that they are the seed of Abraham, that is, are the children of the promise, (See Rom 9:8) and its interpretation is "seeing God." (See Jerome, Book of the Interpretation of Hebrew Names: CCSL 72, p. 75) The Lord, then, who came from Sinai is to be understood as Christ, since Sinai is interpreted "temptation." (See Jerome, ibid., p. 88) He came, then, from the temptation of his Passion, of the Cross, of death. And he dawned from Seir. Seir is interpreted "hairy," (See Jerome, ibid., p. 72) which signifies a sinner; for so Esau was born, (See Gen 25:25) and was held in hatred (See Mal 1:3; Rom 9:13): but because for those who sat in darkness and in the shadow of death, a light has arisen for them, (See Isa 9:2) therefore he dawned from Seir.
QsHept.5.48.3
Simul etiam non adsurde intellegitur esse praedictum, ex gentibus quae significantur per nomen Seir, quia mons est pertinens ad Esau, venturam gratiam Christi populo Israel. Unde dicit Apostolus: ita et hi nunc non crediderunt in vestra misericordia, ut et ipsi misericordiam consequantur (Rom 11, 31). Ipsi ergo dicunt: alluxit ex Seir nobis, et festinavit ex monte Pharan, id est, ex monte fructifero: id enim interpretatur Pharan, quo significatur Ecclesia. Cum multis millibus Cades. Et "mutata" interpretatur Cades, et "sanctitudo." Mutata sunt ergo multa millia, et sanctificata per gratiam, cum quibus venit Christus ad Israelitas postea colligendos.
At the same time it is also not absurdly understood to have been foretold that from the nations, which are signified by the name Seir (because it is a mountain belonging to Esau), the grace of Christ would come to the people of Israel. Hence the Apostle says: so these too have now not believed in your mercy, that they too may obtain mercy (Rom 11:31). They themselves, then, say: he dawned upon us from Seir, and hastened from Mount Paran, that is, from the fruitful mountain: for that is what Paran is interpreted to mean, by which the Church is signified. With the many thousands of Kadesh. And Kadesh is interpreted both "changed" and "holiness." Many thousands, then, were changed, and sanctified through grace, with whom Christ came to gather the Israelites afterward.
QsHept.5.48.3
Sequitur et dicit: ad dexteram eius angeli cum eo: hoc non indiget expositione.
It continues and says: at his right hand were angels with him: this needs no exposition.
QsHept.5.48.3
Et pepercit, inquit, populo suo: donans remissionem peccatorum.
And he spared, it says, his people: granting the remission of sins.
QsHept.5.48.3
Inde ad ipsum convertit sermonem atque ait: et omnes sanctificati sub manus tuas, et hi sub te sunt: non utique superbientes, et suam iustitiam volentes constituere; sed agnoscentes gratiam, ut iustitiae Dei subiiciantur (Cf. Rom 10, 3).
Then he turns the speech to him himself and says: and all the sanctified are under your hands, and these are under you: not those, of course, who are proud and wish to establish their own righteousness; but those who acknowledge grace, so as to be subject to the righteousness of God. (See Rom 10:3)
QsHept.5.48.3
Et accepit, inquit, de verbis ipsius Legem: populus utique de quo ait: et pepercit populo suo. Accepit ergo de verbis ipsius Legem, quam mandavit, inquit, nobis Moyses: hoc est, populus eius de verbis eius accepit Legem, quia de doctrina eius intellexit Legem eam ipsam quam mandavit nobis Moyses. Ipse quippe ait in Evangelio: si crederetis Moysi, crederetis et mihi; de me enim ille scripsit (Io 5, 46). Non enim accepit populus ille Legem quam non intellexit; sed tunc accepit, quando intellexit de verbis eius, carens velamine veteri, conversus ad Dominum: hanc dicit haereditatem congregationibus Iacob, quae intellegenda est non terrena, sed coelestis; non temporalis, sed aeterna.
And he received, it says, the Law from his words: the people, of course, of whom it says: and he spared his people. He received, then, the Law from his words, which, it says, Moses commanded us: that is, his people received the Law from his words, because from his teaching they understood the Law to be that very one which Moses commanded us. For he himself says in the Gospel: if you believed Moses, you would believe me also; for he wrote of me (Jn 5:46). For that people did not receive the Law which it did not understand; but it received it then, when it understood from his words, lacking the old veil, turned to the Lord: this he calls an inheritance for the assemblies of Jacob, which is to be understood not as earthly, but heavenly; not temporal, but eternal.
QsHept.5.48.3
Et erit, inquit, in dilecto princeps: ipse utique in dilecto populo erit princeps Dominus Iesus: congregatis principibus populorum, id est, gentium: simul tribubus Israel, ut impleatur quod supra dictum est: laetamini, gentes, simul cum populo eius; quia caecitas ex parte in Israel facta est, donec plenitudo gentium intraret, et sic omnis Israel salvus fieret (Rom 15, 10; 11, 25-26).
And there shall be, it says, a prince in the beloved one: he himself, of course, the Lord Jesus, will be prince in the beloved people: when the princes of the peoples are gathered together, that is, of the nations: together with the tribes of Israel, so that what was said above may be fulfilled: rejoice, you nations, together with his people; because blindness in part has come upon Israel, until the fullness of the nations should enter in, and so all Israel should be saved (Rom 15:10; 11:25-26).
QsHept.5.48.3
De benedictione Ioseph.
Concerning the blessing of Joseph.
57. (33, 17) Cum Ioseph benediceret, ait inter caetera: primogenitus tauri pulchritudo eius. Quod non ita legendum est, tamquam dixerit, primogenitus tauri; sed, cum sit primogenitus, pulchritudo eius tauri est: propter crucis cornua, de Domino intellegitur figuratum.
57. (33:17) When he blessed Joseph, he said among other things: the firstborn of the bull is his beauty. (Deut 33:17) This is not to be read as though he said, firstborn of the bull; but: since he is the firstborn, his beauty is that of a bull: on account of the horns of the Cross, it is understood as a figure of the Lord.
QsHept.5.48.3
Bk. 6Questions on JoshuaQuaestiones in Iesum Nave
Quomodo Moyses in gratia praebetur defunctus.
How Moses is shown to have died in grace.
1. (1, 5) Dominus dicit ad Iesum Nave: et sicut eram cum Moyse, ita ero et tecum. Non solum autem hoc testimonio, sed etiam in Deuteronomio multis documentis probatur Moyses ita defunctus, ut Dei famulus et Deo placens: quamvis in eo illa vindicta completa sit, ne Terram Promissionis intraret (Cf. Deut 32, 48-52; 34, 4-5). Ex quo datur intellegi, Dominum etiam bonis servis suis in aliquo succensentem, et temporaliter vindicare, et tamen in eorum habere numero, quae sunt in domo eius vasa in honorem utilia Domino (Cf. 2 Tim 2, 21), quibus daturus est promissa sanctorum.
1. (1:5) The Lord says to Joshua the son of Nun: and as I was with Moses, so I will be with you also. But not only by this testimony, but also in Deuteronomy by many proofs, it is proved that Moses so died as a servant of God and pleasing to God: although in him that punishment was fulfilled, that he should not enter the Land of Promise. (See Deut 32:48-52; 34:4-5) From which it is given to understand that the Lord, being displeased in something even with his good servants, both punishes them temporally, and yet holds them in the number of those who are in his house vessels useful to the Lord for honor, (See 2 Tim 2:21) to whom he will give the things promised to the saints.
QsHept.5.48.3
De transitu Iordanis.
Concerning the crossing of the Jordan.
2. (1, 11; 2, 3-7) Quaestio est, quomodo posteaquam locutus est Dominus ad Iesum Nave, exhortans et confirmans eum, seque promittens cum illo futurum, mandaverit idem Iesus populo per scribas, ut praepararent cibaria, quod post tres dies Iordanem fuerant transituri, cum inveniantur post multo plures dies transisse Iordanem.
2. (1:11; 2:3-7) The question is, how, after the Lord had spoken to Joshua the son of Nun, exhorting and strengthening him, and promising that he would be with him, this same Joshua commanded the people through the scribes to prepare provisions, because after three days they were to cross the Jordan, when they are found to have crossed the Jordan after many more days.
QsHept.5.48.3
Cum enim haec populo mandasset, misit exploratores in Iericho, quoniam Iordane transiecto ipsa proxima civitas occurrebat: illi autem diverterunt ad Raab mulierem fornicariam, et ab illa occultati, atque a rege quaesiti et minime inventi, eadem dimittente illos per fenestram, et monente ut triduo laterent in montanis (Cf. Ios 2, 1-6.15-16), quatuor dies videntur esse consumpti; inde posteaquam nuntiaverunt quae circa illos gesta fuerint, promovit Iesus cum populo universo de loco ubi erat diluculo; qui cum venisset ad Iordanem, divertit et mansit: tunc rursus populus admonetur ut post triduum se praeparet transire Iordanem, Arca Domini praecedente (Cf. Ios 3, 1-3).
For when he had commanded these things to the people, he sent spies into Jericho, since, the Jordan being crossed, that was the nearest city to meet them: but they turned aside to Rahab, a harlot woman, and, hidden by her, and sought by the king and not at all found, with her sending them away through the window and warning them to lie hidden for three days in the mountains, (See Josh 2:1-6, 15-16) four days seem to have been consumed; thereafter, when they had reported what had been done concerning them, Joshua with all the people set out from the place where he was at daybreak; and when he had come to the Jordan, he turned aside and remained: then again the people are admonished to prepare themselves to cross the Jordan after three days, with the Ark of the Lord going before. (See Josh 3:1-3)
QsHept.5.48.3
Hinc ergo intellegitur humanam fuisse dispositionem, quam fecit populo nuntiari, ut cibaria praepararent, tamquam post tres dies memoratum fluvium transituri. Potuit enim hoc sicut homo sperare fieri posse, si exploratores celeriter revertissent. Quibus tardantibus intellegitur, quamvis Scriptura tacuerit, ex divina dispositione caetera impleta, ut iam inciperet apud populum glorificari Iesus, et ostendi quod cum illo Dominus esset, sicut fuerat cum Moyse. Nam et hoc illi dicitur fluvium transituro, sicut scriptum est: et dixit Dominus ad Iesum: 'in die isto incipiam exaltare te coram omnibus filiis Israel, ut sciant quoniam sicut eram cum Moyse, sic ero et tecum.'
Hence, then, it is understood that it was a human arrangement which he caused to be announced to the people, that they should prepare provisions, as though they were to cross the aforementioned river after three days. For he could, as a man, hope that this could be done, if the spies returned quickly. With them delaying, it is understood—although Scripture is silent about it—that the rest was accomplished by divine arrangement, so that Joshua might now begin to be glorified among the people, and it might be shown that the Lord was with him, as he had been with Moses. For this too is said to him as he is about to cross the river, as it is written: and the Lord said to Joshua: On this day I will begin to exalt you before all the children of Israel, that they may know that, as I was with Moses, so I will be with you.
QsHept.5.48.3
Nec incredibile debet videri, etiam illos cum quibus Deus loquebatur, aliquid ex humana dispositione agere voluisse, in qua sibi Deum tamen fiderent esse rectorem, eorumque ex illius a quo regebantur providentia, consilia fuisse mutata. Nam et Moyses ipse utique tamquam homo putaverat esse faciendum, ut causas populi sic audiret, quem- admodum et sibi et illis, onus intolerabile subeundo, prodesse non posset: eiusque dispositio divinitus, et hoc ipsum socero eius suggerente et monente, atque hanc admonitionem Deo approbante, mutata est (Cf. Ex 18, 13-26).
Nor ought it to seem incredible that even those with whom God spoke wished to do something by a human arrangement, in which they nonetheless trusted God to be their guide, and that their plans were changed by the providence of him by whom they were guided. For Moses himself, as a man, had certainly thought it ought to be done that he should hear the cases of the people in such a way that he could be of profit neither to himself nor to them, taking up an intolerable burden: and his arrangement was changed by God—this very thing being suggested and advised by his father-in-law, and God approving this advice. (See Ex 18:13-26)
QsHept.5.48.3
Quare de longe iubeantur arcam praecedere et quomodo columna nubis non amplius praecessit.
Why they are bidden to go far before the ark, and how the pillar of cloud no longer went before.
3. (3, 3-4. 15) Scribae populo dicunt: cum videritis Arcam testimonii Domini Dei nostri, et sacerdotes nostros et Levitas tollentes eam, proficiscimini de locis vestris; et ite post eam: sed longum intervallum sit inter vos et illam, quantum duo millia cubitorum stabitis, ne propinquetis ei, ut sciatis viam quam ibitis in eam. Non enim abiistis viam ab hesterna et nudiustertiana die.
3. (3:3-4, 15) The scribes say to the people: when you see the Ark of the testimony of the Lord our God, and our priests and Levites carrying it, set out from your places; and go after it: but let there be a long interval between you and it, you shall stand about two thousand cubits off, do not draw near to it, that you may know the way by which you are to go into it. For you have not gone the way from yesterday and the day before. (Josh 3:3-4, 15)
QsHept.5.48.3
Longe iussum est arcam praecedere, ut posset a populo videri. Tam grande quippe agmen, si post eam proximum pergeret, non eam videret praeire, nec nosset qua sequeretur. Ex hoc autem facto intellegendum est, quod columna illa nubis, quae solebat movendis castris signum dare, et iter ostendere (Cf. Ex 13, 21), iam recesserat, nec eis apparebat: hinc factum est ut etiam triduum illud ex humana dispositione praediceretur. Nunc ergo duce Iesu arcam Domini sequuntur nube subtracta tamquam velamine ablato. Iordanis autem plenus erat per totam crepidinem suam, sicut in diebus messis tritici. Hoc incredibile videtur regionibus nostris: ibi autem, sicut perhibent qui noverunt, in initio veris est messis tritici; tunc autem ille fluvius repletur amplius quam per hiemem.
The ark was bidden to go far ahead, so that it could be seen by the people. For so great a host, if it had gone close behind it, would not have seen it going before, nor known which way to follow. From this deed it is to be understood that that pillar of cloud, which was accustomed to give the signal for moving the camp, and to show the way (See Ex 13:21), had now withdrawn, and did not appear to them: hence it came about that even that three-day interval was foretold by human arrangement. Now, then, with Joshua as leader, they follow the Ark of the Lord, the cloud being taken away as a veil removed. And the Jordan was full along its whole bank, as in the days of the wheat harvest. This seems incredible for our regions: but there, as those who know it report, the wheat harvest is at the beginning of spring; and at that time that river is filled more than during winter.
QsHept.5.48.3
Quomodo lapides dicantur memoriale in aeternum.
How the stones are said to be a memorial forever.
4. (4, 7) Et erunt vobis lapides isti memoriale filiis Israel usque in aeternum. Quomodo in aeternum, cum coelum et terra transeant (Cf. Mt 24, 35)? An quoniam aeternum aliquid significant hi lapides, cum ipsi aeterni esse non possint? Quamvis possit quod in Graeco est, , dici Latine, et usque in saeculum, quod non est consequens ut intellegatur "aeternum."
4. (4:7) And these stones shall be to you a memorial for the children of Israel forever. (Josh 4:7) How forever, since heaven and earth pass away? (See Mt 24:35) Or is it because these stones signify something eternal, although they themselves cannot be eternal? Although what is in Greek, εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, can be said in Latin also as "to the age," which does not follow that it should be understood as "eternal."
QsHept.5.48.3
Arca testamenti vel arca testimonii.
The Ark of the covenant, or the Ark of the testimony.
5. (4, 15-16) Et dixit Dominus ad Iesum, dicens: 'manda sacerdotibus portantibus Arcam testamenti testimonii.' Solet dici Arca testamenti, vel Arca testimonii (Cf. Ex 39, 35; 40, 3): nunc dicta est Arca testamenti testimonii, ut non solum Arca, sed etiam ipsum testamentum appellaretur testamentum testimonii. Hinc enim dicit Apostolus: nunc autem sine Lege iustitia Dei manifestata est, testimonium habens per Legem et Prophetas (Rom 3, 21). In cuiusdam enim rei alterius venturae testimonium datum fuerat illud, quod dicitur Testamentum Vetus.
5. (4:15-16) And the Lord said to Joshua, saying: Command the priests carrying the Ark of the covenant of the testimony. (Josh 4:15-16) It is usually called the Ark of the covenant, or the Ark of the testimony (See Ex 39:35; 40:3): now it is called the Ark of the covenant of the testimony, so that not only the Ark, but the covenant itself was called the covenant of the testimony. For hence the Apostle says: but now without the Law the righteousness of God has been manifested, having testimony through the Law and the Prophets (Rom 3:21). For that which is called the Old Covenant had been given as a testimony of some other thing to come.
QsHept.5.48.3
Quomodo filii Israel iubentur circumcidi iterum.
How the children of Israel are bidden to be circumcised again.
6. (5, 2-7) Dixit Dominus ad Iesum: 'fac tibi ipsi cultros de petra acutos,' vel, sicut habet Graecus, de petra acuta, et sedens circumcide filios Israel iterum. In hoc praecepto quaeritur cur dixerit, iterum. Non enim unus homo bis circumcidendus erat: sed quia unus populus erat in quibusdam circumcisus, in quibusdam non circumcisus, ideo dictum est iterum, ut circumcisus iterum circumcideretur, non homo, sed populus. Nam et sequentia id ostendunt.
6. (5:2-7) The Lord said to Joshua: Make for yourself knives of stone, sharp, or, as the Greek has it, of sharp stone, and, sitting, circumcise the children of Israel again. In this precept it is asked why he said again. For one man was not to be circumcised twice: but because there was one people, circumcised in some, uncircumcised in others, therefore it was said again, so that the circumcised should be circumcised again—not the man, but the people. For what follows shows this too.
QsHept.5.48.3
Dicit enim Scriptura: et fecit Iesus cultros petrinos sibi ipsi acutos, et circumcidit filios Israel in loco qui vocatur Collis praeputiorum. Hoc autem modo circumpurgavit Iesus filios Israel, qui aliquando fuerant in via, et qui aliquando incircumcisi erant eorum qui exierant ex Aegypto; omnes istos circumcidit Iesus. Quadraginta enim et duobus annis conversatus est Israel in deserto Mabdaritide, et ideo incircumcisi erant illorum plurimi pugnatorum qui exierunt de terra Aegypti qui inobedientes fuerant mandatis Dei, in quibus et definierat Dominus eis, ne viderent illi terram quam iuraverat Dominus patribus eorum dare illis, terram fluentem lac et mel. Pro his autem substituit filios eorum, quos circumcidit Iesus, eo quod fuissent in itinere incircumcisi.
For Scripture says: and Joshua made stone knives, sharp for himself, and circumcised the children of Israel in the place which is called the Hill of Foreskins. And in this manner Joshua purified the children of Israel, those who at some time had been on the way, and those of them who had at some time been uncircumcised, of those who had gone out of Egypt; all these Joshua circumcised. For forty-two years Israel dwelt in the desert of Mabdaris, and therefore most of those fighting men were uncircumcised who had gone out of the land of Egypt, who had been disobedient to the commandments of God, concerning whom the Lord had also determined that they should not see the land which the Lord had sworn to their fathers to give them, a land flowing with milk and honey. But in their place he substituted their sons, whom Joshua circumcised, because they had been uncircumcised on the journey.
QsHept.5.48.3
Manifestum est ergo non omnes fuisse, sed quosdam. Quidam enim de Aegypto exeuntium filii in illo populo incircumcisi erant, quos potuit circumcidere Iesus; illorum scilicet filios qui genuerunt in deserto, et contempserunt eos circumcidere, quod inobedientes erant Legi Dei. Nulla itaque causa est cur ii qui putant rebaptizandos eos qui habent Christiani Baptismi sacramentum, hoc testimonio Legis adiuvari se putent: quia nullus bis numero unus homo est circumcisus; sed populus qui iam fuerat in quibusdam circumcisus, in quibusdam vero adhuc incircumcisus erat. Et si aliquo modo id fieri posset, ut bis circumcidi hominem Deus iuberet; numquid possunt dicere ideo fuisse praeceptum, quia illi ab Aegyptiis fuerant circumcisi, aut ab aliquibus haereticis ab Israelitarum societate segregatis? Cum vero satis etiam appareat quare sit a Deo dictum, nullum hic possunt homines erroris sui patrocinium reperire.
It is clear, then, that it was not all, but some. For some of the sons of those who went out of Egypt were uncircumcised in that people, whom Joshua could circumcise; namely, the sons of those who begot them in the desert and neglected to circumcise them, because they were disobedient to the Law of God. There is, therefore, no reason why those who think that those who have the sacrament of Christian Baptism are to be rebaptized should think themselves helped by this testimony of the Law: because no one man was circumcised twice in number; but the people, which had already been circumcised in some, was still uncircumcised in others. And if it could in some way come about that God should bid a man to be circumcised twice; could they say that it was commanded for this reason, that those men had been circumcised by the Egyptians, or by some heretics separated from the fellowship of the Israelites? But since it appears clearly enough why it was said by God, men can find here no patronage for their error.
QsHept.5.48.3
De visione angeli qui apparuit Iosue in agro Iericho.
Concerning the vision of the angel who appeared to Joshua in the field of Jericho.
7. (5, 13-15) Quando Iesus vidit virum contra se stantem evaginato gladio, et eo respondente dicit quod esset princeps militiae virtutis Domini; et prostratus in terram dixit: quid praecipis tuo famulo? quaeri potest utrum angelo se prostraverit, eumque dixerit dominum; an potius intellegens a quo missus fuerit, ipsum Dominum dixerit, eique se prostraverit. Erat autem, sicut legitur, Iesus in Iericho, non utique in ipsa civitate, cuius muri nondum ceciderant, quod mox futurum erat, ut in eam possent intrare; sed in agro ad eam pertinente: nam interpretatio quae est ex Hebraeo, sic habet.
7. (5:13-15) When Joshua saw a man standing opposite him with a drawn sword, and, with the man answering, he says that he was the commander of the army of the host of the Lord; and, prostrate on the ground, he said: what do you command your servant? it can be asked whether he prostrated himself to an angel, and called him lord; or rather, understanding by whom he had been sent, called him the Lord himself, and prostrated himself to him. Now Joshua was, as is read, in Jericho, not indeed in the city itself, whose walls had not yet fallen—which was soon to be, so that they could enter into it—but in the field belonging to it: for the translation which is from the Hebrew has it thus.
QsHept.5.48.3
De furto Achar.
Concerning the theft of Achan.
8. (7, 1 ss.) In eo quod factum est ut Achar de tribu Iuda furaretur de anathemate civitatis Iericho contra praeceptum Domini; et propter eius peccatum tria millia quae missa fuerant in Gai, dederunt terga hostibus, et occisi sunt ex eis triginta sex viri; et populo graviter territo, Iesus cum senioribus se prostravit ad Dominum, eique responsum est ideo factum esse, quod peccaverit populus; minatus est etiam Deus non se cum eis futurum, nisi abstulerint anathema de se ipsis; et quod ostensus est qui fecerat, nec solus occisus, sed cum omnibus suis: quaeri solet quomodo iuste pro alterius peccatis in alios vindicetur; maxime quia in Lege Dominus dixit, nec patres pro filiorum, nec filios pro patrum peccatis esse puniendos (Cf. Deut 24, 16)?
8. (7:1ff.) In the matter that came about, that Achan of the tribe of Judah stole from the devoted things of the city of Jericho against the command of the Lord; and on account of his sin the three thousand who had been sent to Ai turned their backs to the enemy, and thirty-six men were killed of them; and, with the people gravely terrified, Joshua with the elders prostrated himself to the Lord, and it was answered to him that this had happened because the people had sinned; God also threatened that he would not be with them, unless they removed the devoted thing from among themselves; and that the one who had done it was pointed out, and was not killed alone, but with all his household: it is usually asked how it is just that for the sins of one, others are punished; especially because in the Law the Lord said that neither fathers for the sins of sons, nor sons for the sins of fathers, were to be punished. (See Deut 24:16)
QsHept.5.48.3
An illud iudicantibus hominibus est praeceptum, ne quemquam pro altero puniant; Dei autem iudicia non sunt eiusmodi, qui alto et invisibili consilio suo novit quatenus extendat etiam temporalem hominum poenam salubremque terrorem? Non enim aliquid dirum, quantum attinet ad universi mundi administrationem, contingit mortalibus, cum moriuntur quandoque morituri: et tamen apud eos qui talia metuunt, disciplina sancitur, ut non se solum quisque curet in populo, sed invicem sibi adhibeant diligentiam, et tamquam unius corporis et unius hominis alia pro aliis sint membra sollicita (Cf. 1 Cor 12, 12. 25).
Is that a precept for men when they judge, that they should not punish anyone for another; but the judgments of God are not of this kind, who by his deep and invisible counsel knows how far to extend even the temporal punishment and salutary terror of men? For nothing dreadful, as far as concerns the administration of the whole world, befalls mortals when they die who were at some point going to die: and yet among those who fear such things, discipline is established, so that each one in the people may care not for himself alone, but they may apply diligence to one another, and, as members of one body and of one man, some may be solicitous for others. (See 1 Cor 12:12, 25)
QsHept.5.48.3
Nec tamen credendum est, etiam poenis quae post mortem irrogantur, alium pro alio posse damnari; sed in his tantum rebus hanc irrogari poenam, quae finem fuerant habiturae, etiamsi non eo modo finirentur. Simul etiam ostenditur quantum connexa sit in populi societate ipsa universitas, ut non in seipsis singuli, sed et tamquam partes in toto existimentur. Per unius igitur peccatum mortemque paucorum admonitus est populus universus, tamquam in corpore universo quaerere quod admissum est. Simul etiam significatum est quantum mali fieret, si universa illa congregatio peccasset; quando ne unus quidem ita potuit iudicari, ut ab eo possent caeteri esse securi.
Nor yet is it to be believed that, even in the punishments which are inflicted after death, one can be condemned for another; but that this penalty is inflicted only in those things which were going to have an end, even if they were not ended in that way. At the same time it is also shown how the totality itself is bound together in the fellowship of a people, so that individuals are reckoned not in themselves, but as parts in a whole. Through the sin of one, then, and the death of a few, the whole people was admonished to seek out in the whole body what had been committed. At the same time it was also signified how great an evil would be done if that whole assembly had sinned; since not even one man could be so judged that the rest could be secure on his account.
QsHept.5.48.3
At vero, si Achar ab aliquo inventus atque comprehensus, et illius criminis reus ad iudicium Iesu fuisset adductus, nequaquam putandum est hominem iudicem vel pro illo vel cum illo quemquam alium, qui societate facti eius minime teneretur, fuisse puniturum. Neque enim ei mandatum Legis licebat excedere, quod datum est hominibus, ne iudicio suo, quod in hominem homini iussum sive permissum est, alterum pro alterius peccato arbitretur esse plectendum.
But indeed, if Achan, found and seized by someone, and as guilty of that crime brought to the judgment of Joshua, it is by no means to be thought that a human judge would have punished either for him or together with him any other who was in no way held by the fellowship of his deed. For it was not lawful for him to exceed the command of the Law, which is given to men, that they should not, by their judgment—which is commanded or permitted to man over man—decide that one is to be punished for the sin of another.
QsHept.5.48.3
Longe autem secretiore iustitia iudicat Deus, qui potens est etiam post mortem, quod homo non potest, vel liberare vel perdere (Cf. Iac 4, 12). Visibiles igitur afflictiones hominum sive mortes, quoniam his quibus ingeruntur, et obesse et prodesse possunt, novit Dominus in occulto providentiae suae quemadmodum iuste quibusque dispenset, etiam cum aliorum peccata in aliis videtur ulcisci. Poenas vero invisibiles, quae nonnisi nocent, et prodesse non possunt, ita nullus Deo iudice pro alienis peccatis luit, sicut homine iudice luere nullus nisi pro sua culpa istas visibiles debet. Hoc enim praecepit homini iudici Deus, in his quae ad humanum iudicium pertinent vindicanda, quod in suo iudicio facit ipse, quo potestas non aspirat humana.
But God judges by a far more secret justice, who is able even after death—what man cannot—either to free or to destroy. (See Jas 4:12) The visible afflictions, then, or deaths of men, since they can both harm and profit those on whom they are imposed, the Lord knows, in the secret of his providence, how justly to dispense to each, even when he seems to avenge the sins of some upon others. But the invisible punishments, which only harm and cannot profit, no one suffers for the sins of others with God as judge, just as no one ought to suffer these visible ones with man as judge except for his own fault. For God commanded this to man the judge, in those things which pertain to human judgment to be punished, which he himself does in his own judgment, to which human power does not aspire.
QsHept.5.48.3
Quare Iesus lapidare fecit Achar quem Dominus cremari iusserat.
Why Joshua had Achan stoned, whom the Lord had bidden to be burned.
9. 1. (7, 15. 25) Merito quaeritur, cum Dominus propter illum qui de anathemate furtum fecerat, praeceperit eum qui fuisset ostensus, igni cremari, cur eum ostensum Iesus lapidari potius a populo fecerit. An ita eum mori oportuit, quemadmodum Iesus, qui propius Dominum sequebatur, Domini verba iubentis intellegere potuit? Sic enim alius quisquam non facile potuit. Unde magis quaerendum est cur lapidationem "ignem" appellaverit Dominus, quam credendum Iesum aliud fecisse quam iusserat Dominus. Nam neque ad intellegendum verba Domini quisquam potuit esse sapientior, neque ad faciendum quisquam obedientior. Proinde "ignis" nomine poenam potuisse significari, Scriptura testis est in Deuteronomio, ubi dicitur ad filios Israel: et eduxit vos de fornace ferrea ex Aegypto (Deut 4, 20): ubi utique duram tribulationem intellegi voluit.
9. 1. (7:15, 25) It is rightly asked: since the Lord, on account of the one who had committed theft from the devoted things, commanded that the one who was pointed out should be burned with fire, why Joshua had the one pointed out rather stoned by the people. Or was it fitting that he should die in such a way as Joshua, who followed the Lord more closely, could understand the words of the Lord's command? For so another could not easily have done. Hence it is rather to be asked why the Lord called stoning "fire," than to be believed that Joshua did anything other than the Lord had commanded. For no one could be wiser for understanding the words of the Lord, nor anyone more obedient for doing them. Accordingly, that by the name of "fire" a punishment could be signified, Scripture is a witness in Deuteronomy, where it is said to the children of Israel: and he led you out of the iron furnace, out of Egypt (Deut 4:20): where, of course, he meant a hard tribulation to be understood.
QsHept.5.48.3
9. 2. Duae autem mihi causae occurrunt (non ut ambae sint, sed ut altera ex eis), cur non ille cum suis omnibus evidenti igne crematus sit. Si enim peccatum eius Dominus tale esse iudicavit, quod supplicio illo expiatum non puniret in aeternum, propter ipsam expiationem et purgationem congruentur illa poena "ignis" nomen accepit. Neque ad hunc intellectum quisquam tendere admoneretur, si eum proprie visibilis ignis exureret; sed in eo quisque remaneret, quod aperte videbat impletum, nec aliquid ultra quaereret nunc vero cum propter Dei verba et factum Iesu, a quo praevaricari illa verba non possent, rectissime dicitur etiam lapidationem ignem fuisse; eleganter agnoscitur illa poena hominem, ne in posterum peccato illo interiret, fuisse purgatum. Quod significant etiam vasa in Levitico, quae iubentur igne purgari (Cf. Lev 13, 52).
9. 2. Two reasons occur to me (not that both hold, but that one of them does) why he was not, with all his household, burned with manifest fire. For if the Lord judged his sin to be such that, expiated by that punishment, he would not punish it eternally, then on account of that very expiation and purification that punishment fittingly received the name of "fire." Nor would anyone be admonished to reach toward this understanding, if visible fire properly burned him up; but each would remain in what he plainly saw fulfilled, and would seek nothing beyond. But now, since on account of the words of God and the deed of Joshua, by whom those words could not be transgressed, it is most rightly said that the stoning too was fire; it is elegantly recognized that the man was purified by that punishment, lest he perish hereafter by that sin. This is signified also by the vessels in Leviticus, which are bidden to be purified by fire. (See Lev 13:52)
QsHept.6.9.2
Si autem tale fuit illud peccatum, propter quod eum etiam post istam vitam Gehenna susciperet; ideo Iesus eum voluit lapidari, ut quod a Domino dictum est, igni cremabitur, illud admoneret intellegi, quod Dominus faceret, non quod ab ipsis esset faciendum. Si enim dixisset Dominus: "igni eum cremabitis et omnia eius"; huic sensui locus nullus esset: cum vero ita positum est, ut magis videatur Deus quod ei futurum esset praedixisse, quam quod ei ab hominibus deberet fieri praecepisse; melius non potuit facere Iesus, qui divina verba sicut tantus propheta intellexit, qui etiam hoc ipsum prophetice fecit, quam ut illum lapidibus potius quam flammis interimeret, ne in illis ignibus verba Domini viderentur impleta, quae ob aliud dicta volebat intellegi.
But if that sin was such that even after this life Gehenna would receive him; then Joshua willed him to be stoned for this reason, that what was said by the Lord, he shall be burned with fire, might admonish it to be understood as something the Lord would do, not something to be done by them. For if the Lord had said: "you shall burn him with fire and all his goods"; there would be no place for this sense: but since it is set down in such a way that God seems rather to have foretold what would befall him than to have commanded what ought to be done to him by men; Joshua, who understood the divine words as so great a prophet, who did this very thing prophetically, could do no better than to kill him with stones rather than with flames, lest in those fires the words of the Lord should seem fulfilled, which he wished to be understood as said for another reason.
QsHept.6.9.2
9. 3. Nec movere debet quod non ipsum tantum, sed etiam omnia quae sunt eius, Deus cremanda igni praedixerit. Sic enim ait: igni cremabitur, et omnia quaecumque sunt ei. Omnia enim quaecumque sunt ei, opera eius possunt intellegi, quae cum illo dixit esse concremanda: non sicut dicit Apostolus de quibusdam operibus igne consumptis, ipse autem salvus erit (1 Cor 3, 15): si huius peccatum ita intellegendum est, ut etiam aeterno igne puniatur.
9. 3. Nor ought it to trouble that God foretold not only him, but also all that was his, to be burned with fire. For it says thus: he shall be burned with fire, and all whatever is his. For all whatever is his can be understood as his works, which he said were to be burned up together with him: not as the Apostle says of certain works consumed by fire, but he himself shall be saved (1 Cor 3:15): if this man's sin is to be so understood that it is punished even by eternal fire.
QsHept.6.9.3
Filios ergo eius et filias cum pecoribus et omnibus quae habebat, populus quidem cum eum puniret, simul lapidibus obruit: non tamen hoc iudicio humano, sed prophetico spiritu fecit Iesus; sive ita intellegens, omnia quae sunt ei, ut nec filios censeret exceptos, lapidationis etiam poenam pro igne ingerens; sive opera eius quae post mortem Deus in illo fuerat crematurus, non solum per caetera quae illi erant, verum etiam per filios eius significans.
His sons, then, and daughters, with the cattle and all that he had, the people indeed, when it punished him, overwhelmed together with stones: yet Joshua did this not by human judgment, but by a prophetic spirit; whether understanding all that is his in such a way that he did not reckon even the sons to be excepted, inflicting the penalty of stoning too in place of fire; or signifying his works, which God was going to burn in him after death, not only through the rest of the things that were his, but also through his sons.
QsHept.6.9.3
9. 4. Nec ideo sane credendum est eos pro peccato patris, a quo innocentes erant, etiam post mortem supplicio inferni ignis incensos. Mors quippe ista quae omnes manet, quamvis de primo peccato veniat (Cf. Rom 5, 12), tamen quia ita nati sumus, ut necessario moriendum sit, accelerata quibusdam est utilis. Unde legitur de quodam: raptus est, ne malitia mutaret intellectum eius (Sap 4, 11). Quo ergo iudicio Dei, vel misericordia, fuerit irrogata sive filiis huius, sive illis triginta sex viris (Cf. Ios 7, 5), cum omnes ab eius peccato alieni fuerint, latet apud eum apud quem non est iniquitas (Cf. Rom 9, 14).
Nor, indeed, is it to be believed on this account that they, for the sin of their father, of which they were innocent, were burned even after death by the punishment of the fire of hell. For that death which awaits all, although it comes from the first sin, (See Rom 5:12) yet, because we are so born that there must necessarily be dying, is, when hastened, useful to some. Hence it is read of a certain man: he was carried off, lest malice should change his understanding (Wis 4:11). By what judgment of God, then, or mercy, it was inflicted whether on this man's sons, or on those thirty-six men (See Josh 7:5), since all were free from his sin, lies hidden with him with whom there is no injustice. (See Rom 9:14)
QsHept.6.9.4
Verum illud in promptu est, quod et populum terribiliter oportebat quaerere quod admissum est; et tanto vehementius timuerunt caeteri factum eius imitari, quanto magis humana exhorret infirmitas, et in tam magnum tamque iustum populi odium dari, et eis quos ad spem propagandi generis se relicturum putabat, peccato suo secum consumptis suis posteris emori.
But this is plain: that the people too had terribly to seek out what had been committed; and the rest feared the more vehemently to imitate his deed, the more human weakness shrinks both from being given over to so great and so just a hatred of the people, and from dying, with one's posterity consumed together with oneself by one's own sin, among those whom one thought to leave behind for the hope of propagating one's line.
QsHept.6.9.4
Quomodo Deus praecipiat insidias fieri.
How God commands an ambush to be made.
10. (8, 2) Quod Deus iubet loquens ad Iesum, ut constituat sibi retrorsus insidias, id est insidiantes bellatores ad insidiandum hostibus, hinc admonemur non iniuste fieri ab his qui iustum bellum gerunt: ut nihil homo iustus praecipue cogitare debeat in his rebus, nisi ut iustum bellum suscipiat, cui bellare fas est; non enim omnibus fas est. Cum autem iustum bellum susceperit, utrum aperta pugna, utrum insidiis vincat, nihil ad iustitiam interest.
10. (8:2) That God, speaking to Joshua, bids him set an ambush for himself behind, that is, soldiers lying in wait to ambush the enemy, admonishes us from this that it is not done unjustly by those who wage a just war: so that a just man ought to consider nothing especially in these matters except to undertake a just war, for one to whom it is lawful to wage war; for it is not lawful for all. But when he has undertaken a just war, whether he conquers by open battle or by ambushes makes no difference to justice.
QsHept.6.9.4
Iusta autem bella ea definiri solent, quae ulciscuntur iniurias, si qua gens vel civitas, quae bello petenda est, vel vindicare neglexerit quod a suis improbe factum est, vel reddere quod per iniurias ablatum est. Sed etiam hoc genus belli sine dubitatione iustum est, quod Deus imperat, apud quem non est iniquitas (Cf. Rom 9, 14) et novit quid cuique fieri debeat. In quo bello ductor exercitus vel ipse populus, non tam auctor belli, quam minister iudicandus est.
Now just wars are usually defined as those which avenge injuries, if some nation or city, which is to be attacked in war, has either neglected to punish what was wickedly done by its own, or to restore what was taken away through injuries. But also that kind of war is without doubt just which God commands, with whom there is no injustice, (See Rom 9:14) and who knows what ought to be done to each. In which war the leader of the army, or the people itself, is to be judged not so much the author of the war as the minister.
QsHept.6.9.4
Utrum omnis voluntas fallendi mendacium dicetur.
Whether every will to deceive is to be called a lie.
11. (8, 4-8) Iesus mittens ad Gai debellandum triginta millia bellatorum, ait illis: vos insidiabimini post civitatem, et non longe eritis a civitate, et eritis omnes parati: et ego et omnis populus qui mecum est, accedemus ad civitatem. Et erit, cum exierint qui commorantur in Gai, in obviam nobis, sicut antea, et fugiemus a facie illorum. Et cum exierint post nos, adducemus illos de civitate, et dicent: 'fugiunt isti a facie nostra, sicut antea.' Vos autem exsurgetis ex insidiis et ibitis in civitatem. Secundum verbum istud facietis. Ecce praecipio vobis.
11. (8:4-8) Joshua, sending thirty thousand warriors to subdue Ai, said to them: you shall lie in ambush behind the city, and you shall not be far from the city, and you shall all be ready: and I and all the people who are with me will approach the city. And it shall be, when those who dwell in Ai come out to meet us, as before, that we will flee from their face. And when they come out after us, we will draw them away from the city, and they will say: These men flee from our face, as before. But you shall rise up from the ambush and go into the city. According to this word you shall do. Behold, I command you. (Josh 8:4-8)
QsHept.6.9.4
Quaerendum est utrum omnis voluntas fallendi pro mendacio deputanda sit; et si ita est, utrum possit iustum esse mendacium, quo ille fallitur, qui dignus est falli: et si ne hoc quidem mendacium iustum reperitur, restat ut secundum aliquam significationem hoc, quod de insidiis factum est, ad veritatem referatur.
It must be asked whether every will to deceive is to be reckoned a lie; and if so, whether a lie can be just by which one is deceived who is worthy to be deceived: and if not even this lie is found to be just, it remains that, according to some signification, this which was done about the ambush is to be referred to the truth.
QsHept.6.9.4
An Gabaonitae saccos super humeros suos an super asinos suos accipiebant.
Whether the Gibeonites took sacks upon their shoulders or upon their asses.
12. (9, 3-4. 13) Quod Gabaonitae venerunt ad Iesum cum vetustis panibus et saccis, ut putarentur, sicut finxerant, de terra venisse longinqua, quo eis parceretur (constitutum enim erat a Domino, ne alicui terras illas inhabitanti parcerent, quo ingrediebantur): nonnulli codices et Graeci et Latini habent: et accipientes saccos veteres super humeros suos; alii vero qui veraciores videntur, non habent: super humeros, sed: super asinos suos. Similitudo enim verbi in graeca lingua mendositatem facilem fecit, et ideo latina quoque exemplaria variata sunt: Ὤμων quippe et ὄνων non multum ab invicem dissonant, quorum prius "humerorum" nomen est, posterius "asinorum." Ideo est autem de asinis credibilius, quoniam se a sua gente longinqua missos esse dixerunt: unde apparet eos fuisse legatos, et ideo magis in asinis quam in humeris necessaria portare potuisse; quia nec multi esse poterant; et non solum saccos, sed etiam utres eos portasse Scriptura commemorat.
12. (9:3-4, 13) As to the Gibeonites coming to Joshua with old bread and sacks, so that they might be thought, as they had pretended, to have come from a far land, in order that they might be spared (for it had been established by the Lord that they should spare no one inhabiting those lands into which they were entering): some manuscripts, both Greek and Latin, have: and taking old sacks upon their shoulders; but others, which seem more truthful, do not have upon their shoulders, but upon their asses. For the similarity of the word in the Greek language made an error easy, and therefore the Latin copies too were varied: for Ὤμων and ὄνων do not differ much from each other, the first of which is the word for "shoulders," the latter for "asses." But it is more credible that it was about asses, since they said they had been sent from their nation far away: hence it appears that they were envoys, and therefore could carry the necessary things rather on asses than on shoulders; both because they could not be many, and because Scripture mentions that they carried not only sacks but also wineskins.
QsHept.6.9.4
Quomodo eisdem servatum dicitur iuramentum.
How the oath is said to have been kept toward them.
13. (9, 19. 9) Quaeri potest quomodo iurationem servandam esse crediderint Hebraei Gabaonitis, quibus ita iuraverant, tamquam de longinqua terra venientibus, sicut illi mentiti fuerant. Sciebant enim se debellandos, si cognitum esset Hebraeis in ea terra eos habitare, quam promissam fuerant interfectis habitantibus retenturi. Mentientibus ergo quod de longinqua terra ad eos venissent, iuraverunt eis Israelitae. Posteaquam vero cognoverunt ibi eos habitare, ubi omnes quos invenerant secundum Dei praeceptum debellare oportebat, noluerunt tamen frangere iurationem: et licet eos mentitos esse didicissent, parcere maluerunt iurationis causa; cum possent utique dicere se tamquam illis iurasse, quos eos esse crediderant, id est de lonqinquo venientes; cum vero aliud cognoverunt, praeceptum circa eos Domini implendum erat, ut sicuti caeteri expugnarentur.
13. (9:19, 9) It can be asked how the Hebrews thought the oath was to be kept toward the Gibeonites, to whom they had sworn as though to people coming from a far land, as those had lied. For they knew they would be subdued, if it were known to the Hebrews that they dwelt in that land which they were going to retain, with the inhabitants killed, as it had been promised. To them, then, lying that they had come to them from a far land, the Israelites swore. But after they learned that they dwelt there, where all whom they found were, according to God's command, to be subdued, they were nevertheless unwilling to break the oath: and although they had learned that they had lied, they preferred to spare them for the sake of the oath; when they could indeed say that they had sworn as it were to those whom they had believed them to be, that is, coming from afar; but when they had learned otherwise, the Lord's command concerning them had to be fulfilled, that they should be assailed like the rest.
QsHept.6.9.4
Deus autem hoc approbavit, nec parcentibus succensuit: quamvis eum non interrogassent (Cf. Ios 9, 14) quinam illi essent, et ideo eos illi fallere valuissent. Unde non importune utique credendi sunt, etsi fallere homines pro sua salute voluerunt, non tamen fallaciter Deum timuisse in populo eius: propterea nec succensuit Dominus iurantibus aut parcentibus, ut postea Gabaonitas ipsos tamquam populi sui homines de domo Saul vindicaverit, sicut regnorum ostendit historia (Cf. 2 Reg 21, 1-8).
But God approved this, and was not angry with those who spared them: although they had not asked him (See Josh 9:14) who those men were, and therefore those had been able to deceive them. Hence they are surely not unreasonably to be believed, even if they wished to deceive men for their own safety, nevertheless to have feared God without deceit among his people: therefore the Lord was not angry with those who swore or spared, so that afterward he avenged the Gibeonites themselves, as men of his own people, upon the house of Saul, as the history of the kingdoms shows. (See 2 Sam 21:1-8)
QsHept.6.9.4
Et quoniam iuratio sic servata est, quamvis in hominibus qui mentiti sunt, ut ad clementiam sententia flecteretur, non displicuit Deo. Nam si e contrario iurassent aliquos se interfecturos, quos Gabaonitas in Terra Promissionis esse putavissent, et postea didicissent eos esse ab illa terra extraneos, et de longinquo ad se venisse, nullo modo arbitrandum est, quod eos essent debellaturi causa iurationis implendae: cum propter ipsam parcendi clementiam sanctus David, etiam post verba quibus se Nabal interfecturum esse iuraverat, utique sciens quem fuerat interfecturus, parcere maluit, nec in re duriore implere iuramentum (Cf. 1 Reg 25, 22-33); magis Deo placere existimans, si quod ira perturbatus ad nocendum iuraverat, non fecisset, quam si perfecisset.
And since the oath was so kept, although among men who had lied, that the sentence was bent toward clemency, it did not displease God. For if, on the contrary, they had sworn that they would kill certain men whom they had thought to be Gibeonites in the Land of Promise, and afterward had learned that they were strangers to that land, and had come to them from afar, it is by no means to be thought that they would have subdued them for the sake of fulfilling the oath: since, for the sake of the very clemency of sparing, holy David, even after the words by which he had sworn that he would kill Nabal, certainly knowing whom he had been going to kill, preferred to spare, and not to fulfill the oath in a harsher matter (See 1 Sam 25:22-33); thinking it more pleasing to God if he did not do what, disturbed by anger, he had sworn to do for harm, than if he had carried it out.
QsHept.6.9.4
Quomodo Dominus inconsultus consulit.
How the Lord, unconsulted, gives counsel.
14. (10, 7-8) Cum obsessi Gabaonitae a regibus Amorrhaeorum misissent ad Iesum, ut sibi subveniretur, ita Scriptura sequitur, et dicit: et ascendit Iesus a Galgala, ipse et omnis populus bellator cum illo, omnis potens in fortitudine. Et dixit Dominus ad Iesum: 'noli timere illos; in manus enim tuas tradidi eos: non subsistet ex illis quisquam coram vobis.' Ubi neque consultus est Dominus utrum eundum ad eos esset; sed ultro suis recte subvenire volentibus, futuram victoriam praenuntiavit. Sic ergo posset, quamvis non consultus, de ipsis Gabaonitis (Cf. Ios 9, 14) admonere, qui essent, cum se longinquos esse mentirentur, nisi ei placuisset illa iuratio, quae subiectis parcere cogeret. Crediderant enim Deo, quem audierant (Cf. Ios 9, 9) suo populo promisisse quod illas gentes subverteret, eorumque terram obtineret; et hanc eorum fidem non eos prodendo remuneravit quodam modo.
14. (10:7-8) When the Gibeonites, besieged by the kings of the Amorites, had sent to Joshua to be helped, Scripture continues thus, and says: and Joshua went up from Gilgal, he and all the warrior people with him, every mighty man in strength. And the Lord said to Joshua: Do not fear them; for into your hands I have delivered them: not one of them shall stand before you. Here the Lord was not consulted whether one ought to go to them; but, to his people willing of their own accord rightly to help, he foretold the future victory. So, then, he could, though not consulted, have warned about the Gibeonites themselves (See Josh 9:14), who they were, when they lied that they were from afar, had not that oath, which compelled them to spare those subject to them, pleased him. For they had believed God, whom they had heard (See Josh 9:9) promise to his people that he would overthrow those nations, and that they would obtain their land; and he rewarded this faith of theirs in a manner by not betraying them.
QsHept.6.9.4
De quinque regibus Iebuseorum sive Amorrhaeorum.
Concerning the five kings of the Jebusites, or the Amorites.
15. (10, 5-6) Quaeritur quemadmodum rex civitatis Ierusalem Adonibezech et caeteri quatuor cum quibus obsedit Gabaonitas, secundum Septuaginta interpretes, primo reges Iebusaeorum cum ad eos obsidendos convenerunt, postea vero reges Amorrhaeorum dicantur ab ipsis Gabaonitis, quando nuntios miserunt ad Iesum, ut eos de obsidione liberaret. Sicut autem inspicere potuimus in ea interpretatione quae ex hebraeo est, utrobique Amorrhaeorum dicuntur: cum constet Iebusaeorum fuisse regem civitatis Ierusalem, quia ipsa est dicta Iebus tamquam illius gentis metropolis (Cf. Ios 18, 28); et septem gentes saepissime Scriptura commemoret, quas promisit Deus exterminaturum se esse a facie populi sui, ex quibus una perhibetur Amorrhaeorum. Nisi forte hoc nomen universale fuerat omnium, aut potius maioris partis: ut non una, sed plures in his septem hoc nomine tenerentur; quamvis esset etiam una de septem, quae Amorrhaeorum proprie vocaretur sicut est pars quaedam quae proprie dicitur Libya, quamvis hoc nomen universae Africae competat; et pars quaedam quae proprie dicitur Asia, quamvis Asiam vel dimidium terrarum orbem quidam, vel alii tertiam partem orbis posuerint. Nam, quod constat, et Chananaei tamquam una gens in illis septem commemorantur, et tamen universa illa terra originaliter terra Chanaan vocatur.
15. (10:5-6) It is asked how Adonizedek, king of the city of Jerusalem, and the other four with whom he besieged the Gibeonites, according to the Septuagint translators, are first called kings of the Jebusites when they came together to besiege them, but afterward kings of the Amorites by the Gibeonites themselves, when they sent messengers to Joshua to free them from the siege. But, as we have been able to inspect in that translation which is from the Hebrew, in both places they are called Amorites: although it is established that the king of the city of Jerusalem was of the Jebusites, because the city itself was called Jebus, as it were the metropolis of that nation (See Josh 18:28); and Scripture very often mentions seven nations, which God promised that he would exterminate from before his people, of which one is said to be of the Amorites. Unless perhaps this name was the universal one of all, or rather of the greater part: so that not one, but several among these seven were comprised under this name; although there was also one of the seven which was properly called of the Amorites—just as there is a certain part which is properly called Libya, although this name applies to the whole of Africa; and a certain part which is properly called Asia, although some have reckoned Asia to be half the world, others a third part of the world. For, as is established, the Canaanites too are mentioned as one nation among those seven, and yet that whole land is originally called the land of Canaan.
QsHept.6.9.4
Praeceptum Domini, etiam si crudele videatur, sine crudelitate perficitur.
A command of the Lord, even if it seems cruel, is carried out without cruelty.
16. (11, 14-15) Non dimisit in ea Iesus quidquam spirans, sicut praecepit Dominus Moysi puero suo, et Moyses similiter praecepit Iesu, et sic fecit Iesus: non est transgressus nihil ab omnibus quibus constituit Dominus Moysi. Propter hoc nullo modo putanda est ista crudelitas, quod nullum vivum in civitatibus sibi traditis dimittebat Iesus, quia Deus hoc iusserat. Qui autem existimant hinc Deum ipsum fuisse crudelem, et propter hoc Veteris Testamenti verum Deum fuisse auctorem nolunt credere, tam perverse de operibus Dei quam de peccatis hominum iudicant, nescientes quid quisque pati dignus sit, et magnum putantes malum cum casura deiiciuntur, mortalesque moriuntur.
16. (11:14-15) Joshua left in it nothing breathing, as the Lord commanded Moses his servant, and Moses likewise commanded Joshua, and so Joshua did: he transgressed nothing of all the things which the Lord appointed to Moses. (Josh 11:14-15) On this account that is in no way to be thought cruelty, that Joshua left nothing alive in the cities delivered to him, because God had commanded this. But those who think that on this account God himself was cruel, and on this account are unwilling to believe that he was the author of the true God of the Old Testament, judge as perversely about the works of God as about the sins of men, not knowing what each is worthy to suffer, and thinking it a great evil when things destined to fall are cast down, and mortals die.
QsHept.6.9.4
Quae civitates capere potuerint Hebraei.
What cities the Hebrews were able to take.
17. (11, 19) Et non erat civitas quae non erat tradita filiis Israel. Quaeritur quomodo hoc verum sit, cum nec temporibus postea Iudicum, nec temporibus Regum omnes omnino illarum septem gentium civitates capere potuerint Hebraei. Sed aut sic intellegendum est, quod ad nullam civitatem bellando accessit Iesus quam non ceperit: aut certe nulla non capta est, sed carum quae in regionibus supra commemoratis fuerunt. Enumeratae sunt enim regiones, in quibus fuerunt civitates de quibus facta est ista conclusio: et omnes cepit in bello.
17. (11:19) And there was no city which was not delivered to the children of Israel. (Josh 11:19) It is asked how this is true, since neither in the later times of the Judges, nor in the times of the Kings, were the Hebrews able to take absolutely all the cities of those seven nations. But it is to be understood either thus, that Joshua approached no city in war which he did not take: or at least that none was not taken, but of those that were in the regions mentioned above. For the regions were enumerated in which were the cities about which this conclusion was made: and he took all in war.
QsHept.6.9.4
Confortatum dicitur cor inimicorum ut obviam irent ad bellum ad Israel.
The heart of the enemy is said to have been made resolute, that they should go out to war against Israel.
18. (11, 20) Quia per Dominum factum est confortari cor eorum, ut obviam irent ad bellum ad Israel, ut exterminarentur; ita ut non daretur eis misericordia, sed ut exterminarentur, sicut dixit Dominus ad Moysen. Ita dictum est hoc per Dominum factum confortari cor eorum, hoc est obdurari cor eorum, sicut de Pharaone (Cf. Ex 7, 3. 22; 8, 19); quod divino altoque iudicio iuste fieri minime dubitandum est, cum deserit Deus et possidet inimicus: quod sic accipiendum est quemadmodum et ibi.
18. (11:20) Because it was done by the Lord that their heart was made resolute, that they should go out to war against Israel, that they might be exterminated; so that mercy should not be given them, but that they might be exterminated, as the Lord said to Moses. (Josh 11:20) It was said thus, that this was done by the Lord, that their heart was made resolute, that is, that their heart was hardened, as concerning Pharaoh (See Ex 7:3, 22; 8:19); which is by no means to be doubted to be done justly by a divine and deep judgment, when God forsakes and the enemy takes possession: which is to be taken just as there too.
QsHept.6.9.4
Sed hic aliud movet, quomodo dictum sit ad hoc eis confortatum cor, ut exsurgerent in bellum adversus Israel, et ob hoc eis non praeberent misericordiam: quasi praebenda esset, si non bellarent; cum Deus praeceperit nulli eorum esse parcendum; et ob hoc Gabaonitis pepercerint, quia se de longinqua terra venisse fingentes eorum iurationem tenuerant (Cf. Ios 9). Sed quoniam quibusdam ultro praebuerunt Israelitae misericordiam, quamvis contra Dei mandatum; ad hoc dictum esse intellegendum est, istos ita bellasse, ut non eis parceretur, nec ab eis ipsis Israelitae neglecto Dei mandato ad misericordiam flecterentur.
But here something else is troubling: how it was said that their heart was made resolute for this, that they should rise up to war against Israel, and that on this account mercy should not be shown them: as though it ought to be shown, if they did not make war; when God had commanded that none of them be spared; and on this account they spared the Gibeonites, because, pretending that they had come from a far land, they had held them to their oath. (See Josh 9) But since the Israelites of their own accord showed mercy to certain ones, although against God's command; it is to be understood that this was said for this reason: that these made war in such a way that they were not spared, nor were the Israelites themselves, neglecting God's command, bent toward mercy by them.
QsHept.6.9.4
Quod quidem duce Iesu, qui omnia diligenter divina praecepta servabat, non est credendum fieri potuisse: verumtamen nec ipse istos tam cito delevisset, nisi conspirantissime contrairent; atque ita fieri posset ut eis ab illo minime debellatis, qui Dei praecepta implere curabat, remansissent ad illud tempus, quando eis possent parcere post mortem Iesu, qui non tanta cura Dei mandata faciebant.
This indeed, under the leadership of Joshua, who carefully kept all the divine commands, is not to be believed to have been able to happen: nevertheless not even he himself would have destroyed these men so quickly, had they not most conspiringly opposed; and so it could come about that, with these not subdued by him who took care to fulfill God's commands, they remained until that time when those who did not do God's commands with such care could spare them after the death of Joshua.
QsHept.6.9.4
Nam et adhuc eodem vivente quibusdam illi pepercerunt, tantummodo eos ditioni suae subiugantes: quosdam vero nec vincere potuerunt. Verum haec non illo duce facta sunt; sed cum iam senex vacaret a bello, tantummodo eis terras dividens; ut ipsi iam illo non bellante, divisas sibi terras partim iam hoste vacuas tenerent, partim pugnando caperent. Et quod vincere aliquos minime potuerunt, providentiae divinae fuisse, opportune Scripturarum certis apparebit locis.
For even while he was still living they spared certain ones, only subjugating them to their dominion: but some they could not even conquer. But these things were not done under his leadership; rather, when, now an old man, he was at rest from war, only dividing the lands for them; so that they themselves, with him now no longer making war, held the lands divided to them—partly already emptied of the enemy, partly to be taken by fighting. And that they were not at all able to conquer some, that this was of divine providence will appear opportunely in certain places of the Scriptures.
QsHept.6.9.4
Quae de ascensu Pharaonis ab Aegypto narrentur.
What is narrated about the coming up of Pharaoh from Egypt.
19. (16, 10) Et non perdidit Ephraem Chananaeum qui habitabat in Gazer: et habitabat Chananaeus in Ephraem usque in diem istum, donec ascendit Pharao rex Aegypti, et cepit civitatem, et incendit eam in igni; et Chananaeos, et Pherezaeos, et qui habitabant in Gazer transpunxit; et dedit eam Pharao in dotem filiae suae. Quod de Pharaone rege dictum est, miror si prophetice dictum intellegere debemus; cum haec historia illis temporibus conscripta credatur, quibus erant gesta illa recentia. Quid autem magnum eligi potuit quod prophetice diceretur, cum praeterita narrentur, taceanturque futura maiora, et maxime necessaria?
19. (16:10) And Ephraim did not destroy the Canaanite who dwelt in Gezer: and the Canaanite dwelt in Ephraim to this day, until Pharaoh king of Egypt came up, and took the city, and burned it with fire; and the Canaanites, and the Perizzites, and those who dwelt in Gezer he ran through; and Pharaoh gave it as a dowry to his daughter. (Josh 16:10) What was said of Pharaoh the king, I wonder whether we ought to understand it as said prophetically; since this history is believed to have been written down in those times in which those things were recent events. And what great thing could be chosen to be said prophetically, when past things are narrated, and greater future things, even most necessary ones, are passed over in silence?
QsHept.6.9.4
Proinde potius existimandum est Septuaginta interpretes, qui auctoritate prophetica ex ipsa mirabili consensione interpretati esse perhibentur, haec addidisse; non tamquam futura praenuntiantes, sed quia illo tempore ipsi erant, quo facta esse meminerant, et in libris Regnorum legerant (Cf. 3 Reg 4, 14 (sec. LXX)). Etenim regum temporibus factum est. Quod ideo credibilius nobis visum est, quoniam inspeximus interpretationem quae est ex Hebraeo, et hoc ibi non invenimus: sicut nec illud quod dictum est de Iericho, quod Hoza qui eam reparasset, incurrerit maledictum quod dixerat Iesus.
Accordingly it is rather to be thought that the Seventy translators, who are reported to have translated by prophetic authority from that very marvelous agreement, added these things; not as foretelling future events, but because they themselves were in that time in which they remembered these things to have been done, and had read them in the books of Kings (See 1 Kgs 4:14 (LXX)). For it was done in the times of the kings. This has seemed the more credible to us, since we have inspected the translation which is from the Hebrew, and have not found this there: just as neither that which was said about Jericho, that Hozah, who rebuilt it, incurred the curse which Joshua had spoken.
QsHept.6.9.4
Sic enim scriptum est: et adiuravit Iesus in illa die: 'maledictus homo qui resuscitabit et aedificabit civitatem illam: in primogenito suo fundabit eam, et in novissimo suo imponet portas eius' (Ios 6, 36): huc usque invenitur in interpretatione ex Hebraeo. Illud autem quod sequitur: et ita fecit Hoza qui ex Bethel; in Abiron primogenito fundavit eam, et in resalvato novissimo imposuit portas eius (3 Reg 16, 34): hoc illic non legitur. Unde apparet a Septuaginta interpositum, qui factum esse noverant.
For it is written thus: and Joshua adjured on that day: cursed be the man who will raise up and build that city: in his firstborn he will found it, and in his youngest he will set up its gates (Josh 6:36): thus far it is found in the translation from the Hebrew. But that which follows: and so did Hozah who was from Bethel; in Abiram his firstborn he founded it, and in his youngest, the one preserved, he set up its gates (1 Kgs 16:34): this is not read there. Hence it appears to have been inserted by the Seventy, who knew it had been done.
QsHept.6.9.4
Quomodo Amorrhaei tributarii contra preceptum Domini Ephraem facti sint.
How the Amorites were made tributaries to Ephraim against the command of the Lord.
20. (19, 47) Et Amorrhaeus permansit ut habitaret in Elom et in Salumin, et gravata est manus Ephraem super eos, et facti sunt illis tributarii. Hoc iam contra Domini praeceptum fiebat, et adhuc vivebat Iesus, sed dux eorum in illis praeliis iam prae senectute non erat. Propter hoc dictum est, a Domino factum ut confortaretur cor illorum, qui simul conspiraverunt ire in bellum contra Iesum (Cf. Ios 11, 20), ne ista illis misericordia praeberetur, etiam contra Dei praeceptum (Cf. Ios 21, 20), si remansissent non expugnati, et senescente sive defuncto Iesu relinquerentur expugnandi a filiis Israel, qui eis contra praeceptum Domini possent parcere, quod ille non faceret.
20. (19:47) And the Amorite remained to dwell in Elom and in Salumin, and the hand of Ephraim was heavy upon them, and they became tributaries to them. (Josh 19:47) This now was being done against the Lord's command, and Joshua was still living, but their leader in those battles was no longer present because of old age. On this account it was said that it was done by the Lord that the heart of those who conspired together to go to war against Joshua (See Josh 11:20) was made resolute, lest that mercy be shown them, even against God's command (See Josh 21:20), if they remained unsubdued, and, with Joshua growing old or dying, were left to be subdued by the children of Israel, who could spare them against the Lord's command, which he would not do.
QsHept.6.9.4
Israel non eradicavit gentes quae terram promissionis tenebant.
Israel did not root out the nations that held the land of promise.
21. 1. (21, 41-43) Merito quaeritur, cum Israel non solum usque ad diem mortis Iesu, verum etiam postea, non eradicaverit gentes quae Terram Promissionis tenebant, quamvis ex parte illis debellatis in eadem promissa haereditate consisterent, quomodo intellegendum sit quod dictum est: et dedit Dominus Israeli omnem terram quam iuraverat dare patribus eorum, et haereditaverunt eam, et habitaverunt in ea. Et requiem dedit illis Dominus in circuitu, sicut iuraverat patribus eorum: non restitit quisquam ante faciem illorum ab omnibus inimicis eorum; omnes inimicos eorum tradidit Dominus eis in manus eorum. Non decidit ex omnibus verbis bonis quae locutus est Dominus filiis Israel; omnia advenerunt.
21. 1. (21:41-43) It is rightly asked: since Israel, not only up to the day of Joshua's death, but even afterward, did not root out the nations that held the Land of Promise, although, those being in part subdued, they dwelt in that same promised inheritance, how is it to be understood what was said: and the Lord gave Israel all the land which he had sworn to give to their fathers, and they inherited it, and dwelt in it. And the Lord gave them rest round about, as he had sworn to their fathers: not one of all their enemies stood before them; the Lord delivered all their enemies into their hands. There fell nothing of all the good words which the Lord spoke to the children of Israel; all came to pass.
QsHept.6.9.4
21. 2. Diligenter ergo universa consideranda sunt. Et primum videndum quot gentium terra promissa sit Israelitis. Septem quidem gentes assidue videntur commemorari, sicut in Exodo legitur: et dixit Dominus ad Moysen: 'vade, et ascende hinc tu et populus tuus, quos eduxisti de terra Aegypti, in terram quam iuravi Abraham et Isaac et Iacob, dicens: Semini vestro dabo eam: et simul mittam ante faciem tuam angelum meum, et eiiciet Amorrhaeum, et Cetthaeum, et Pherezaeum, et Gergesaeum, et Evaeum, et Iebusaeum, et Chananaeum (Ex 33, 1-3).' Harum ergo septem gentium terram videtur Deus patribus promisisse.
21. 2. All things, then, are to be carefully considered. And first it must be seen of how many nations the land was promised to the Israelites. Seven nations indeed seem to be constantly mentioned, as is read in Exodus: and the Lord said to Moses: Go, and go up from here, you and your people, whom you led out of the land of Egypt, into the land which I swore to Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, saying: To your seed I will give it: and at the same time I will send before your face my angel, and he will cast out the Amorite, and the Hittite, and the Perizzite, and the Girgashite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite, and the Canaanite. (Ex 33:1-3) The land, then, of these seven nations God seems to have promised to the fathers.
QsHept.6.21.2
Scriptum est etiam in Deuteronomio multo expressius: si autem accesseris ad civitatem expugnare eam, et evocaveris eos cum pace, siquidem pacifica responderint tibi, et aperuerint tibi, omnis populus qui inventi fuerint in civitate erunt tibi tributarii et obedientes: si autem non obedierint tibi, et fecerint ad te bellum, et circumsedebis eam; et tradet eam Dominus Deus tuus in manus tuas, et interficies omne masculinum eius in nece gladii, praeter mulieres; et supellectilem, et omnia pecora, et omnia quaecumque fuerint in civitate, et omnia utensilia praedaberis tibi; et edes omnem praedationem inimicorum tuorum, quos Dominus Deus tuus dat tibi. Sic facies omnibus civitatibus quae longe sunt a te valde, quae non sunt a civitatibus gentium istarum. Ecce autem ex civitatibus istis, quas Dominus Deus tuus dat tibi haereditare terram eorum, non vivificabis omnem vivum, sed anathemate anathematizabis eos; Cetthaeum, et Amorrhaeum, et Chananaeum, et Pherezaeum, et Evaeum, et Iebusaeum, et Gergesaeum, quemadmodum mandavit tibi Dominus Deus tuus (Deut 20, 10-17).
It is also written in Deuteronomy much more expressly: but if you approach a city to attack it, and call them out with peace, if indeed they answer you peacefully, and open to you, all the people who are found in the city shall be tributary to you and obedient: but if they do not obey you, and make war against you, then you shall besiege it; and the Lord your God will deliver it into your hands, and you shall kill every male in it by the slaughter of the sword, except the women; and the goods, and all the cattle, and all whatever is in the city, and all the utensils you shall plunder for yourself; and you shall eat all the plunder of your enemies, which the Lord your God gives you. So you shall do to all the cities which are very far from you, which are not of the cities of these nations. But of these cities, which the Lord your God gives you to inherit their land, you shall not keep alive anything living, but you shall utterly devote them to destruction; the Hittite, and the Amorite, and the Canaanite, and the Perizzite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite, and the Girgashite, as the Lord your God commanded you. (Deut 20:10-17)
QsHept.6.21.2
Et hic istarum septem gentium terram promissam in haereditatem, quam debellatis usque ad internecionem eisdem gentibus Israelitae possiderent, manifestum est. Caeteras enim quae longinquius extra istas gentes invenirentur, voluit fieri tributarias eorum, si non resisterent: si autem resisterent, etiam ipsas interfici, et in perditionem dari, exceptis pecoribus et quae in praedam possent venire.
And here it is plain that the land of these seven nations was promised as an inheritance, which the Israelites would possess once those same nations had been subdued to the point of utter destruction. For the others, which were found farther off beyond these nations, he willed to be made tributary to them, if they did not resist: but if they resisted, those too to be killed and given over to destruction, except the cattle and the things that could come as spoil.
QsHept.6.21.2
Item alio loco in Deuteronomio ita legitur: et erit, cum induxerit te Dominus Deus tuus in terram in quam intras ibi haereditare eam, et abstulerit gentes magnas et multas a conspectu tuo, Cetthaeum, et Gergesaeum, et Amorrhaeum, et Pherezaeum, et Chananaeum, et Evaeum, et Iebusaeum, septem gentes magnas et multas et fortiores vobis; et tradet eos Dominus Deus tuus in manus tuas, et percuties eos, exterminio exterminabis eos. Non dispones ad eos testamentum, neque miserearis eorum, neque matrimoniis iungamini cum eis: filiam tuam non dabis filio eius, et filiam eius non sumes filio tuo (Deut 7, 1-3), et cetera.
Likewise, in another place in Deuteronomy it is read thus: and it shall be, when the Lord your God has brought you into the land which you are entering there to inherit it, and has taken away great and many nations from before you, the Hittite, and the Girgashite, and the Amorite, and the Perizzite, and the Canaanite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite, seven nations great and many and stronger than you; and the Lord your God will deliver them into your hands, and you will strike them, you will utterly exterminate them. You shall make no covenant with them, nor have mercy on them, nor join in marriages with them: you shall not give your daughter to his son, nor take his daughter for your son (Deut 7:1-3), and so on.
QsHept.6.21.2
21. 3. Proinde his atque aliis Scripturarum locis saepe ostenditur, harum septem gentium terras ita accepisse in haereditatem filios Israel, ut non cum eis qui easdem terras tenebant, sed pro eis illic habitarent. Verumtamen in Genesi non istae tantum septem gentes, sed undecim promittuntur semini Abrahae. Sic enim legitur: in die illa disposuit Dominus Deus testamentum ad Abraham, dicens: 'semini tuo dabo terram hanc, a flumine Aegypti usque ad flumen magnum, flumen Euphratem, Cenaeos, et Cenezaeos, et Chelmonaeos, et Cetthaeos, et Pherezaeos, et Raphaim, et Amorrhaeos, et Chananaeos, et Evaeos, et Gergesaeos, et Iebusaeos (Gen 15, 18-20).'
Accordingly, by these and other places of the Scriptures it is often shown that the children of Israel received the lands of these seven nations as an inheritance in such a way that they dwelt there not with those who held those same lands, but in their place. Nevertheless, in Genesis not these seven nations only, but eleven, are promised to the seed of Abraham. For it is read thus: on that day the Lord God made a covenant with Abraham, saying: To your seed I will give this land, from the river of Egypt to the great river, the river Euphrates, the Kenites, and the Kenizzites, and the Kadmonites, and the Hittites, and the Perizzites, and the Rephaim, and the Amorites, and the Canaanites, and the Hivites, and the Girgashites, and the Jebusites. (Gen 15:18-20)
QsHept.6.21.3
Quae ita solvitur quaestio, ut intellegamus hanc praecessisse prophetiam, quod in eos fines regnum fuerat porrecturus et dilataturus Salomon, de quo ita scriptum est: et omne propositum Salomonis, quod destinaverat aedificare in Ierusalem et Libano et in omni terra potestatis suae: omnis populus qui derelictus est a Cetthaeo, et Amorrhaeo, et Pherezaeo, et Evaeo, et Iebusaeo, qui non erant ex Israel, ex filiis eorum qui residui erant cum eis in terra, quos non consummaverant filii Israel, et subiugavit eos Salomon in tributum usque in diem hunc (3 Reg 10, 22 (sec. LXX)).
This question is resolved in such a way that we understand this to have been a prophecy in advance, that Solomon was going to stretch out and extend his kingdom to those bounds, concerning whom it is written thus: and all the purpose of Solomon, which he had determined to build in Jerusalem and in Lebanon and in all the land of his power: all the people who were left of the Hittite, and the Amorite, and the Perizzite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite, who were not of Israel, of the sons of those who remained with them in the land, whom the children of Israel had not destroyed, Solomon subjugated them to tribute to this day. (1 Kgs 10:22 (LXX))
QsHept.6.21.3
Ecce residua populorum debellandorum atque omnino ex Dei praecepto perdendorum subiugavit Salomon in tributum, quos utique secundum Dei praeceptum perdere debuit: sed tamen subiugati tamquam tributarii possessi sunt.
Behold, the remnants of the peoples who were to be subdued and altogether destroyed by God's command, Solomon subjugated to tribute, whom indeed, according to God's command, he ought to have destroyed: but yet, subjugated, they were possessed as tributaries.
QsHept.6.21.3
Paulo post autem ita legitur: Et erat dominans in omnibus regibus a flumine usque ad terram Philistiim, et usque ad fines Aegypti (3 Reg 10, 26 (sec. LXX)).
A little later it is read thus: and he was ruling over all the kings from the river to the land of the Philistines, and to the bounds of Egypt. (1 Kgs 10:26 (LXX))
QsHept.6.21.3
Ecce ubi impletum est quod in Genesi Deus ad Abraham loquens, promittensque praedixerat. A flumine quippe hic intellegitur "ab Euphrate": "magnum" enim "flumen" in illis locis, etiam proprio nomine non addito, potest intellegi. Neque enim de Iordane hoc accipi potest, cum et citra Iordanem et ultra Iordanem iam terras Israelitae obtinuerant et ante regnum Salomonis. Ergo a flumine Euphrate ex partibus orientis, usque ad fines Aegypti, quae pars illis erat ab occidente, regnum Salomonis Scriptura Regnorum dixit fuisse porrectum. Tunc ergo amplius subiugatum est, quam septem illae gentes tenebant; ac per hoc tunc in servitutem redactae sunt, non septem, sed undecim gentes.
Behold where was fulfilled what in Genesis God, speaking to Abraham and promising, had foretold. For from the river here is understood "from the Euphrates": for the "great river" in those places, even without the proper name added, can be understood. For this cannot be taken of the Jordan, since the Israelites had already, even before the reign of Solomon, obtained lands both on this side of the Jordan and beyond the Jordan. Therefore from the river Euphrates on the side of the east, to the bounds of Egypt, which was the part on the west for them, the Scripture of the Kingdoms said the kingdom of Solomon was stretched out. Then, therefore, more was subjugated than those seven nations held; and by this, then, not seven, but eleven nations were reduced to servitude.
QsHept.6.21.3
Quod enim in Regnorum libris scriptum est, usque ad fines Aegypti a flumine, cum Scriptura ab oriente usque ad occidentem quantum porrectum esset regnum, vellet ostendere; hoc idem in Genesi, cum ab occidente usque ad orientem praefiniretur, dictum est, a flumine Aegypti usque ad flumen magnum Euphratem (Gen 15, 18). Flumen quippe Aegypti, qui finis est disterminans regnum Israel ab Aegypto, non est Nilus, sed alius est non magnus fluvius, qui fluit per Rhinocoruram civitatem, unde iam ad orientem versus incipit Terra Promissionis. Sic ergo fuerat constitutum filiis Israel, ut septem gentium terras, exterminatis et perditis illis gentibus, ipsi inhabitarent; aliis autem regnarent subditis atque tributariis usque ad flumen Euphratem. Et quamvis in hoc Deo non obtemperassent, quia et ex illis quas exterminare deberent, obedientes aliquas fecerant; Deus tamen temporibus Salomonis fidem suae promissionis implevit.
For what is written in the books of Kingdoms, to the bounds of Egypt from the river, when Scripture meant to show how far from east to west the kingdom was stretched out; this same thing in Genesis, when it was defined from west to east, was said, from the river of Egypt to the great river Euphrates. (Gen 15:18) For the river of Egypt, which is the boundary separating the kingdom of Israel from Egypt, is not the Nile, but is another, not a great river, which flows through the city of Rhinocorura, whence already toward the east the Land of Promise begins. So, then, it had been appointed for the children of Israel that they should themselves inhabit the lands of seven nations, those nations being exterminated and destroyed; but should reign over others, subject and tributary, up to the river Euphrates. And although in this they had not obeyed God, because even of those whom they ought to exterminate they had made some obedient; yet God in the times of Solomon fulfilled the faith of his promise.
QsHept.6.21.3
21. 4. Nunc itaque in libro Iesu Nave quod considerare suscepimus, quomodo erit verum: et dedit Deus Israeli omnem terram quam iuraverat dare patribus eorum, et haereditaverunt eam? quomodo adhuc vivente Iesu omnem terram dedit, cum etiam reliquias illarum septem gentium nondum superavissent? Nam quod sequitur, et haereditaverunt eam, verum est; quia ibi erant, ibique consederant.
21. 4. Now, then, in the book of Joshua the son of Nun, what we have undertaken to consider, how will it be true: and God gave Israel all the land which he had sworn to give to their fathers, and they inherited it? how, with Joshua still living, did he give all the land, when they had not yet even overcome the remnants of those seven nations? For what follows, and they inherited it, is true; because they were there, and had settled there.
QsHept.6.21.4
Deinde quod adiungit: et requiem dedit illis Dominus in circuitu, sicut iuraverat patribus eorum, verum est; quia vivo adhuc Iesu non eis quidem cedebant reliquiae illarum gentium, sed nulla earum eos in terris ubi consederant, bello lacessere audebat.
Then what it adds: and the Lord gave them rest round about, as he had sworn to their fathers, is true; because, with Joshua still living, the remnants of those nations did not indeed yield to them, but none of them dared to provoke them in war in the lands where they had settled.
QsHept.6.21.4
Ideo dictum est et quod deinde adiungitur: non restitit quisquam ante faciem illorum ab omnibus inimicis eorum.
For this reason was said also what is then added: not one of all their enemies stood before them.
QsHept.6.21.4
Quod vero sequitur: sed omnes inimicos eorum tradidit Dominus illis in manus eorum; hos intellegi voluit inimicos, qui obviam ire in bellum ausi sunt.
But what follows: but the Lord delivered all their enemies into their hands; he meant those to be understood as enemies who dared to go out to war against them.
QsHept.6.21.4
Deinde quod dicit: non decidit ex omnibus verbis bonis quae locutus est Dominus filiis Israel; omnia advenerunt, ita vult intellegi, quia cum iam illi contra praeceptum Domini fecissent, quibusdam parcendo ex illis septem gentibus, et eos obedientes faciendo, adhuc tamen inter eos salvi erant. Ideo cum dixisset, ex omnibus verbis, addidit, bonis; quia nondum evenerant maledicta contemptoribus et transgressoribus constituta.
Then what it says: there fell nothing of all the good words which the Lord spoke to the children of Israel; all came to pass, it means to be understood thus: that although they had now acted against the Lord's command, by sparing certain ones of those seven nations and making them obedient, yet they were still safe among them. Therefore, when it had said, of all the words, it added, good; because the curses appointed for despisers and transgressors had not yet come to pass.
QsHept.6.21.4
Restat ergo ut quod ait: dedit Dominus Israeli omnem terram quam iuraverat dare patribus eorum, secundum hoc intellegatur, quia etsi adhuc erant ex illis gentibus reliquiae conterendae et exterminandae, vel ex aliis usque ad flumen Euphratem, aut subiugandae si non resisterent, aut perdendae si resisterent; tamen in usum eorum relictae sunt, in quibus exercerentur, ne carnalibus affectibus et cupiditatibus infirmi, repentinam tantam rerum temporalium prosperitatem modeste ac salubriter sustinere non possent, sed elati citius interirent, quod opportune alio loco demonstrabitur. Omnis ergo illis terra data est; quia et illa pars quae nondum fuerat in possessionem data, iam data fuerat in quamdam exercitationis utilitatem.
It remains, then, that what it says, the Lord gave Israel all the land which he had sworn to give to their fathers, be understood according to this: that although there were still remnants of those nations to be crushed and exterminated, or of others up to the river Euphrates, either to be subjugated if they did not resist, or to be destroyed if they resisted; yet they were left for their use, that they might be exercised in them, lest, weak in carnal affections and desires, they should be unable to bear so great a sudden prosperity of temporal things with moderation and profit, but, puffed up, should the sooner perish—which will be shown opportunely in another place. All the land, then, was given to them; because even that part which had not yet been given into possession had already been given for a certain usefulness of exercise.
QsHept.6.21.4
De verbis: Non restitit quisquam ante faciem illorum...
Concerning the words: Not one stood before them . . .
22. (21, 42) Quod ait: non restitit quisquam ante faciem illorum ab omnibus inimicis eorum, quaeri potest quomodo verum sit, cum de tribu Dan superius scriptum sit, quod eos hostes eorum non permiserint descendere in vallem, et praevaluerint eis in montibus (Cf. Ios 19, 47). Sed quod diximus cum duodecim filios Iacob Scriptura in Mesopotamia natos commemorasset, ubi non fuerat natus Beniamin (Cf. q. 1, 117); hoc etiam hic intellegendum est, quia pro universo populo undecim tribus deputatae sunt, ea regula quae aliis Scripturarum locis nobis satis innotuit. Causa autem si quaeritur, cur haec tribus in ea sorte quae illi obvenit, non obtinuerit sufficientes terras, et ab eis a quibus tenebantur afflicta sit; in Dei quidem secreto consilio esse credendum est. Verumtamen cum Iacob filios suos benediceret, talia dixit de isto Dan, ut de ipsa tribu existimetur exsurrecturus Antichristus (Cf. Gen 49, 17). Unde nunc dicere plura non suscepimus, cum etiam sic solvi possit haec quaestio, quia non restitit quisquam ante faciem illorum ab omnibus inimicis eorum, cum simul sub unius ducis imperio bellum gererent, antequam singulis tribubus sua defendenda dividerentur loca.
22. (21:42) As for what it says: not one of all their enemies stood before them, it can be asked how this is true, since concerning the tribe of Dan it is written above that their enemies did not permit them to go down into the valley, and prevailed against them in the mountains. (See Josh 19:47) But what we said when Scripture mentioned the twelve sons of Jacob as born in Mesopotamia, where Benjamin had not been born (See Question 1, 117); this too is to be understood here: that for the whole people eleven tribes were reckoned, by that rule which has become well enough known to us in other places of the Scriptures. But if the cause is asked, why this tribe, in the lot which fell to it, did not obtain sufficient lands, and was afflicted by those who held them; it is to be believed that this lies in the secret counsel of God. Nevertheless, when Jacob blessed his sons, he said such things about this Dan that from that very tribe the Antichrist is thought to be going to arise. (See Gen 49:17) Hence we have not now undertaken to say more, since this question can also be resolved thus: that not one of all their enemies stood before them, when they waged war together under the command of one leader, before the places to be defended were divided among the individual tribes.
QsHept.6.21.4
Sacrificium salutarium nostrorum dicitur in plurativo numero.
The sacrifice of our peace offerings is spoken of in the plural number.
23. (22, 27) Et in sacrificiis salutarium nostrorum. Quia pluraliter dicta sunt sacrificia, pluraliter etiam salutaria. Ubi advertendum est diligentius, quemadmodum dici soleat sacrificium salutaris; quoniam si Christum acceperimus, quoniam ipse dictus est salutare Dei (Lc 2, 30), non occurrit quemadmodum pluraliter possit hoc verbum intellegi. Unus enim Dominus noster Iesus Christus (1 Cor 8, 6): quamvis dicantur "christi" per eius gratiam, sicut in Psalmo legitur: nolite tangere christos meos (Ps 104, 15). Sed utrum salutares dici possint, vel salutaria, non facile audendum est: solus enim ipse Salvator corporis (Eph 5, 23).
23. (22:27) And in the sacrifices of our peace offerings. (Josh 22:27) Because the sacrifices were spoken of in the plural, the peace offerings too are in the plural. Here it is to be noted more carefully how the sacrifice of a peace offering is usually spoken of; for if we take it as Christ, since he himself was called the salvation of God (Lk 2:30), it does not appear how this word can be understood in the plural. For one is our Lord Jesus Christ (1 Cor 8:6): although men are called "anointed ones" through his grace, as is read in the Psalm: do not touch my anointed ones (Ps 105:15 (104:15)). But whether they can be called "savings" or "salvations" is not easily to be ventured: for he alone is the Savior of the body. (Eph 5:23)
QsHept.6.21.4
Quod dicit Iesus de sua propinquante morte.
What Joshua says about his approaching death.
24. (23, 14) Quod dicit Iesus de sua propinquante morte: ego autem recurro viam, sicut et omnes qui super terram; in ea interpretatione quae est ex Hebraeo invenimus, ingredior viam. Ita ergo accipiendum est quod Septuaginta dixerunt, recurro, sicut dictum est homini: donec revertaris in terram unde sumptus es (Gen 3, 19); ut secundum corpus dictum intellegatur.
24. (23:14) What Joshua says about his approaching death: but I am running back the way, as also all who are upon the earth; in the translation which is from the Hebrew we find, I am entering the way. So, then, what the Seventy said, I run back, is to be taken as it was said to man: until you return to the earth from which you were taken (Gen 3:19); so that it is understood as said with reference to the body.
QsHept.6.21.4
Secundum animam vero, si voluerimus ita accipere, quemadmodum in Ecclesiaste positum est: et spiritus revertetur ad Deum qui dedit eum (Eccle 12, 7); non arbitror de omnibus posse dici, sed de iis qui sic vixerint, ut ad Deum redire mereantur, tamquam ad auctorem a quo creati sunt. Neque enim hoc et de illis recte intellegi potest, de quibus dicitur: spiritus ambulans et non revertens (Ps 77, 39).
But with reference to the soul, if we should wish to take it as it is set down in Ecclesiastes: and the spirit will return to God who gave it (Eccl 12:7); I do not think it can be said of all, but of those who have so lived as to deserve to return to God, as to the author by whom they were created. For this cannot rightly be understood even of those of whom it is said: a spirit going forth and not returning (Ps 78:39 (77:39)).
QsHept.6.21.4
Iste autem vir sanctus Iesus Nave si non addidisset, sicut et omnes qui super terram, nulla esset quaestio; neque enim aliud de illo crederemus, quam quod eum dignum esse legimus: cum vero additum est, sicut et omnes qui sunt super terram; mirum si hoc, quod Latinus interpres recurro posuit, non magis percurro vel excurro dicendum est, si hoc potest dici quod Graecus habet ἀποτρέχω. Omnes enim percurrunt, vel excurrunt huius vitae viam, cum ad eius finem pervenerint. Sed quia hoc verbum positum est, ubi parentes Rebeccae dicunt ad servum Abrahae: ecce Rebecca; accipiens recurre, et sit uxor domini tui (Gen 24, 51); ideo et hic ita hoc verbum interpretatum est.
But this holy man, Joshua the son of Nun, if he had not added, as also all who are upon the earth, there would be no question; for we would believe nothing else of him than what we read he is worthy of: but since it was added, as also all who are upon the earth; it is surprising if this, which the Latin translator set down as I run back, is not rather to be said I run through or I run out, if this can be said which the Greek has, ἀποτρέχω. For all run through, or run out, the way of this life, when they have come to its end. But because this word is set down where the parents of Rebekah say to the servant of Abraham: behold Rebekah; taking her, run back, and let her be the wife of your master (Gen 24:51); therefore here too this word was so translated.
QsHept.6.21.4
Interpretatio Septuaginta quae est ex hebraeo.
The translation of the Seventy which is from the Hebrew.
25. (24, 3) Quod Septuaginta interpretes habent: et assumpsi patrem vestrum Abraham de trans flumine, et deduxi eum in omnem terram; interpretatio quae est ex Hebraeo habet: et induxi eum in terram Chanaan. Mirum est ergo si Septuaginta pro terra Chanaan, omnem terram ponere voluerunt, nisi intuentes prophetiam, ut magis ex promissione Dei tamquam factum accipiatur, quod certissime futurum in Christo et in Ecclesia praenuntiabatur, quod est verum semen Abrahae; non in filiis carnis, sed in filiis promissionis (Cf. Rom 9, 8).
25. (24:3) What the Seventy translators have: and I took your father Abraham from across the river, and led him through all the land; the translation which is from the Hebrew has: and I brought him into the land of Canaan. It is surprising, then, if the Seventy wished to set down all the land for the land of Canaan, unless looking to the prophecy, so that it may rather be taken, from the promise of God, as though done, what was being foretold as most certainly to come about in Christ and in the Church, which is the true seed of Abraham; not in the children of the flesh, but in the children of the promise. (See Rom 9:8)
QsHept.6.21.4
Quomodo qui in Hierico erant bellasse dicantur.
How those who were in Jericho are said to have made war.
26. (24, 11) Et bellaverunt adversus vos qui habitabant Iericho. Quaeri potest quomodo id verum sit, cum clausis portis se murorum ambitu tantummodo tuerentur. Sed recte dictum est, quia et claudere adversum hostem portas, ad bellum pertinet. Non enim miserunt legatos qui poscerent pacem. Unde si dictum esset: "pugnaverunt adversum vos," falsum esset. Neque enim bellum continuas pugnas habet, sed aliquando crebras, aliquando raras, aliquando nullas. Bellum est tamen quando est quodam modo armata dissensio.
26. (24:11) And those who dwelt in Jericho made war against you. It can be asked how this is true, since, with the gates shut, they protected themselves only by the circuit of the walls. But it was rightly said, because even to shut the gates against the enemy pertains to war. For they did not send envoys to ask for peace. Hence, if it had been said: "they fought against you," it would be false. For war does not have continuous fighting, but sometimes frequent, sometimes rare, sometimes none. Yet it is war when there is, in a manner, armed dissension.
QsHept.6.21.4
Quomodo vespae missae dicantur, quod non legitur.
How wasps are said to have been sent, which is not read.
27. (24, 12) Quid est, quod inter caetera quae Iesus Nave erga Israelitas Dominum fecisse commemorat, dicit: misit ante vos vespas, et eiecit illos a facie vestra: quod etiam in libro Sapientiae legitur (Cf. Sap 12, 8), nec tamen uspiam factum esse in iis quae gesta sunt, invenitur? An forte translato verbo, vespas intellegi voluit acerrimos timoris aculeos, quibus quodam modo volantibus rumoribus pungebantur, ut fugerent, aut aerios occultos spiritus, quod in Psalmo dicit: per angelos malignos (Ps 77, 49)? Nisi forte quis dicat, non omnia quae facta sunt, esse conscripta; et hoc quoque visibiliter factum, ut veras vespas velit intellegi.
27. (24:12) What does it mean that, among the other things which Joshua the son of Nun mentions the Lord to have done toward the Israelites, he says: he sent wasps before you, and cast them out from your face: which is also read in the book of Wisdom (See Wis 12:8), and yet is nowhere found, among the things that were done, to have happened? Did he perhaps, by a transferred word, mean by wasps the very sharp stings of fear, by which, as it were with rumors flying about, they were stung to flee, or the airy hidden spirits, which in the Psalm he calls through evil angels (Ps 78:49 (77:49))? Unless perhaps someone should say that not all the things that were done are written down; and that this too was done visibly, so as to mean that real wasps are to be understood.
QsHept.6.21.4
Dei sanctitati perfecta servitus humanae fragilitati impossibile est.
Perfect servitude to the holiness of God is impossible for human frailty.
28. (24, 19) Quid est, quod dixit Iesus ad populum: non poteritis servire Domino, quia Deus sanctus est. An quia illius sanctitati perfecta servitute quodam modo contemperari, humanae fragilitati impossibile est? Quo audito, isti non solum eius eligere servitutem, sed etiam de adiutorio eius et misericordia praesumere debuerunt: quam ille intellexit, qui dicit in Psalmo: ne intres in iudicium cum servo tuo; quoniam non iustificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens (Ps 142, 2).
28. (24:19) What does it mean that Joshua said to the people: you cannot serve the Lord, for God is holy. Is it because to be in a manner attuned to his holiness by perfect servitude is impossible for human frailty? Hearing this, they ought not only to have chosen his servitude, but also to have presumed upon his help and mercy: which he understood who says in the Psalm: enter not into judgment with your servant; for no one living will be justified in your sight. (Ps 143:2 (142:2))
QsHept.6.21.4
Isti autem de se potius praesumere delegerunt, quod Deo possent sine ulla offensione servire, ut iam tunc inciperent, quod de illis expressit Apostolus: ignorantes enim Dei iustitiam, et suam volentes constituere iustitiae Dei non sunt subiecti (Rom 10, 3). Ita eis iam Lex subintrabat, ut abundaret delictum, et postea superabundaret gratia (Rom 5, 20) per Dominum Christum, qui finis est Legis, ad iustitiam omni credenti (Rom 10, 4).
But these men chose rather to presume upon themselves, that they could serve God without any offense, so that even then they began what the Apostle expressed concerning them: for being ignorant of the righteousness of God, and wishing to establish their own, they were not subject to the righteousness of God (Rom 10:3). So for them now the Law entered in, that the offense might abound, and afterward grace might more abound (Rom 5:20) through the Lord Christ, who is the end of the Law, unto righteousness to everyone who believes. (Rom 10:4)
QsHept.6.21.4
Quomodo deos alienos auferri iubet.
How he bids foreign gods to be removed.
29. (24, 23) Quid est quod ait idem Iesus loquens ad populum: et nunc circumauferte deos alienos qui sunt in vobis, et dirigite corda vestra ad Dominum Deum Israel. Non enim credendi sunt adhuc habuisse apud se aliqua gentium simulacra, cum superius eorum obedientiam praedicaverit: aut vero si haberent, post tantas Legis comminationes, illa eos prospera sequerentur; cum sic in eos vindicatum sit, quod unus eorum de anathemate furtum fecerat. Denique Iacob dixit hoc eis qui cum illo exierant de Mesopotamia, ubi sic idola colebantur, ut et Rachel paterna furaretur (Cf. Gen 31, 19): sed post illam admonitionem Iacob, dederunt quae habebant (Cf. Gen 35, 2-4); unde apparuit hoc eis ita dictum esse, quia sciebat eos habere ille qui dixerat.
29. (24:23) What does it mean that the same Joshua, speaking to the people, says: and now take away the foreign gods that are among you, and direct your hearts to the Lord God of Israel. For they are not to be believed to have still had with them any images of the nations, since he had earlier proclaimed their obedience: or indeed, if they had them, after so many threatenings of the Law, would that prosperity have followed them; when such vengeance was taken upon them, because one of them had committed theft from the devoted things? Finally, Jacob said this to those who had gone out with him from Mesopotamia, where idols were so worshiped that even Rachel stole her father's (See Gen 31:19): but after that admonition of Jacob, they gave up what they had (See Gen 35:2-4); whence it appeared that this was said to them because the one who said it knew that they had them.
QsHept.6.21.4
Nunc vero post hanc admonitionem Iesu Nave nullus tale aliquid protulit. Nec tamen putandum est hoc illum inaniter praecepisse; non enim ait: "et nunc auferte deos alienos si qui sunt in vobis"; sed omnino tamquam sciens esse, qui sunt, inquit, in vobis. Proinde Propheta sanctus in cordibus eorum esse cernebat cogitationes de Deo alienas a Deo, et ipsas admonebat auferri. Quisquis enim talem cogitat Deum qualis non est Deus, alienum Deum utique et falsum in cogitatione portat. Quis est autem qui sic cogitet Deum quemadmodum ille est?
But now, after this admonition of Joshua the son of Nun, no one brought forth any such thing. Nor yet is it to be thought that he commanded this in vain; for he does not say: "and now take away the foreign gods if any are among you"; but altogether as though knowing they were there, he says, that are among you. Accordingly the holy prophet discerned in their hearts thoughts about God that were foreign to God, and admonished that these themselves be removed. For whoever thinks of God as God is not, certainly carries a foreign and false god in his thought. But who is there who thinks of God just as he is?
QsHept.6.21.4
Ac per hoc relinquitur fidelibus, quamdiu peregrinantur a Domino (Cf. 2 Cor 5, 6), auferre a corde suo irruentia vana phantasmata, quae se cogitantibus ingerunt, velut talis aut talis sit Deus, qualis utique non est: et dirigere cor ad illum fideliter, ut quemadmodum et quantum nobis expedire novit, ipse se insinuet per Spiritum suum, donec assumatur omne mendacium, unde dictum est: omnis homo mendax (Ps 115, 2; Rom 3, 4); et transacta non solum impia falsitate, verum etiam ipso speculo et aenigmate, facie ad faciem cognoscamus, sicut et cogniti sumus: quemadmodum Apostolus dicit: videmus nunc per speculum in aenigmate, tunc autem facie ad faciem: nunc scio ex parte; tunc autem cognoscam sicut et cognitus sum (1 Cor 13, 12).
And by this it remains for the faithful, as long as they are pilgrims away from the Lord (See 2 Cor 5:6), to remove from their heart the vain phantasms that rush in, which present themselves to those who think, as though God were such or such, as he certainly is not: and to direct the heart to him faithfully, so that, in the way and to the measure that he knows is expedient for us, he himself may make himself known through his Spirit, until all falsehood is taken away, whence it was said: every man is a liar (Ps 116:11 (115:2); Rom 3:4); and, with not only impious falsity but even the glass and the dark manner itself done away, we may know face to face, as we also are known: as the Apostle says: we see now through a glass in a dark manner, but then face to face: now I know in part; but then I shall know even as I am known. (1 Cor 13:12)
QsHept.6.21.4
De testamento statuto a Iesu Nave et de lapide ab ipso sub therebinto statuto.
Concerning the covenant established by Joshua the son of Nun, and concerning the stone set up by him under the terebinth.
30. 1. (24, 25-27) Et disposuit Iesus testamentum ad populum in illo die, et dedit illi Legem et iudicium in Silo coram tabernaculo Domini Dei Israel. Et scripsit verba haec in libro Legis Dei; et accipit lapidem magnum, et statuit illum Iesus sub terebintho ante Dominum. Et dixit Iesus ad populum: Ecce lapis iste erit vobis in testimonium, quia hic audivit omnia quae dicta sunt a Domino, quaecumque locutus est ad vos hodie, et hic erit vobis in testimonium in novissimis diebus, cum mentiti fueritis Domino Deo vestro.
30. 1. (24:25-27) And Joshua made a covenant with the people on that day, and gave them a Law and a judgment in Shiloh before the tabernacle of the Lord God of Israel. And he wrote these words in the book of the Law of God; and he took a great stone, and Joshua set it up under the terebinth before the Lord. And Joshua said to the people: Behold, this stone shall be to you for a testimony, because it has heard all the things that were said by the Lord, whatever he spoke to you today, and it shall be to you for a testimony in the last days, when you have lied to the Lord your God.
QsHept.6.21.4
Haec verba qui non in superficie tantum audiunt, sed aliquanto altius perscrutantur, nequaquam tantum virum tam insipientem putare debent, ut verba Dei quae locutus est populo, inanimum lapidem audisse crediderit: qui etiamsi ab artifice in hominis similitudinem effigiatus esset, inter illos utique deputaretur, de quibus in Psalmo canitur: aures habent, et non audient (Ps 113, 6). Neque enim idola gentium aurum et argentum sola non audiunt (Cf. Ps 113, 12; 134 15), et, si lapidea sint, audiunt.
Those who hear these words not only on the surface, but search them out somewhat more deeply, ought by no means to think so great a man so foolish as to have believed that the words of God which he spoke to the people were heard by a lifeless stone: which, even if it had been fashioned by a craftsman into the likeness of a man, would certainly be reckoned among those of whom it is sung in the Psalm: they have ears, and will not hear (Ps 115:6 (113:6)). For not only do the idols of the nations, of gold and silver, not hear (See Ps 115:4 (113:12); 135:15 (134:15)), but, even if they are of stone, they hear.
QsHept.6.21.4
Sed per hunc lapidem profecto illum significavit, qui fuit lapis offensionis non credentibus Iudaeis, et petra scandali; qui cum reprobaretur ab aedificantibus, factus est in caput anguli (Cf. Ps 117, 22; 1 Pt 2, 7-8): quem praefiguravit et illa petra quae potum sitienti populo, ligno percussa profudit (Cf. Ex 17, 6); de qua dicit Apostolus: bibebant autem de spiritali sequenti petra; petra autem erat Christus (1 Cor 10, 4). Unde et cultellis petrinis populum circumcidit iste ductor egregius (Cf. Ios 5, 2-3): qui cultri petrini cum illo etiam sepulti sunt, ut profundum mysterium demonstrarent posteris profuturum. Sic ergo et istum lapidem, quamquam visibiliter statutum, spiritaliter debemus accipere, in testimonium futurum Iudaeis infidelibus, hoc est mentientibus; de quibus dicit Psalmus: inimici Domini mentiti sunt ei (Ps 80, 16). Neque enim frustra, cum iam Dei famulus Moyses, vel potius per eum Deus disposuisset ad populum testamentum (Cf. Ex 24, 3 ss), quod in Arca erat, quae dicta est Arca Testamenti, et in libris Legis tanta sacramentorum et praeceptorum multiplicitate conscriptis; tamen etiam hic dictum est: disposuit Iesus ad populum testamentum in illa die.
But by this stone he certainly signified him who was a stone of offense to the unbelieving Jews, and a rock of scandal; who, when he was rejected by the builders, became the head of the corner (See Ps 118:22 (117:22); 1 Pet 2:7-8): whom that rock also prefigured which, struck with wood, poured forth drink for the thirsting people (See Ex 17:6); of which the Apostle says: and they drank of the spiritual rock that followed them; and the rock was Christ. (1 Cor 10:4) Hence this excellent leader circumcised the people with stone knives (See Josh 5:2-3): which stone knives were buried together with him too, that they might show a deep mystery that would profit those who came after. So, then, this stone too, although visibly set up, we ought to take spiritually, as a testimony that would come against the unbelieving Jews, that is, the lying ones; concerning whom the Psalm says: the enemies of the Lord have lied to him. (Ps 81:15 (80:16)) For not in vain, when God's servant Moses, or rather God through him, had already made a covenant with the people (See Ex 24:3ff), which was in the Ark, which is called the Ark of the Covenant, and in the books of the Law written with so great a manifoldness of mysteries and precepts; yet here too it was said: Joshua made a covenant with the people on that day.
QsHept.6.21.4
Repetitio quippe testamenti Novum Testamentum significat; quod significat et Deuteronomium, quod interpretatur "Secunda Lex"; quod significant et prioribus confractis tabulae renovatae (Cf. Ex 34, 1-4). Multis enim modis significandum quod uno modo implendum fuit. Iam vero quod sub terebintho statutus est lapis, hoc significat, quod virga ad petram, ut aqua proflueret; quia neque hic sine ligno statutus est lapis. Ideo autem subter, quia non fuisset in cruce exaltatus, nisi humilitate subiectus; vel quod illo tempore, quo id faciebat Iesus Nave, adhuc obumbrandum mysterium fuit. Terebinthi etiam lignum medicinalem lacrymam exsudat, quae arbor a Septuaginta interpretibus hoc loco posita est, quamvis secundum alios interpretes quercus legatur.
For the repetition of the covenant signifies the New Covenant; which Deuteronomy too signifies, which is interpreted "Second Law"; and which the renewed tablets too signify, the former being broken. (See Ex 34:1-4) For what was to be fulfilled in one way had to be signified in many ways. As for the stone being set up under the terebinth, this signifies the same as the rod to the rock, that water might flow forth; for neither here was the stone set up without wood. But it was set up beneath for this reason, that he would not have been lifted up on the Cross had he not been brought low by humility; or because at that time, when Joshua the son of Nun was doing this, the mystery was still to be kept in shadow. The wood of the terebinth, too, exudes a medicinal tear—a tree which was set down by the Seventy translators in this place, although according to other translators "oak" is read.
QsHept.6.21.4
30. 2. Mirum est sane quod saltem in novissimis suis verbis, quibus populum allocutus est Iesus homo Dei, nihil eos obiurgavit, ex eo quod his gentibus pepercerunt, quas Dominus usque ad internecionem cum anathemate perdendas esse praecepit. Sic enim scriptum est: et factum est, postquam invaluerunt filii Israel, et fecerunt Chananaeos obaudientes, exterminio autem eos non exterminaverunt (Ios 17, 13). Nam primo id eos non potuisse, Scriptura testata est (Cf. Ios 7, 12 e 17, 12): sed nunc posteaquam praevaluerunt, ita ut facerent obaudientes, quod non etiam exterminaverunt, utique contra praeceptum Domini factum est: quod non est cuiquam factum, cum Iesus exercitum duceret.
30. 2. It is indeed surprising that at least in his last words, with which Joshua the man of God addressed the people, he did not reproach them at all for sparing those nations which the Lord had commanded to be destroyed under the ban, to the point of utter slaughter. For it is written thus: and it came to pass, after the children of Israel had grown strong, that they made the Canaanites obedient, but did not utterly exterminate them. (Josh 17:13) For Scripture testified that at first they were not able to do this (See Josh 7:12 and 17:12): but now, after they had prevailed, so as to make them obedient, that they did not also exterminate them, this was certainly done against the Lord's command: which was done by no one while Joshua led the army.
QsHept.6.30.2
Cur ergo non eos obiurgavit allocutione novissima, quod in hoc Domini praecepta neglexerint? An forte quia prius dixit eos Scriptura non potuisse, utique antequam praevalerent, etiam cum praevaluissent timuisse credendi sunt, ne forte paratis oboedire si parcere noluissent, acrius eos adversum se ex ipsa desperatione pugnare compellerent, et eos superare non possent?
Why, then, did he not reproach them in his last address, that in this they had neglected the Lord's commands? Is it perhaps because Scripture first said that they were not able—certainly before they prevailed—and that even when they had prevailed they are to be believed to have feared, lest perhaps, with the others ready to obey if they had been unwilling to spare, they should drive them to fight against themselves more sharply out of that very despair, and they should not be able to overcome them?
QsHept.6.30.2
Hunc ergo eis humanum timorem Dominus noluit imputare, etsi apparet in eo quaedam subdefectio fidei, quae si fortis in eis esset, ea sequerentur quae ipsum Iesum bellantem secuta sunt. Quia vero non in eis tanta fides fuit, etiam cum adversariis suis praevaluissent, pugnare cum eis usque ad internecionem eorum timore non ausi sunt.
This human fear, then, the Lord was unwilling to impute to them, although in it there appears a certain falling short of faith, which, if it had been strong in them, those things would have followed which followed Joshua himself when he made war. But because there was not so great a faith in them, even when they had prevailed over their adversaries, they did not, out of fear, dare to fight with them to the point of their utter slaughter.
QsHept.6.30.2
Quem timorem, ut dixi, non de malitia, neque de superbia vel contemptu praecepti dominici, sed de animi infirmitate venientem, noluit eis Dominus imputare, cum eis per Iesum novissima loqueretur. Unde et Apostolus: Alexander, inquit, aerarius multa mala mihi ostendit; reddet illi Dominus secundum opera ipsius. De illis autem qui eum periclitantem, non malitia, sed timore deseruerant, ita locutus est: in prima mea defensione nemo mihi affuit, sed omnes me dereliquerunt; non illis imputetur (2 Tim 4, 14. 16).
This fear, as I said, coming not from malice, nor from pride or contempt of the Lord's command, but from weakness of mind, the Lord was unwilling to impute to them, when he spoke to them his last words through Joshua. Hence the Apostle too says: Alexander the coppersmith did me much harm; the Lord will repay him according to his works. But of those who had deserted him in his peril, not from malice but from fear, he spoke thus: at my first defense no one was present with me, but all forsook me; let it not be imputed to them. (2 Tim 4:14, 16)
QsHept.6.30.2
Bk. 7Questions on JudgesQuaestiones in Iudices
A quo tempore incipiat liber Iudicum.
From what time the book of Judges begins.
1. In fine libri Iesu Nave breviter narrator porrexit historiam, quo usque filii Israel ad colendos deos alienos declinaverunt (Cf. Ios 24, 33): in hoc autem libro ad ordinem reditur, quomodo consequentia gesta fuerint post mortem Iesu Nave. Non ergo ab illo tempore incipit liber, quo populus ad colenda simulacra defluxit; sed a prioribus interpositis temporibus, quibus ea gesta sunt, post quae ad illa pervenit.
1. At the end of the book of Joshua the son of Nun the narrator briefly extended the history to the point where the children of Israel turned aside to worship foreign gods (See Josh 24:33): but in this book it returns to the order, how the subsequent things were done after the death of Joshua the son of Nun. The book, then, does not begin from that time when the people fell away to worshiping images; but from earlier intervening times, in which were done those things after which it came to that point.
QsHept.7.1
De eo quod quaeritur quis sit dux ad bellandum..
Concerning the question who is the leader for making war.
2. (1, 1-3) Et factum est postquam defunctus est Iesus, interrogabant filii Israel in Domino dicentes: 'quis ascendet nobiscum ad Chananaeum dux ad bellandum in eo?' Et dixit Dominus: 'Iudas ascendet; ecce dedi terram in manu ipsius.'
2. (1:1-3) And it came to pass, after Joshua died, that the children of Israel inquired of the Lord, saying: Who shall go up with us against the Canaanite as a leader to make war on him? And the Lord said: Judah shall go up; behold, I have given the land into his hand. (Judg 1:1-3)
QsHept.7.1
Hic quaeritur utrum aliquis homo Iudas vocabatur, an ipsam tribum, ita ut solet, sic appellavit. Sed illi qui interrogaverant Dominum, post mortem Iesu Nave ducem requirebant; unde putatur unius expressum hominis nomen. Verum, quia non solet duces nominare Scriptura cum constituuntur, nisi commemorata etiam origine parentum, et constat post Iesum duces habuisse populum Israel, quorum primus est Gothoniel filius Cenez; rectius intellegitur nomine Iudae, tribum Iuda fuisse significatam. Ab ipsa enim tribu voluit Dominus incipere conteri Chananaeos. Et cum populus de duce interrogasset, ad hoc valuit responsio Domini, ut scirent Deum noluisse ab universo populo bellari adversus Chananaeos. Dixit ergo: Iudas ascendet.
Here it is asked whether some man was called Judah, or whether it so called the tribe itself, as is customary. But those who had inquired of the Lord were seeking a leader after the death of Joshua the son of Nun; hence it is thought that the name of one man is expressed. But because Scripture is not accustomed to name leaders when they are appointed without also mentioning the origin of their parents, and it is established that after Joshua the people of Israel had leaders, of whom the first is Othniel the son of Kenaz; it is more rightly understood that by the name Judah the tribe of Judah was signified. For from that tribe the Lord willed the crushing of the Canaanites to begin. And when the people had inquired about a leader, the Lord's response had this force, that they should know that God was unwilling for war to be waged against the Canaanites by the whole people. So he said: Judah shall go up.
QsHept.7.1
Et sequitur Scriptura narrans: et dixit Iudas ad Simeon fratrem suum: utique tribus ad tribum. Non enim adhuc vivebant illi filii Iacob qui dicti sunt Iudas et Simeon, inter caeteros fratres suos propriis nominibus appellati; sed dixit tribus Iuda ad tribum Simeon: ascende mecum in sortem meam, et bellemus in Chananaeo, et ibo etiam ego tecum in sortem tuam. Manifestum est auxilium sibi tribum Iuda alterius tribus postulasse, quod redderet, cum et illi in sua sorte habere inciperent necessarium.
And Scripture continues, narrating: and Judah said to Simeon his brother: certainly tribe to tribe. For those sons of Jacob who were called Judah and Simeon, named by their proper names among their other brothers, were no longer living; but the tribe of Judah said to the tribe of Simeon: go up with me into my lot, and let us make war on the Canaanite, and I too will go with you into your lot. It is plain that the tribe of Judah asked for itself the help of another tribe, which it would repay when those too began to have need in their own lot.
QsHept.7.1
Quo tempore quod narratur de Caleb promittente filiam factum sit.
At what time what is narrated about Caleb promising his daughter was done.
3. (1, 9-12) Et dixit Caleb: 'quicumque percusserit Civitatem litterarum, et ceperit eam, dabo ei filiam meam Axam uxorem.' Iam hoc et in libro Iesu Nave commemoratum est (Cf. Ios 15, 16): sed utrum Iesu vivente factum sit, et nunc per recapitulationem repetitum; an post eius mortem posteaquam dictum est: Iudas ascendet, et coepit Iudas debellare Chananaeos, in quo bello ista omnia gesta narrantur, merito quaeritur. Sed credibilius est post mortem Iesu factum, tunc autem per prolepsim, id est per praeoccupationem commemoratum, quemadmodum et alia.
3. (1:9-12) And Caleb said: Whoever strikes the City of Letters, and takes it, I will give him my daughter Achsah as a wife. This was already mentioned in the book of Joshua the son of Nun (See Josh 15:16): but whether it was done while Joshua was living, and is now repeated by recapitulation; or after his death, after it was said: Judah shall go up, and Judah began to subdue the Canaanites, in which war all these things are narrated as done, is rightly asked. But it is more credible that it was done after the death of Joshua, but here mentioned by prolepsis, that is, by anticipation, just as other things too.
QsHept.7.1
Nunc enim cum res gestae adversus Chananaeos tribus Iuda exponerentur, ita se narrationis ordo continet, inter caetera Iudae facta bellica, de quo post mortem Iesu dixerat Dominus: Iudas ascendet. Et postea descenderunt filii Iuda pugnare ad Chananaeum, qui habitabat in montana et austrum et campestrem. Et abiit Iudas ad Chananaeum inhabitantem in Chebron, et exiit Chebron ex adverso. Nomen autem erat Chebron Cariatharbocsepher, et percussit Sesi et Achiman et Cholmi filios Enach: et ascenderunt inde ad inhabitantes Dabir. Nomen autem Dabir quod erat ante Civitas litterarum. Et dixit Caleb: 'quicumque percusserit Civitatem litterarum, et acceperit eam, dabo ei filiam meam in uxorem.'
For now, when the things done against the Canaanites by the tribe of Judah were being set forth, the order of the narration runs thus, among the other warlike deeds of Judah, of which the Lord had said after the death of Joshua: Judah shall go up. And afterward the children of Judah went down to fight against the Canaanite who dwelt in the mountains and the south and the lowland. And Judah went against the Canaanite dwelling in Hebron, and Hebron came out to meet them. Now the name of Hebron was formerly Kiriath-arba-sepher, and he struck Sheshai and Ahiman and Talmai, the sons of Anak: and they went up from there against those dwelling in Debir. Now the name of Debir was formerly the City of Letters. And Caleb said: Whoever strikes the City of Letters, and takes it, I will give him my daughter as a wife.
QsHept.7.1
Constat ergo ex hoc ordine gestarum rerum tam perspicuo, post mortem Iesu hoc esse factum. Tunc vero cum civitates datae ipsi Caleb commemorarentur, progressus ex occasione narrator, quod postea factum est praeoccupavit. Nec tamen frustra arbitror hoc de filia Caleb data in victoris praemium, bis numero Scripturam commemorare voluisse.
It is established, then, from this so clear order of the things done, that this was done after the death of Joshua. But then, when the cities given to Caleb himself were being mentioned, the narrator, advancing from the occasion, anticipated what was done afterward. Nor yet do I think that Scripture meant to mention twice in number this matter of Caleb's daughter given as the victor's reward without reason.
QsHept.7.1
Quaestio de filia Caleb.
The question of Caleb's daughter.
4. (1, 14-15) Alia nascitur quaestio de filia Caleb, quod in libro Iesu Nave sic de illa dicitur: et factum est, cum ingrederetur ipsa, et consilium habuit cum eo dicens: 'petam patrem meum agrum.' Et exclamavit de asino, et caetera: ubi agrum petiit a patre, atque concessus est (Ios 15, 18-19). Hic autem: et factum est, inquit, cum ingrederetur ipse, monuit eam Gothoniel, ut peteret a patre suo agrum. Sed in eo quod dictum ibi est, cum ingrederetur ipsa; et hic dictum est: cum ingrederetur ipse, nihil contrarium est: simul enim ingrediebantur viam. Quod vero ibi dictum est: consilium habuit cum eo, id est cum viro suo, dicens: 'petam patrem meum agrum'; et exclamavit de asino, et petiit; in eo quod habuit consilium, ibi monita est ut peteret: quorum alterum ibi dictum est, alterum hic. Utrumque autem ita diceretur: "et consilium habuit cum eo dicens: 'petam patrem meum agrum': ille autem monuit eam; et exclamavit de asino."
4. (1:14-15) Another question arises about Caleb's daughter, in that in the book of Joshua the son of Nun it is said of her thus: and it came to pass, as she was going in, that she took counsel with him, saying: I will ask my father for a field. And she cried out from her ass, and so on: where she asked her father for a field, and it was granted. (Josh 15:18-19) But here it says: and it came to pass, as he was going in, that Othniel urged her to ask her father for a field. But in that it was said there, as she was going in; and here it was said: as he was going in, there is nothing contrary: for they were going in along the way together. But in that it was said there: she took counsel with him, that is, with her husband, saying: I will ask my father for a field; and she cried out from her ass, and asked; in that she took counsel, there she was urged to ask: of which the one is said there, the other here. But both would be said thus: "and she took counsel with him, saying: I will ask my father for a field: and he urged her; and she cried out from her ass."
QsHept.7.1
Porro autem quod ibi agrum refertur petiisse, nec nomen ipsius agri tacitum est; hic vero cum agrum petere monita fuerit a viro suo, non agrum petiisse dicitur, clamans de subiugali, quod ibi dictum est de asino, sed redemptionem aquae, eo quod in terram austri fuisset tradita; subiecitque Scriptura: et dedit ei Caleb secundum cor eius redemptionem excelsorum et redemptionem humilium; quid sibi velit obscurum est: nisi forte ager ipse ideo petebatur, ut haberet de fructibus eius unde aquam redimeret, cuius inopia in illis regionibus erat, quo nupta ducebatur. Sed, dedit ei Caleb redemptionem excelsorum, et redemptionem humilium, non video quid subaudiamus, nisi fluentorum, excelsorum videlicet in montanis, humilium in campestribus sive in vallibus.
Furthermore, that there she is reported to have asked for a field, and the name of that field is not passed over in silence; but here, although she was urged by her husband to ask for a field, she is said to have asked not for a field, crying out from her beast of burden, which there was said to be from her ass, but for a redemption of water, because she had been given over into a land of the south; and Scripture added: and Caleb gave her, according to her heart, a redemption of the upper and a redemption of the lower; what this means is obscure: unless perhaps the field itself was asked for this reason, that she might have from its fruits the means to buy water, the lack of which was in those regions into which she was being led as a bride. But, Caleb gave her a redemption of the upper, and a redemption of the lower, I do not see what we are to supply, unless of waters—of the upper, namely, in the mountains, of the lower, in the lowland or in the valleys.
QsHept.7.1
Cum omnis terra dicatur filiis Israel data, quomodo multae dicantur non datae.
Since all the land is said to have been given to the children of Israel, how many lands are said not to have been given.
5. (1, 18-19) Et non haereditavit Iudas Gazam et finem eius, et Ascalonem et finem eius, et Accaron et finem eius, et Azotum et adiacentia eius. Et erat Dominus cum Iuda, et haereditavit montem, quoniam non potuit haereditare inhabitantes in valle, quoniam Rechab obstitit eis, et currus erant ei ferrei.
5. (1:18-19) And Judah did not inherit Gaza and its territory, and Ashkelon and its territory, and Ekron and its territory, and Ashdod and its surroundings. And the Lord was with Judah, and he inherited the mountain, because he was not able to inherit those dwelling in the valley, because Rechab withstood them, and he had chariots of iron. (Judg 1:18-19)
QsHept.7.1
Quod in libro Iesu Nave, cum illum locum tractarem, ubi scriptum est: et dedit Dominus Israeli omnem terram (Ios 21, 43), cum multas eius partes nondum possiderent, dixi ita posse intellegi omnem terram datam, quia ea quae data non est in possessionem, data est in quamdam exercitationis utilitatem (Cf. Quaest. 6, 21, 4): hoc multo evidentius hic apparet, quandoquidem commemorantur civitates quas non haereditavit Iudas, et dicitur: et erat Dominus cum Iuda, et haereditavit montem, quoniam non potuerunt haereditare inhabitantes in valle. Quis enim non intellegat etiam hoc ipsum ad id pertinuisse, quod erat Dominus cum Iuda, ne totum repente obtinendo extolleretur?
What I said in the book of Joshua the son of Nun, when I treated that place where it is written: and the Lord gave Israel all the land (Josh 21:43), when they did not yet possess many parts of it—that all the land could be understood to have been given thus, because what was not given into possession was given for a certain usefulness of exercise (See Question 6, 21, 4): this appears much more evidently here, since the cities are mentioned which Judah did not inherit, and it is said: and the Lord was with Judah, and he inherited the mountain, because they were not able to inherit those dwelling in the valley. For who does not understand that even this very thing pertained to that, that the Lord was with Judah, lest by obtaining the whole at once he should be puffed up?
QsHept.7.1
Quod enim adiungit, quoniam Rechab obstitit eis, et currus erant ei ferrei; quos currus timuerit, dictum est, non Dominus qui erat in Iuda, sed ipse Iudas: cur autem timuerit, cum quo Dominus erat, si quaeritur, hoc est quod prudenter intellegendum est, refringere Deum propitium etiam in cordibus suorum nimiae prosperitatis excessus, ut in usum eorum convertat inimicos, non solum quando vincuntur inimici, sed etiam quando metuuntur; illud ad commendandam largitatem suam, illud ad eorum reprimendam elationem. Nam utique inimicus sanctorum est angelus satanae; quem tamen sibi datum colaphizantem dicit Apostolus, ne magnitudine revelationum extolleretur (Cf. 2 Cor 12, 7).
For what it adds, because Rechab withstood them, and he had chariots of iron; it was said who feared the chariots—not the Lord, who was in Judah, but Judah himself: but if it is asked why he feared, with whom the Lord was, this is what must be prudently understood: that the propitious God breaks even in the hearts of his own the excesses of too great prosperity, so as to turn enemies to their use, not only when enemies are conquered, but even when they are feared; the one to commend his bounty, the other to repress their elation. For surely the enemy of the saints is the angel of Satan; whom nevertheless the Apostle says was given him to buffet him, lest he be puffed up by the greatness of the revelations. (See 2 Cor 12:7)
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo gesta tempore Iosue narrentur.
How things done in the time of Joshua are narrated.
6. (1, 20) Et dederunt Caleb Chebron, sicut locutus est Moyses; et haereditavit inde tres civitates filiorum Enach, et abstulit inde tres filios Enach. Iam hoc dictum est in libro Iesu Nave (Cf. Ios 15, 13-14), quoniam illo vivo factum est; sed hic recapitulando commemoratum est, cum de tribu Iuda, unde fuit Caleb, Scriptura loqueretur.
6. (1:20) And they gave Hebron to Caleb, as Moses had said; and he inherited from there the three cities of the sons of Anak, and took away from there the three sons of Anak. This was already said in the book of Joshua the son of Nun (See Josh 15:13-14), since it was done while he was living; but here it is mentioned by recapitulation, when Scripture was speaking of the tribe of Judah, from which Caleb came.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo Hierusalem dicatur non devicta nec Iebusaeus cum prius contrarium dictum sit.
How Jerusalem is said not to have been conquered, nor the Jebusite, when earlier the contrary was said.
7. (1, 21. 8) Quaeritur quomodo dictum sit: et Iebusaeum habitantem in Ierusalem non haereditaverunt filii Beniamin, et habitavit Iebusaeus cum filiis Beniamin in Ierusalem usque in hodiernum diem, cum superius legatur eadem civitas a Iuda capta et incensa, interfectis in ea Iebusaeis? Sed cognoscendum est istam civitatem communem habuisse duas tribus, Iudam et Beniamin, sicut ostendit ipsa divisio terrarum, quae facta est a Iesu Nave (Cf. Ios 15, 63; 18, 28). Ipsa est enim Iebus quae Ierusalem (Cf. Iudc 19, 10): ideo duae istae tribus remanserunt ad Templum Domini, quando caeterae, excepta Levi quae sacerdotalis fuit et terras in divisionem non accepit, separaverunt se a regno Iuda cum Ieroboam (Cf. 3 Reg 12, 1-24).
7. (1:21, 8) It is asked how it was said: and the children of Benjamin did not inherit the Jebusite dwelling in Jerusalem, and the Jebusite dwelt with the children of Benjamin in Jerusalem to this day, when above it is read that the same city was taken and burned by Judah, with the Jebusites in it killed? But it is to be recognized that this city was held in common by two tribes, Judah and Benjamin, as the very division of lands shows, which was made by Joshua the son of Nun. (See Josh 15:63; 18:28) For Jebus is the same as Jerusalem (See Judg 19:10): therefore these two tribes remained with the Temple of the Lord, when the others—except Levi, which was priestly and did not receive lands in the division—separated themselves from the kingdom of Judah with Jeroboam. (See 1 Kgs 12:1-24)
QsHept.7.1
Intellegendum est ergo a Iuda quidem civitatem captam et incensam, interfectis eis qui illic reperti fuerant: sed non omnes Iebusaeos esse extinctos; sive quia erant extra illam civitatem, sive quia fugere potuerunt: quos reliquos Iebusaeos admissos esse a filiis Beniamin, quibus cum Iuda erat civitas illa communis, in ea simul habitare. Quod ergo dictum est: non haereditaverunt Iebusaeum filii Beniamin, intellegendum est quod nec tributarios eos facere potuerunt, sive voluerunt. Aut certe non haereditavit Iebusaeum, dictum est, quia non sine illo tenuit terram quae ab illo possidebatur.
It is to be understood, then, that the city was indeed taken and burned by Judah, with those killed who were found there: but that not all the Jebusites were destroyed; either because they were outside that city, or because they were able to flee: and that these remaining Jebusites were admitted by the children of Benjamin, with whom that city was held in common with Judah, to dwell in it together. So what was said: the children of Benjamin did not inherit the Jebusite, is to be understood as that they were not able, or not willing, even to make them tributary. Or at least he did not inherit the Jebusite was said because he did not hold without him the land that was possessed by him.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo Bethsan dicatur Scytharum civitas.
How Beth-shan is said to be a city of the Scythians.
8. (1, 27) Et non haereditavit Manasses Bethsan, quae est Scytharum civitas. Ipsa hodie perhibetur Scythopolis dici. Potest autem movere, quomodo in illis partibus multum ab Scythia diversis potuerit esse Scytharum civitas. Sed similiter potest movere, quomodo tam longe a Macedonia Macedo Alexander condiderit Alexandriam civitatem; quod utique fecit longe lateque bellando: ita etiam, cum Scythae aliquando bellando in longinqua progrederentur, istam condere potuerunt. Nam legitur in historia gentium, universam pene Asiam Scythas aliquando tenuisse, cum regi Aegyptiorum illi qui eis ultro bellum indixerat, irent obviam, quorum adventu territus, in suum se regnum recepit.
8. (1:27) And Manasseh did not inherit Beth-shan, which is a city of the Scythians. The same is said today to be called Scythopolis. But it can be troubling, how in those parts, very different from Scythia, there could be a city of the Scythians. But similarly it can be troubling how, so far from Macedonia, Alexander the Macedonian founded the city of Alexandria; which he certainly did by waging war far and wide: so too, when the Scythians at some time advanced far in waging war, they could found this one. For it is read in the history of the nations that the Scythians at one time held almost all of Asia, when those who had of their own accord declared war on the king of the Egyptians went to meet him, by whose coming he was terrified, and withdrew into his own kingdom.
QsHept.7.1
De filiabus Bethsan.
Concerning the daughters of Beth-shan.
9. (1, 27) Et non haereditavit Manasses Bethsan, quae est Scytharum civitas, neque filias eius. Filias eius dicit civitates quas ipsa quasi metropolis instituerat.
9. (1:27) And Manasseh did not inherit Beth-shan, which is a city of the Scythians, nor its daughters. By its daughters it means the cities which it, as a metropolis, had established.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo repetatur quod in libro Iosue dictum est.
How what was said in the book of Joshua is repeated.
10. (1, 28) Et factum est, quando praevaluit Israel, et posuit Chananaeum in tributarium et auferens non abstulit eum. Iam tale aliquid dictum est in libro Iesu Nave, pene ipsis verbis (Cf. Ios 17, 13). Proinde aut hic per anacephalaeosim dicitur, aut illic per prolepsim dictum est; id est, aut hic recapitulando, aut illic praeoccupando.
10. (1:28) And it came to pass, when Israel had prevailed, that he set the Canaanite under tribute, and, taking away, did not take him away. Something of this kind was already said in the book of Joshua the son of Nun, almost in the very words. (See Josh 17:13) Accordingly either it is said here by recapitulation, or it was said there by prolepsis; that is, either here by recapitulating, or there by anticipating.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo quod sequitur similiter repetitum sit.
How what follows is similarly repeated.
11. (1, 34) Et contribulavit Amorrhaeus filios Dan in monte, quoniam non permisit eos descendere in vallem. Et hoc similiter, aut in libro Iesu Nave praeoccupando commemoratum est (Cf. Ios 19, 48 (sec. LXX)), aut hic recapitulando.
11. (1:34) And the Amorite distressed the children of Dan in the mountain, because he did not permit them to go down into the valley. And this likewise was either mentioned by anticipation in the book of Joshua the son of Nun (See Josh 19:48 (LXX)), or here by recapitulation.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo dicitur de monte plorationis et quae sequuntur an praeoccupando dicantur.
How it is said concerning the mountain of weeping, and the things that follow—whether they are said by anticipation.
12. (2, 1) Et ascendit angelus Domini super Clauthmontem. Scriptor libri hoc nomine appellavit locum, quia postea scripsit: nam quando angelus Domini super eum ascendit, nondum sic appellabatur. A "ploratione" quippe nomen accepit, eo quod Graece κλαυθμός ploratio dicitur. Ibi enim populus flevit, cum audisset ab hoc angelo verba Domini vindicantis in eos, quod inobedientes fuissent, quia non exterminaverunt populos secundum praeceptum eius, quibus praevaluerunt, eligentes eos facere tributarios (Cf. Iudc 1, 28-35), quam interimere et perdere, quemadmodum iusserat Dominus (Cf. Ios 17, 12-13).
12. (2:1) And the angel of the Lord went up over Clauthmon (the Mount of Weeping). The writer of the book called the place by this name because he wrote afterward: for when the angel of the Lord went up over it, it was not yet so called. For it received its name from "weeping," because in Greek κλαυθμός means weeping. For there the people wept, when they had heard from this angel the words of the Lord taking vengeance on them, because they had been disobedient, in that they did not exterminate the peoples according to his command, those over whom they prevailed, choosing to make them tributary (See Judg 1:28-35) rather than to kill and destroy them, as the Lord had commanded. (See Josh 17:12-13)
QsHept.7.1
Quod sive contempto Dei mandato, sive timore fecerint, ne hostes adversum se acrius pugnare pro salute obtinenda, quam pro tributo non dando cogerent, sine dubio peccaverunt, vel spernendo quod divinitus imperatum est, vel non praesumendo quod eos posset, qui imperaverat, adiuvare. Quod ideo per Iesum noluit eis dicere (si tamen adhuc eo vivente iam coeperat fieri, et non potius praeoccupando commemoratum fuerat quod illo mortuo fieri coepit), quia hoc omnibus voluit exprobrare per angelum: nondum autem omnes id fecerant vivente Iesu, etsi aliqui forte iam coeperant. Credibilius est tamen nihil tale fieri coeptum vivente Iesu Nave, tantumque terrarum sub illo tenuisse filios Israel, quantum eis ad considendum sufficeret, quamvis in sortibus suis haberent unde crescendo et convalescendo adhuc adversarios exterminarent.
Whether they did this from contempt of God's command, or from fear, lest they should drive the enemy to fight more sharply against them for the obtaining of their safety than for the not giving of tribute, without doubt they sinned, either by spurning what was divinely commanded, or by not presuming that he who had commanded could help them. Why he was unwilling to say this to them through Joshua (if indeed it had already begun to be done while he was still living, and had not rather been mentioned by anticipation as what began to be done after his death), is because he willed to reproach all with this through the angel: but not all had yet done it while Joshua was living, although some perhaps had already begun. It is more credible, however, that nothing of the kind began to be done while Joshua the son of Nun was living, and that the children of Israel held under him only so much land as sufficed for them to settle, although in their lots they had the means by which, growing and gaining strength, they might still exterminate their adversaries.
QsHept.7.1
Proinde post mortem Iesu, posteaquam praevaluerunt ut hoc possent facere, maluerunt eos habere tributarios secundum voluntatem suam, quam interimere et perdere secundum voluntatem Dei: propter hoc ad eos corripiendos angelus missus est. Quod vero commemoratum est in libro Iesu Nave (Cf. Ios 17, 13), magis existimo praeoccupando commemoratum, quod post eius mortem vel futurum esse iam ipse noverat prophetico spiritu, si ab illo liber conscriptus est, qui appellatur Iesu Nave; vel si ab alio scriptus est, iam factum esse sciebat post mortem Iesu, quod in illo libro praeoccupando commemoravit.
Accordingly, after the death of Joshua, after they had prevailed so that they could do this, they preferred to have them as tributaries according to their own will than to kill and destroy them according to the will of God: on this account the angel was sent to rebuke them. But what was mentioned in the book of Joshua the son of Nun (See Josh 17:13), I rather think was mentioned by anticipation, as something which, after his death, either he himself already knew by a prophetic spirit was going to be (if the book which is called Joshua the son of Nun was written by him); or, if it was written by another, he already knew it had been done after the death of Joshua, which in that book he mentioned by anticipation.
QsHept.7.1
An dici possit etiam de ira Dei quaedam pervenire peccata ex verbis angeli comminantis.
Whether it can be said, even from the anger of God, that certain sins come, from the words of the threatening angel.
13. (2, 3) Quid est quod angelus Domini inter caetera divinae comminationis dicit: non adiiciam transmigrare populum quem dixi eiicere; non auferam eos a facie vestra: et erunt vobis in angustias, et dii eorum erunt vobis in scandalum (Cf. anche Ios 23, 13); nisi ut intellegamus nonnulla etiam de ira Dei venire peccata? Ut enim dii gentium, inter quas non a se exterminatas Israelitae habitare voluerunt, essent eis in scandalum, id est, facerent eos scandalizari in Domino Deo suo, eoque offenso vivere, indignans hoc comminatus est Deus; quod certe manifestum est magnum esse peccatum.
13. (2:3) What does it mean that the angel of the Lord, among the other things of divine threatening, says: I will no longer transfer the people whom I said I would cast out; I will not take them away from before you: and they shall be a distress to you, and their gods shall be a stumbling block to you (See also Josh 23:13); unless that we understand that some sins come even from the anger of God? For that the gods of the nations, among whom, not exterminated by themselves, the Israelites willed to dwell, should be a stumbling block to them—that is, should make them stumble in the Lord their God, and, having offended him, live—God, being indignant, threatened this; which certainly it is plain is a great sin.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo per recapitulationem populus dicatur ire quisque in domum suam.
How by recapitulation the people is said to go, each into his own house.
14. (2, 6. 8) Et dimisit Iesus populum, et abierunt filii Israel unusquisque in domum suam, et unusquisque in haereditatem suam, haereditare terram. Hoc per recapitulationem iterari nulla dubitatio est (Cf. Ios 24, 28). Nam et mors ipsius Iesu Nave etiam in hoc libro commemoratur, ut tamquam ab exordio cuncta breviter insinuarentur, ex quo eis Dominus dedit terram, et quemadmodum sub ipsis iudicibus vixerint, quaeve perpessi sint; atque iterum reditur ad ipsorum iudicum ordinem, ab eo qui primus est constitutus.
14. (2:6, 8) And Joshua dismissed the people, and the children of Israel went, each into his own house, and each into his own inheritance, to inherit the land. That this is repeated by recapitulation there is no doubt. (See Josh 24:28) For the death of Joshua the son of Nun himself is also mentioned in this book, so that, as it were from the beginning, all things might be briefly intimated, from the time when the Lord gave them the land, and how they lived under those same judges, and what they suffered; and again it returns to the order of those same judges, beginning from the one who was first appointed.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo exponatur: non scierunt Dominum.
How this is to be expounded: they did not know the Lord.
15. (2, 10) Et surrexit generatio altera post eos, qui non scierunt Dominum, et opera eius quae fecit Israel. Exposuit quomodo dixerit: non scierunt Dominum; in illis videlicet praeclaris et mirabilibus operibus, per quae factum est ante illis ut Israel sciret Dominum.
15. (2:10) And another generation rose up after them, who did not know the Lord, and the works which he did for Israel. It expounded how it said: they did not know the Lord; namely, in those illustrious and marvelous works, through which it had earlier come about that Israel knew the Lord.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo nomina idolorum accipi debeant.
How the names of idols ought to be taken.
16. (2, 13) Et servierunt Baal et Astartibus. Solet dici Baal nomen esse apud gentes illarum partium Iovis, Astarte autem Iunonis, quod et lingua Punica putatur ostendere. Nam Baal Punici videntur dicere "dominum"; unde Baalsamen, quasi "dominum coeli" intelleguntur dicere: samen quippe apud eos coeli appellantur. Iuno autem sine dubitatione ab illis Astarte vocatur. Et quoniam istae linguae non multum inter se differunt, merito creditur hic de filiis Israel hoc dicere Scriptura, quod Baal servierunt et Astartibus, quia Iovi et Iunonibus.
16. (2:13) And they served Baal and the Astartes. It is usually said that Baal is the name among the nations of those parts for Jupiter, and Astarte for Juno, which the Punic language too is thought to show. For the Punic peoples seem to say Baal for "lord"; whence by Baalsamen they are understood to say, as it were, "lord of heaven": for samen among them is the word for the heavens. And Juno without doubt is called by them Astarte. And since these languages do not differ much from each other, it is rightly believed that here Scripture says this of the children of Israel, that they served Baal and the Astartes, that is, Jupiter and the Junos.
QsHept.7.1
Nec movere debet quod non dixit Astarti, id est Iunoni; sed tamquam multae sint Iunones, pluraliter hoc nomen posuit. Ad simulacrorum enim multitudinem referri voluit intellectum, quoniam unumquodque Iunonis simulacrum Iuno vocabatur; ac per hoc tot Iunones, quot simulacra intellegi voluit. Varietatis autem causa existimo Iovem singulariter, Iunones pluraliter commemorare voluisse. Nam eadem causa plurium simulacrorum etiam Ioves pluraliter dici possent. Hoc autem, id est, nomine plurali Iunones, in graecis secundum Septuaginta reperimus, in latinis autem singulariter erat. Quorum in illo qui non habebat Septuaginta interpretationem, sed ex Hebraeo erat, Astaroth legimus; nec Baal, sed Baalim. Quod si forte aliud in Hebraea vel Syra lingua nomina ista significant, deos tamen alios fuisse constat et falsos, quibus Israel servire non debuit.
Nor ought it to be troubling that it did not say "Astarte," that is, "Juno"; but, as though there were many Junos, set down this name in the plural. For it meant the understanding to be referred to the multitude of images, since each single image of Juno was called a Juno; and by this it meant as many Junos to be understood as there were images. But I think that for the sake of variety it meant to mention Jupiter in the singular, the Junos in the plural. For by the same cause of the plurality of images, Jupiters too could be spoken of in the plural. But this, that is, the plural name "Junos," we find in the Greek according to the Septuagint, but in the Latin it was in the singular. Of these, in the one which did not have the Septuagint translation, but was from the Hebrew, we read Ashtaroth; and not Baal, but Baalim. But if perhaps these names signify something else in the Hebrew or Syriac language, yet it is established that they were other gods and false, whom Israel ought not to have served.
QsHept.7.1
Quomodo dicatur: Et vendidit...
How it is said: And he sold them . . .
17. 1. (2, 14. 20-23; 3, 1-4) Et vendidit eos in manu inimicorum suorum in circuitu. Quaeri solet quare dixerit, vendidit, tamquam aliquod pretium intellegatur datum. Sed et in Psalmo legitur: vendidisti populum tuum sine pretio (Ps 43, 13); et apud prophetam: gratis venditi estis, et non cum argento redimemini (Isa 52, 3). Quare ergo venditi, si gratis et sine pretio, et non potius "donati"? An forte Scripturarum locutio est, ut "venditus" etiam qui donatur dici possit? Hic autem sensus est optimus in eo quod dictum est: gratis venditi estis; et: vendidisti populum tuum sine pretio: quia illi quibus tradidisti populum, impii fuerunt, non Deum colendo tradi sibi illum populum meruerunt, ut ipse cultus tamquam pretium videretur. Quod vero dictum est: neque cum argento redimemini; non ait: "neque cum pretio," sed: neque cum argento; ut pretium redemptionis intellegamus, quale dicit Apostolus Petrus: non enim argento et auro redempti estis, sed pretioso sanguine Agni immaculati (1 Pt 1, 18-19). In argento enim propheta omnem pecuniam significavit, ubi ait: non cum argento redimemini; quoniam pretio quidem sanguinis Christi, non tamen pretio pecuniario fuerant redimendi.
17. 1. (2:14, 20-23; 3:1-4) And he sold them into the hand of their enemies round about. It is usually asked why it said he sold, as though some price were understood to have been given. But in the Psalm too it is read: you have sold your people for no price (Ps 44:13 (43:13)); and in the prophet: you were sold for nothing, and you shall not be redeemed with silver (Isa 52:3). Why, then, sold, if for nothing and for no price, and not rather "given"? Or is it perhaps a manner of speaking of the Scriptures, so that even one who is given can be said to be "sold"? But this sense is best in what was said: you were sold for nothing; and: you have sold your people for no price: because those to whom you handed over the people were impious, and did not, by worshiping God, deserve that people to be handed over to them, so that the worship itself might seem a price. But what was said: nor shall you be redeemed with silver; it did not say: "nor with a price," but: nor with silver; so that we understand a price of redemption, such as the Apostle Peter speaks of: for you were redeemed not with silver and gold, but with the precious blood of the spotless Lamb. (1 Pet 1:18-19) For by silver the prophet signified all money, where he said: you shall not be redeemed with silver; since they were to be redeemed with the price of the blood of Christ, yet not with a money price.
QsHept.7.1
17. 2. In eo quod Dominus dicit: et ego non apponam auferre virum a facie ipsorum de gentibus quas reliquit Iesus filius Nave, et dimisit ad tentandum in eis Israel, si observabunt viam Domini abire in ea, quemadmodum custodierunt patres eorum, an non: et dimisit Dominus gentes has, ut non auferret illas tunc; et non tradidit illas in manu Iesu, satis ostenditur causa, quare non Iesus omnes illas gentes bellando deleverit; quia hoc si fieret, non essent in quibus isti probarentur.
17. 2. In that the Lord says: and I will no longer take away a man from before them, of the nations which Joshua the son of Nun left, and dismissed to test Israel by them, whether they will keep the way of the Lord to walk in it, as their fathers kept it, or not: and the Lord left these nations, so as not to take them away then; and did not deliver them into the hand of Joshua, the reason is shown well enough why Joshua did not destroy all those nations by war; because, if this were done, there would be none among whom these men might be tested.
QsHept.7.17.2
Poterant autem esse ad utilitatem ipsorum, si tentati in eis, non reprobi invenirentur; eisque talibus inventis, quales eos esse debere praeceperat Dominus, iam gentes illae auferrentur a facie eorum, si ita viverent, nec bellis eos exerceri oporteret. Verba enim Domini huc usque accipienda sunt: propter quod tanta dereliquit gens haec testamentum meum, quod mandavi patribus eorum, et non obedierunt voci meae: et ego non apponam auferre virum a facie ipsorum, id est adversarium. Caetera vero verba scriptoris sunt, exponentis unde dixerat Dominus non se ablaturum virum de gentibus quas reliquit Iesus filius Nave.
But they could be for their own usefulness, if, being tested among them, they were not found reprobate; and, being found such as the Lord had commanded them to be, those nations would now be taken away from before them, if they so lived, and they would not need to be exercised by wars. For the words of the Lord are to be taken thus far: because this nation has so forsaken my covenant, which I commanded their fathers, and they did not obey my voice: I too will no longer take away a man from before them, that is, an adversary. But the rest are the words of the writer, expounding why the Lord had said that he would not take away a man of the nations which Joshua the son of Nun left.
QsHept.7.17.2
Deinde subiungens qua causa dereliquerit: et dimisit, inquit, ad tentandum Israel, si observent viam Domini abire in ea, quemadmodum custodierunt patres eorum, an non; eos volens intellegi patres custodisse viam Domini, qui fuerunt cum Iesu, id est eo tempore quo ille vivebat. Generationem quippe alteram superius (Cf. Iudc 2, 10) retulit surrexisse post illos, qui vixerunt cum Iesu, et ab ipsis coepisse transgressiones quae offenderunt Dominum; pro quibus tentandis, id est probandis, relictae fuerant gentes, nec exterminatae per Iesum.
Then, adding for what cause he had left them: and he dismissed them, it says, to test Israel, whether they keep the way of the Lord to walk in it, as their fathers kept it, or not; meaning those to be understood to have kept the way of the Lord as fathers who were with Joshua, that is, in the time in which he was living. For above (See Judg 2:10) it reported that another generation rose up after those who lived with Joshua, and that from them began the transgressions which offended the Lord; for the testing, that is, the proving, of whom the nations had been left, and not exterminated through Joshua.
QsHept.7.17.2
17. 3. Deinde ne putaretur hoc Iesus consilio suo tamquam humano egisse, ut gentes illae relinquerentur, subiungit Scriptura: et dimisit Dominus gentes has, ut non auferret illas celeriter; et non tradidit eas in manu Iesu. Deinde sequitur: et hae gentes quas reliquit Iesus, ut tentaret in eis Israel, omnes qui nescierunt omnia bella Chanaan: verum, propter generationes filiorum Israel, docere illos bellum.
17. 3. Then, lest Joshua should be thought to have acted in this by his own, as it were human, counsel, that those nations should be left, Scripture adds: and the Lord left these nations, so as not to take them away quickly; and did not deliver them into the hand of Joshua. Then it follows: and these are the nations which Joshua left, that he might test Israel by them, all who did not know all the wars of Canaan: only on account of the generations of the children of Israel, to teach them war.
QsHept.7.17.3
Erat ergo ista causa in eorum tentatione, ut bellare discerent; id est, ut tanta pietate et obedientia Legis Dei bellarent, quanta patres eorum qui Domino Deo etiam bellando placuerunt: non quia optabile aliquid est bellum, sed quia pietas laudabilis est in bello.
This, then, was the cause in their testing, that they should learn to make war; that is, that they should wage war with as great a piety and obedience to the Law of God as their fathers, who pleased the Lord God even in making war: not because war is something desirable, but because piety is praiseworthy in war.
QsHept.7.17.3
Quod autem sequitur: verum qui ante illos nescierunt illas; quid, nisi gentes vult intellegi, quas nescierunt bellando qui fuerunt ante istos; quorum tentationi, hoc est probationi relictae sunt?
But what follows: only those who before them did not know them; what does it mean, except that it means the nations which those who were before these did not know by making war; for the testing, that is, the proving, of whom they were left?
QsHept.7.17.3
Deinde commemorans quae sint: quinque, inquit, satrapias alienigenarum; quas in libris Regnorum manifestius exprimit (Cf. 1 Reg 6, 4.16-18). Satrapiae autem dicuntur quasi parva regna, quibus satrapae praeerant: quod nomen in illis partibus cuiusdam honoris est, sive fuit.
Then, mentioning what they are: five, it says, satrapies of the foreigners; which in the books of Kingdoms it expresses more plainly. (See 1 Sam 6:4, 16-18) Now satrapies are, as it were, small kingdoms, over which satraps were set: which name in those parts is, or was, one of a certain honor.
QsHept.7.17.3
Et omnem, inquit: Chananaeum, et Sidonium, et Evaeum inhabitantem Libanum, ante montem Hermon usque ad Laboemath: et factum est, ut tentaretur in ipsis Israel; tamquam diceret: "hoc autem factum est, ut tentaretur in ipsis Israel: scire si audient mandata Domini"; non ut sciret Deus omnium cognitor, etiam futurorum (Cf. Dan 13, 42), sed ut scirent ipsi, et sua conscientia vel gloriarentur, vel convincerentur utrum audirent mandata Domini, quae mandavit patribus eorum in manu Moysi.
And every, it says, Canaanite, and Sidonian, and Hivite dwelling in Lebanon, before Mount Hermon up to Laboemath: and it came to pass, that Israel was tested by them; as though it said: "but this was done, that Israel might be tested by them: to know whether they would hear the commandments of the Lord"; not that God, who knows all things, even future ones, (See Dan 13:42) should know, but that they themselves should know, and by their own conscience should either glory or be convicted, whether they heard the commandments of the Lord, which he commanded their fathers by the hand of Moses.
QsHept.7.17.3
Quoniam ergo manifestati sibi sunt non se obedisse Deo, in iis gentibus quae ad eorum tentationem, id est exercitationem atque probationem, fuerant derelictae; propterea dixit Deus vel illa in quibus aperte missus angelus et locutus expressius est, vel paulo ante, ubi ait: propter quod tanta dereliquit gens haec testamentum meum, quod mandavi patribus eorum, et non obedierunt voci meae: et ego non apponam auferre virum a facie ipsorum.
Since, then, they were made plain to themselves as not having obeyed God, among those nations which had been left for their testing, that is, their exercise and proving; therefore God said either those things in which the angel was openly sent and spoke more expressly, or, a little before, where he says: because this nation has so forsaken my covenant, which I commanded their fathers, and they did not obey my voice: I too will no longer take away a man from before them.
QsHept.7.17.3
17. 4. Dictum est autem in Deuteronomio ex persona Dei loquentis de istis gentibus adversariis: non eiiciam illos in anno uno, ne fiat terra deserta, et multiplicentur in te bestiae ferae: paulatim eiiciam illos, donec multiplicemini, et crescatis et haereditetis terram (Ex 23, 29-30). Poterat hanc promissionem suam servare Dominus erga obedientes, ut exterminatio gentium illarum, crescentibus Israelitis partibus fieret, cum eorum multitudo terras unde adversarii exterminarentur desertas esse non sineret. Quod autem ait: ne multiplicentur in te bestiae ferae, mirum si non bestiales quodammodo cupiditates et libidines intellegi voluit, quae solent de repentino successu terrenae felicitatis existere. Neque enim Deus homines exterminare poterat, et bestias non poterat, vel perdere, vel nasci potius non permittere.
17. 4. Now it was said in Deuteronomy, in the person of God speaking about these adversary nations: I will not cast them out in one year, lest the land become deserted, and wild beasts multiply against you: little by little I will cast them out, until you are multiplied, and grow, and inherit the land. (Ex 23:29-30) The Lord could keep this promise of his toward the obedient, so that the extermination of those nations should take place as the parts held by the Israelites grew, since their multitude would not allow the lands from which the adversaries were exterminated to be deserted. But as for what it says, lest wild beasts multiply against you, it is surprising if he did not mean to be understood, in a manner, the beastly desires and lusts, which are accustomed to arise from a sudden success of earthly happiness. For God could exterminate men, and could not exterminate beasts, or destroy them, or rather not permit them to be born?
QsHept.7.17.4
De verbis: Et excitavit Dominus salvatorem Israel...
Concerning the words: And the Lord raised up a savior of Israel . . .
18. (3, 9) Et excitavit Dominus salvatorem Israel, et salvavit eos. Deinde velut quaereretur "quem salvatorem": Gothoniel, inquit, filium Cenez. Accusativum enim casum hic debemus accipere, tamquam diceretur Gothonielem. Advertendum est autem quod salvatorem dicat etiam hominem, per quem Deus salvos faciat. Nam clamaverunt filii Israel ad Dominum: et excitavit Dominus salvatorem Israel, et salvavit eos, Gothoniel filium Cenez, fratrem Caleb iuniorem ipsius: et exaudivit eos.
18. (3:9) And the Lord raised up a savior of Israel, and saved them. Then, as though it were asked "what savior": Othniel, it says, the son of Kenaz. For we ought to take here the accusative case, as if it said Othnielem. But it is to be noted that it calls even a man a savior, through whom God saves. For the children of Israel cried out to the Lord: and the Lord raised up a savior of Israel, and saved them, Othniel the son of Kenaz, the younger brother of Caleb: and he heard them.
QsHept.7.17.4
Inter illa autem quae appellantur ὑπέρβατα, hoc genus rarum est, quoniam habet et illud quod Graeci vocant ὑστερολογία. Quod enim ait postea: et exaudivit eos, si prius ponatur, fit sermo lucidior. Nam ordo est: et clamaverunt filii Israel ad Dominum, et exaudivit eos, et excitavit Dominus salvatorem Israel. Deinde quod hic interpositum est: et salvavit eos, et postea dictum est: Gothoniel, aut Gothonielem filium Cenez, si ita diceretur, planius fieret: et excitavit Dominus salvatorem Israel Gothoniel filium Cenez, et salvavit eos.
Among those things which are called ὑπέρβατα, this kind is rare, since it has also that which the Greeks call ὑστερολογία. For what it says afterward, and he heard them, if it is set first, the speech becomes clearer. For the order is: and the children of Israel cried out to the Lord, and he heard them, and the Lord raised up a savior of Israel. Then what is here interposed, and saved them, and afterward said, Othniel, or Othnielem the son of Kenaz, if it were said thus, it would become plainer: and the Lord raised up a savior of Israel, Othniel the son of Kenaz, and saved them.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quomodo XL annis terra quievisse dicatur.
How the land is said to have rested for forty years.
19. (3, 11) Quadraginta annos quievisse Terram Promissionis a bellis sub Gothoniele iudice Scriptura testatur: quantum temporis primordia Romani imperii sub Numa Pompilio tantummodo rege pacata habere potuerunt.
19. (3:11) Scripture testifies that the Land of Promise rested from wars for forty years under Othniel the judge: as much time as the beginnings of the Roman empire could have at peace under Numa Pompilius as their only king.
QsHept.7.17.4
An Aod mentitus sit quando occidit Eglom.
Whether Ehud lied when he killed Eglon.
20. (3, 19-20) Quaeri potest utrum mentitus fuerit Aod iudex, quando occidit Eglom regem Moab. Cum enim solus soli insidiaretur ut eum percuteret, hoc illi ait: Verbum occultum mihi est ad te, rex; ut ille a se omnes qui cum illo fuerant removeret. Quod cum factum esset, iterum dixit Aod: Verbum Dei mihi ad te, rex. Sed potest non esse mendacium, quandoquidem "verbi" nomine solet etiam factum appellare Scriptura; et revera ita erat. Quod autem dixit: verbum Dei, intellegendum est hoc illi Deum ut faceret praecepisse, qui eum populo suo excitaverat salvatorem, sicut illis temporibus talia fieri divinitus oportebat.
20. (3:19-20) It can be asked whether Ehud the judge lied when he killed Eglon king of Moab. For when, alone, he was lying in wait for the man alone in order to strike him, he said this to him: I have a hidden word for you, O king; so that he might remove from himself all who had been with him. And when this was done, Ehud said again: I have a word of God for you, O king. But it can be no lie, since by the name of "word" Scripture is accustomed to call even a deed; and in truth it was so. As for his saying, a word of God, it is to be understood that God commanded him to do this—God, who had raised him up as a savior for his people, as in those times such things had to be done by divine appointment.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quomodo rex Eglon dicatur esse exilis valde.
How King Eglon is said to be very slender.
21. (3, 17. 22) Merito quaeritur quomodo fuerit exilis valde rex Eglom, et concluserunt adipes vulnus, quando percussus est. Sed intellegendum est ea locutione dictum, quae solet a contrario intellegi, sicut dicitur lucus, quod minime luceat; et abundare respondetur, quod non est; et benedixit regi, pro maledixit, sicut scriptum est in Regnorum libro de Nabuthe (Cf. 3 Reg 21, 10. 13). Nam in ea interpretatione quae non secundum Septuaginta, sed ex Hebraeo est, ita invenimus: erat autem Eglom crassus nimis.
21. (3:17, 22) It is rightly asked how King Eglon was very slender, and the fat closed over the wound, when he was struck. But it is to be understood as said by that manner of expression which is accustomed to be understood from the contrary, as a grove (lucus) is so called because it gives no light (luceat); and one answers "to abound" when there is nothing; and he blessed the king, for he cursed, as is written in the book of Kingdoms about Naboth. (See 1 Kgs 21:10, 13) For in that translation which is not according to the Septuagint, but from the Hebrew, we find thus: but Eglon was exceedingly fat.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quomodo sequentia recapitulando dicantur.
How the things that follow are said by recapitulation.
22. (3, 23) Et exiit Aod foras et transiit observantes, et clausit ianuas domus superioris super eum, et coarctavit. Hoc recapitulando dictum est, quod fuerat praetermissum. Nam prius hoc fecisse intellegendum est, et sic de superioribus descendisse, et transiisse observantes.
22. (3:23) And Ehud went out, and passed by those keeping watch, and shut the doors of the upper room over him, and made it fast. This was said by recapitulation, as something that had been passed over. For it is to be understood that he did this first, and so came down from the upper room, and passed by those keeping watch.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quomodo pueri regis Eglom clavi aperuerint quod Aod clavi non clauserat.
How the servants of King Eglon opened with a key what Ehud had not shut with a key.
23. (3, 25) Quomodo pueri regis Eglom clavi aperuerint quod Aod clavi non clauserat, potest movere: aut si ille clavi clauserat, quomodo secum eam non auferret, ut isti nec clavi aperire possent. Proinde aut alia clavis allata est, aut tale clusurae genus fuit quod sine clavi posset claudi, nec sine clave aperiri. Nam sunt quaedam talia, sicut ea quae veruclata dicuntur.
23. (3:25) How the servants of King Eglon opened with a key what Ehud had not shut with a key can be troubling: or, if he had shut it with a key, how he did not take it away with him, so that they could not open it even with a key. Accordingly either another key was brought, or it was such a kind of fastening as could be shut without a key, and not opened without a key. For there are some such, like those that are called bolted.
QsHept.7.17.4
Sub Aod LXXX annos pacem habuit Israel.
Under Ehud Israel had peace for eighty years.
24. (3, 30) Sub iudice Aod octoginta annos pacem habuit Israel in Terra Promissionis, duplicato scilicet tempore quam fuit memorabile sub Romanorum rege Numa Pompilio.
24. (3:30) Under Ehud the judge Israel had peace in the Land of Promise for eighty years, namely double the time that was memorable under the Roman king Numa Pompilius.
QsHept.7.17.4
De iudice Samegar.
Concerning the judge Shamgar.
25. (3, 31) Et post eum surrexit Samegar filius Anath, et percussit alienigenas in sexcentos viros praeter vitulos boum; et salvavit Israel. Quomodo post Aod iste pro Israel pugnaverit, et dictus sit salvasse Israel, potest esse quaestio. Non enim rursus fuerant captivati, vel iugo servitutis innexi. Sed intellegendum ita dictum: salvavit, non quia nocuerit aliquid hostis, sed ne permitteretur nocere; quem credendum est bello coepisse tentare, et huius victoria fuisse depulsum. Sed quid sibi velit quod addidit: praeter vitulos boum, obscurum est. An forte et boum stragem pugnando fecit, et ita dictum est eum occidisse sexcentos viros, praeter illud quod fecit de bobus occisis? Sed quare vitulos? An Graecae locutionis consuetudo est, etiam vitulos eos appellare, qui grandes sunt? Nam ita loqui vulgo in Aegypto perhibentur; sicut apud nos pulli appellantur gallinae cuiuslibet aetatis. Non autem habet interpretatio ex Hebraeo, praeter vitulos boum, sicut ista quae secundum Septuaginta est: sicut habet illa ex Hebraeo, vomere occisos sexcentos viros, quod ista non habet.
25. (3:31) And after him rose up Shamgar the son of Anath, and struck the foreigners to the number of six hundred men besides the calves of the oxen; and he saved Israel. How, after Ehud, this man fought for Israel, and was said to have saved Israel, can be a question. For they had not been again taken captive, or bound by the yoke of servitude. But it is to be understood that he saved was said thus, not because the enemy harmed anything, but lest he be permitted to harm; whom it is to be believed he had begun to try by war, and was driven off by this man's victory. But what it means by adding: besides the calves of the oxen, is obscure. Did he perhaps make a slaughter of oxen too in fighting, and so it was said that he killed six hundred men, besides what he did with the oxen killed? But why calves? Or is it a custom of the Greek manner of speaking to call even those calves that are grown? For they are said to speak thus commonly in Egypt; just as among us the hens of any age are called chicks. But the translation from the Hebrew does not have besides the calves of the oxen, as this one according to the Septuagint does: just as that one from the Hebrew has, six hundred men killed with a plowshare, which this one does not have.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quid est quod respondit Barac Debborae.
What it is that Barak answered Deborah.
26. (4, 8) Quid est quod respondens Barac Debborae ait: si ibis, ibo; et si non ieris mecum, non ibo: quoniam nescio diem in qua prosperat angelum Dominus mecum; quasi a prophetissa diem audire non potuerit? nec illa diem respondit, sed perrexit cum illo. Et quid est: prosperat angelum Dominus mecum? An hic demonstratum est, quia et Angelorum actus prosperantur, id est adiuvantur a Domino, ut feliciter cedant? an locutionis est: prosperat angelum mecum, id est, "facit mecum prospera per angelum"?
26. (4:8) What does it mean that Barak, answering Deborah, said: if you go, I will go; and if you do not go with me, I will not go: because I do not know the day on which the Lord prospers an angel with me; as though he could not hear the day from the prophetess? Nor did she answer the day, but set out with him. And what is: the Lord prospers an angel with me? Is it here shown that even the acts of the angels are prospered, that is, helped by the Lord, so that they turn out happily? or is it a manner of speaking: he prospers an angel with me, that is, "he makes prosperity with me through an angel"?
QsHept.7.17.4
Quomodo pavefecit Dominus Sisaram.
How the Lord struck Sisera with fear.
27. (4, 15) Et pavefecit Dominus Sisaram et omnes currus eius. Ecce quemadmodum commendat Scriptura agere Deum in cordibus, ut det exitum rebus, quem constituit. Utique enim pavefecit vel obstupefecit Sisaram, ut traderet eum.
27. (4:15) And the Lord struck Sisera with fear, and all his chariots. Behold how Scripture commends that God acts in hearts, so that he gives to things the outcome which he has appointed. For he certainly struck Sisera with fear, or stupefied him, in order to deliver him up.
QsHept.7.17.4
De Barac quomodo intravit ad Iahel.
Concerning Barak, how he went in to Jael.
28. (4, 22) Ubi Iahel mulier quae occidit Sisaram, cum locuta esset ad Barac qui eum quaerebat, scriptum est de ipso Barac, quia intravit ad eam: animadvertendum est non esse consequens ut cum Scriptura dicit de viro quod intravit ad aliquam feminam, iam etiam concubuisse credatur. Assidue quippe sic loquitur Scriptura: intravit ad eam, ut nolit intellegi nisi quod ei mixtus sit. Hic ergo proprie dictum est: intravit ad eam, id est "in domum eius intravit," non ut per haec verba intellegatur concubitus.
28. (4:22) Where Jael, the woman who killed Sisera, when she had spoken to Barak who was seeking him, it is written of Barak himself, that he went in to her: it is to be noted that it does not follow that, when Scripture says of a man that he went in to some woman, he is therefore to be believed already to have lain with her. For Scripture constantly speaks thus: he went in to her, so as to mean nothing but that he was joined with her. Here, then, it was said properly: he went in to her, that is, "he entered into her house," not so that by these words intercourse is to be understood.
QsHept.7.17.4
Ordo verborum in cantico Debborae obscuritatem facit et movet quaestionem.
The order of words in the canticle of Deborah makes obscurity and raises a question.
29. (5, 7-8) In cantico Debborae dicitur: defecerunt habitantes in Israel, defecerunt donec surrexit Debbora, donec surrexit mater in Israel, elegerunt ut panem hordeaceum deos novos: tunc expugnaverunt civitates principum. Hic intermixtus ordo verborum obscuritatem facit, et quaestionem movet. Quomodo enim intellegatur: elegerunt ut panem hordeaceum deos novos, tunc expugnaverunt civitates principum; quasi tunc eis faverit Deus ad expugnandas civitates principum, quando elegerunt ut panem hordeaceum deos novos? Sed in aliis iam Scripturarum locis saepe didicimus quemadmodum fiant hyperbata; quorum directione cum verba ad ordinem redeunt, sensus explanatur. Iste ergo est ordo: defecerunt habitantes in Israel; defecerunt, elegerunt ut panem hordeaceum deos novos, donec surrexit Debbora, donec surrexit mater in Israel: tunc expugnaverunt civitates principum.
29. (5:7-8) In the canticle of Deborah it is said: those dwelling in Israel failed, they failed until Deborah rose up, until a mother rose up in Israel, they chose new gods like barley bread: then they attacked the cities of the princes. Here the intermixed order of words makes obscurity, and raises a question. For how is it to be understood: they chose new gods like barley bread, then they attacked the cities of the princes; as though God favored them in attacking the cities of the princes then, when they chose new gods like barley bread? But in other places of the Scriptures we have already often learned how hyperbata occur; by the straightening of which, when the words return to order, the sense is made plain. This, then, is the order: those dwelling in Israel failed; they failed, they chose new gods like barley bread, until Deborah rose up, until a mother rose up in Israel: then they attacked the cities of the princes.
QsHept.7.17.4
De verbis: Elegerunt ut panem hordeaceum deos novos.
Concerning the words: They chose new gods like barley bread.
30. (5, 8) Quaeri potest quomodo dictum sit: elegerunt ut panem hordeaceum deos novos; cum panis hordeaceus quamvis sit in comparatione triticei panis abiiciendus, tamen etiam ipse pascat, et vitale alimentum sit: dii autem novi, quos dicuntur elegisse, qui defecerunt a Deo vivo, non possunt in alimentis animae deputari, sed potius in venenis. An hactenus accipienda est similitudo, quatenus valet, ut propter hoc solum dictum intellegatur, quia sicut plerumque fastidio fit, ut eligenda reiiciantur, et aspernanda delectent; ita vitio pravae voluntatis tamquam languore fastidii, cum esset Deus eorum verus, in falsis elegerunt nihil aliud quam novitatem spreta veritate; atque ita cibum mortiferum tamquam panem hordeaceum elegerunt, non se arbitrantes inde perituros, sed etiam inde vitam velut esca innoxia licet viliore sumpturos? Secundum opinionem ergo eorum similitudo posita est, animique languorem, non secundum veritatem. Nam dii illi novi nullis sunt cibis vitalibus comparandi.
30. (5:8) It can be asked how it was said: they chose new gods like barley bread; since barley bread, although it is to be set aside in comparison with wheaten bread, yet itself nourishes too, and is a vital food: but the new gods, whom those who fell away from the living God are said to have chosen, cannot be reckoned among the foods of the soul, but rather among poisons. Or is the likeness to be taken only so far as it holds, so that it is understood to be said for this alone: that, as it often happens through fastidiousness that things to be chosen are rejected, and things to be spurned delight; so, by the fault of a perverse will, as it were by the languor of fastidiousness, when their God was the true one, they chose in false ones nothing but novelty, with the truth despised; and so they chose deadly food as though barley bread, not thinking they would thereby perish, but rather take from it even life, as from a harmless though baser food? The likeness, then, is set down according to their opinion, and the languor of mind, not according to truth. For those new gods are to be compared with no vital foods.
QsHept.7.17.4
Cur non exprimatur nomen prophetae qui dicitur missus a Deo ad populum.
Why the name of the prophet who is said to have been sent by God to the people is not expressed.
31. (6, 7-8. 11) Et factum est, quando clamaverunt filii Israel ad Dominum propter Madian, et misit Dominus virum prophetam ad filios Israel, et dixit eis. Cur non dicatur nomen huius prophetae, quod valde Scripturis inusitatum est, latens causa est; non tamen nullam esse arbitror. Sed quia post verba quibus exprobravit inobedientiam populo, sequitur Scriptura dicens: et venit angelus Domini, et sedit sub quercum, quae erat in Ephra (Iudc 6, 11): non absurde intellegitur iste angelus significatus nomine viri, ut posteaquam haec verba dixit, venerit ad quercum memoratam, et ibi sederit. Nomine enim "virorum" solere appellari angelos notum est (Cf. Gen 19, 10): quamvis eum qui esset angelus, appellatum esse prophetam, non facile nec evidenter occurrat: eum sane qui propheta esset, dictum angelum legimus (Cf. Mt 11, 9-10): sed si angelorum dicta prophetica nota sunt, id est quibus futura praenuntiaverunt; cur non possit angelus prophetae nomine nuncupari? Verumtamen, ut dixi, expressum et manifestum de hac re testimonium non occurrit.
31. (6:7-8, 11) And it came to pass, when the children of Israel cried out to the Lord on account of Midian, that the Lord sent a man, a prophet, to the children of Israel, and he said to them. Why the name of this prophet is not given—which is very unusual in the Scriptures—the cause lies hidden; yet I think there is one. But because, after the words by which he reproached the people for their disobedience, Scripture continues, saying: and the angel of the Lord came, and sat under the oak which was in Ophrah (Judg 6:11): it is not absurdly understood that this angel is signified by the name man, so that, after he said these words, he came to the aforementioned oak, and sat there. For it is known that angels are accustomed to be called by the name of "men" (See Gen 19:10): although that one who was an angel should be called a prophet does not easily or evidently occur: but one who was a prophet we read was called an angel (See Mt 11:9-10): but if the prophetic sayings of angels are known—that is, those by which they foretold future things—why can an angel not be named by the name of a prophet? Nevertheless, as I said, an express and manifest testimony on this matter does not occur.
QsHept.7.17.4
Verba angeli ad Gedeon.
The words of the angel to Gideon.
32. (6, 12) Quod angelus dicit ad Gedeon: Dominus tecum potens in fortitudine, nominativus casus est, non vocativus. Hoc est: Dominus potens tecum est; non, "tu potens."
32. (6:12) What the angel says to Gideon: the Lord is with you, mighty in strength, is the nominative case, not the vocative. That is: the Lord, mighty, is with you; not, "you, mighty one."
QsHept.7.17.4
Ex auctoritate Dei angelus loquitur.
The angel speaks by the authority of God.
33. (6, 14) Advertendum est dixisse angelum tamquam ex Domini auctoritate: nonne ecce misi te? cum loqueretur ad Gedeon. Quis enim eum misit, nisi qui ad eum angelum misit? Debbora vero non ait ad Barac: "nonne mandavi tibi?" Sed ait: nonne mandavit Dominus Deus Israel tibi? (Iudc 4, 6) Hic autem non dictum est: "nonne ecce misit te Dominus?" sed: nonne ecce misi te?
33. (6:14) It is to be noted that the angel spoke as by the authority of the Lord: have I not, behold, sent you? when he spoke to Gideon. For who sent him, but he who sent the angel to him? But Deborah did not say to Barak: "did I not command you?" But she said: did not the Lord God of Israel command you? (Judg 4:6) Here, however, it was not said: "has not the Lord, behold, sent you?" but: have I not, behold, sent you?
QsHept.7.17.4
De eo quod respondet Gedeon ad angelum.
Concerning what Gideon answers to the angel.
34. (6, 15) Ubi respondet Gedeon ad angelum: in me, Domine; hoc est: "in me intende": in quo salvabo Israel? ecce mille mei humiliores in Manasse: intellegitur praepositus fuisse mille hominum, quos Graece χιλίαρχοι appellat Scriptura? an quid aliud?
34. (6:15) Where Gideon answers the angel: in me, O Lord; that is: "attend to me": by what shall I save Israel? behold, my thousand are the lowest in Manasseh: is he understood to have been set over a thousand men, whom Scripture in Greek calls χιλίαρχοι? or what else?
QsHept.7.17.4
De eo quod Gedeon non ait angelo.
Concerning what Gideon does not say to the angel.
35. (6, 18-22) Animadvertendum est quod Gedeon non ait angelo: "offeram tibi sacrificium"; sed ait: offeram sacrificium meum, et ponam in conspectu tuo. Unde intellegendum est non eum angelo, sed per angelum sacrificium offerre voluisse. Quod et ipse angelus evidenter ostendit, qui non ab eo sacrificium tamquam sibi sumpsit; sed ait illi: accipe carnes et azymos, et pone ad petram illam, et ius effunde. Et cum hoc fecisset Gedeon, extendit angelus Domini summum virgae quae erat in manu eius, et tetigit carnes et azymos; et accensus est ignis de petra, et comedit carnes et azymos.
35. (6:18-22) It is to be noted that Gideon did not say to the angel: "I will offer you a sacrifice"; but he said: I will offer my sacrifice, and set it in your sight. Hence it is to be understood that he wished to offer the sacrifice not to the angel, but through the angel. Which the angel himself also evidently shows, who did not take the sacrifice from him as though for himself; but said to him: take the flesh and the unleavened bread, and set them by that rock, and pour out the broth. And when Gideon had done this, the angel of the Lord stretched out the top of the staff that was in his hand, and touched the flesh and the unleavened bread; and a fire was kindled from the rock, and consumed the flesh and the unleavened bread.
QsHept.7.17.4
Ita etiam ipse angelus in sacrificio quod obtulit Gedeon, officium ministrantis implevit: ignem quippe homo minister ut homo sine miraculo subiecisset, quem mirabiliter ut angelus iste subiecit. Denique tunc cognovit Gedeon quod Angelus Domini esset: nam hoc Scriptura continuo subdidit: et vidit Gedeon quoniam angelus Domini est (Iudc 6, 22). Prius ergo tamquam cum homine loquebatur, quem tamen hominem Dei credidit, ut coram ipso sacrificium vellet offerre, velut adiuvandus eius praesentia sanctitatis.
So even the angel himself, in the sacrifice which Gideon offered, fulfilled the office of one ministering: for the fire a man, a minister, as a man, would have applied without a miracle, which this one, as an angel, applied miraculously. Finally, Gideon then knew that it was the angel of the Lord: for Scripture immediately added this: and Gideon saw that it was the angel of the Lord. (Judg 6:22) Earlier, then, he spoke as with a man, whom nevertheless he believed to be a man of God, so that he wished to offer a sacrifice in his presence, as though to be helped by the presence of his holiness.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quare Gedeon ausus fuerit offerre sacrificium Deo praeter locum ubi iusserat Deus.
Why Gideon dared to offer a sacrifice to God outside the place where God had commanded.
36. (6, 20) Quaeri potest quare Gedeon ausus fuerit sacrificium offerre Deo praeter locum ubi iusserat Deus? Praeter tabernaculum quippe suum Deus prohibuerat sacrificari sibi (Cf. Deut 12, 13); cui tabernaculo Templum postea successit: tempore autem quo fuit Gedeon, tabernaculum Dei erat in Silo; atque ideo illic tantum legitime posset sacrificari. Sed intellegendum est quod illum angelum primo prophetam putaverat, et tamquam Deum in illo consuluerat de offerendo sacrificio: quod ille si prohibuisset, non utique fieret; sed quoniam approbavit, et ut fieret annuit, Dei auctoritatem Gedeon in faciendo secutus est. Ita quippe Deus legitima illa constituit, ut leges non sibi, sed hominibus daret.
36. (6:20) It can be asked why Gideon dared to offer a sacrifice to God outside the place where God had commanded. For God had forbidden sacrifice to be made to him outside his tabernacle (See Deut 12:13); which tabernacle the Temple afterward succeeded: but in the time in which Gideon lived, the tabernacle of God was at Shiloh; and therefore there only could sacrifice be lawfully made. But it is to be understood that he had first thought that angel to be a prophet, and had consulted God in him, as it were, about offering a sacrifice: which, if he had forbidden it, would certainly not have been done; but since he approved it, and assented that it be done, Gideon followed God's authority in doing it. For God so established those lawful ordinances that he gave laws not to himself, but to men.
QsHept.7.17.4
Unde quodcumque praeter illa ipse praecepit, non a transgressoribus, sed potius a piis et obedientibus impletum intellegendum est: sicut Abraham de immolando filio (Cf. Gen 22, 2). Nam et sic Elias extra tabernaculum Domini ad convincendos sacerdotes idolorum sacrificavit (Cf. 3 Reg 18, 30-38): quod ex praecepto Domini fecisse intellegendus est, qui ei tamquam prophetae revelatione atque inspiratione iussit ut faceret. Quamquam tanta consuetudo praeter tabernaculum sacrificandi crebuerat, ut etiam Salomon in excelsis sacrificasse inveniatur, nec eius sacrificium fuisse reprobatum (Cf. 3 Reg 3, 4-15). Et tamen notantur reges, qui inter opera laudabilia sua non destruxerunt excelsa, ubi contra Legem Dei populus sacrificare consueverat: et qui destruxit, maiore praedicatione laudatur. Ita Deus consuetudinem populi sui, qua praeter eius tabernaculum, tamen non diis alienis offerebant, sed Domino Deo suo, sustinebat potius quam vetabat, etiam sic exaudiens offerentes. Hoc autem quod Gedeon fecit, quis non intellegat per angelum procuratum, ut prophetice fieret, in qua prophetia petra illa commendaretur?
Hence whatever he himself commanded beyond those ordinances is to be understood as fulfilled not by transgressors, but rather by the pious and obedient: as Abraham concerning the sacrifice of his son. (See Gen 22:2) For so too Elijah sacrificed outside the tabernacle of the Lord, to convict the priests of the idols (See 1 Kgs 18:30-38): which he is to be understood to have done by the command of the Lord, who, by revelation and inspiration, as to a prophet, bade him to do it. Although so great a custom of sacrificing outside the tabernacle had grown up that even Solomon is found to have sacrificed on the high places, and his sacrifice not to have been rejected. (See 1 Kgs 3:4-15) And yet those kings are noted who, among their praiseworthy works, did not destroy the high places, where contrary to the Law of God the people was accustomed to sacrifice: and he who destroyed them is praised with greater commendation. So God endured rather than forbade the custom of his people, by which, outside his tabernacle, they yet offered not to foreign gods, but to the Lord their God, even so hearing those who offered. But this which Gideon did, who does not understand was brought about through the angel, so that it might be done prophetically, in which prophecy that rock was commended?
QsHept.7.17.4
Cui quidem petrae non sacrificatum est, sed de illa ignis commemoratur exiisse, quo sacrificium consumeretur. Sive enim per aquam, quam percussa petra effudit in eremo (Cf. Num 20, 11), sive per ignem, donum Spiritus Sancti significatur, quod ditissime Dominus Christus effudit super nos.
To which rock indeed sacrifice was not made, but from it fire is mentioned to have gone out, by which the sacrifice was consumed. For whether by the water which the struck rock poured forth in the wilderness (See Num 20:11), or by the fire, the gift of the Holy Spirit is signified, which the Lord Christ most richly poured out upon us.
QsHept.7.17.4
Nam et in Evangelio significatum est hoc donum per aquam, ubi ipse Dominus ait: si quis sitit, veniat et bibat: qui credit in me, sicut dicit Scriptura, flumina de ventre eius fluent aquae vivae; ubi Evangelista subiunxit: hoc autem dicebat de Spiritu quem accepturi erant credentes in eum (Io 7, 37-39). Significatum est et per ignem, ubi veniente illo super congregatos legitur: visae sunt illis linguae divisae velut ignis, qui et insedit super unumquemque eorum (Act 2, 3): et ipse Dominus ait: ignem veni mittere super terram (Lc 12, 49).
For in the Gospel too this gift was signified by water, where the Lord himself says: if anyone thirsts, let him come and drink: he who believes in me, as Scripture says, out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water; where the Evangelist added: but this he said of the Spirit which those believing in him were to receive (Jn 7:37-39). It was signified also by fire, where, at his coming upon those gathered together, it is read: there appeared to them divided tongues as of fire, which also settled upon each one of them (Acts 2:3): and the Lord himself says: I came to send fire upon the earth (Lk 12:49).
QsHept.7.17.4
An utrumque positum putetur manu et lingua dicendo: lambuerunt trecenti viri.
Whether both are to be thought set down, by saying with hand and with tongue: three hundred men lapped.
37. (7, 6) Et factus est numerus eorum qui lambuerunt manu sua, lingua sua, trecenti viri. Plerique Latini codices non habent: manu sua, sed tantummodo: lingua sua, quoniam sic intellexerunt quod supra dictum est: sicut canes: Graecus autem habet utrumque: manu sua, lingua sua, ut intellegatur quod manu aquam raptam in os proiiciebant; et hoc erat simile bibentibus canibus, qui non ore apposito, sicut boves, aquam ducunt quam bibunt, sed lingua in os rapiunt, sicut etiam isti intelleguntur fecisse, sed cum manu in os aquam proiicerent, quam lingua exciperent.
37. (7:6) And the number of those who lapped with their hand, with their tongue, was three hundred men. Many Latin manuscripts do not have with their hand, but only with their tongue, since they understood thus what was said above: like dogs: but the Greek has both: with their hand, with their tongue, so that it is understood that they threw into their mouth water snatched up with the hand; and this was like dogs drinking, which take the water they drink not with the mouth applied, like oxen, but snatch it into the mouth with the tongue, as these men too are understood to have done, but throwing the water into the mouth with the hand, which they caught with the tongue.
QsHept.7.17.4
Nam et interpretatio ex Hebraeo planius id habet his verbis: fuit itaque numerus eorum qui manu in os proiiciente aquam lambuerant, trecenti viri. Neque enim solent homines ita bibere, ut sine ope manus, lingua, sicut canes, aquam hauriant: aut vero istis praeceptum fuerat ut hoc facerent: sed cum ad bibendum descendissent ad aquam, multi genu flexo biberunt, quod facilius et minore labore fieret; pauci vero quia non flexo genu se incurvaverunt, ut canes biberunt, sed aquam manu in os iactam.
For the translation from the Hebrew too has it more plainly in these words: and so the number of those who had lapped, with the hand throwing the water into the mouth, was three hundred men. For men are not accustomed to drink in such a way that, without the aid of the hand, they draw water with the tongue, like dogs: nor indeed had it been commanded these men that they should do this: but when they had gone down to the water to drink, many drank with bent knee, which would be done more easily and with less labor; but a few, because they did not bend the knee to stoop, drank like dogs, but with water thrown into the mouth by the hand.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quorum numerus, quia trecenti erant, signum insinuat crucis propter litteram T Graecam, qua iste numerus significatur; per quam etiam gentes magis in Crucifixum credituras praefiguratum est, quod littera Graeca est. Unde Graecorum nomine Apostolus omnes gentes significat, cum dicit: Iudaeo primum et Graeco (Rom 2, 9), et: Iudaeis et Graecis (1 Cor 1, 24); saepe ita commemorans circumcisionem et praeputium, quod in linguis gentium Graeca ita excellat, ut per hanc omnes decenter significentur.
Whose number, because they were three hundred, intimates a sign of the Cross on account of the Greek letter T, by which this number is signified; through which it was also prefigured that the nations would rather believe in the Crucified, because it is a Greek letter. Hence by the name of "Greeks" the Apostle signifies all the nations, when he says: to the Jew first and to the Greek (Rom 2:9), and: to the Jews and to the Greeks (1 Cor 1:24); often so mentioning circumcision and uncircumcision, because among the languages of the nations the Greek so excels that through it all are fittingly signified.
QsHept.7.17.4
Iste numerus et in vernaculis Abrahae animadvertendus est, per quos fratrem ab hostibus liberavit, quando eum Melchisedech in magno mysterio benedixit. Quod enim exuberant illic decem et octo (nam trecenti decem et octo fuisse referuntur (Cf. Gen 14, 14-20)); videtur mihi significatum quo etiam tempore fieret, id est tertio, quod futurum erat sub gratia. Nam primum est ante Legem, secundum sub Lege, tertium sub Gratia. Singula vero tempora senario numero significata sunt propter perfectionem: nam ter seni, decem et octo sunt. Unde et illa mulier decem et octo annos habebat in infirmitate, quam curvam Salvator cum invenisset, erexit, et a diaboli alligamento, ut Evangelium indicat, solvit (Cf. Lc 13, 11-13).
This number is to be noted also in the home-born servants of Abraham, through whom he freed his brother from the enemy, when Melchizedek blessed him in a great mystery. For that there are eighteen over and above there (for they are reported to have been three hundred and eighteen (See Gen 14:14-20)); it seems to me to be signified at what time too it would come about, that is, the third, which was to be under grace. For the first is before the Law, the second under the Law, the third under Grace. And each single time is signified by the number six, on account of perfection: for three times six are eighteen. Hence also that woman had eighteen years in her infirmity, whom the Savior, when he found her bent over, raised up, and loosed from the binding of the devil, as the Gospel indicates. (See Lk 13:11-13)
QsHept.7.17.4
Nam quod ita isti probati sunt, per quos vinceret Gedeon, ut similes in bibendo canibus dicerentur, significat quod contemptibilia et ignobilia elegit Dominus (Cf. 1 Cor 1, 28): pro contemptu enim habetur canis. Unde dicit: non est bonum tollere panem filiorum, et mittere canibus (Mt 15, 16): et David ut se tamquam contemptibilem abiiceret, canem se appellavit loquens ad Saul (Cf. 1 Reg 24, 15).
For that these men, through whom Gideon would conquer, were so proved that they were said to be like dogs in drinking, signifies that the Lord chose the contemptible and ignoble things (See 1 Cor 1:28): for a dog is held in contempt. Hence he says: it is not good to take the children's bread, and cast it to the dogs (Mt 15:16): and David, to cast himself away as contemptible, called himself a dog, speaking to Saul. (See 1 Sam 24:15)
QsHept.7.17.4
Quomodo Gedeon dicitur descendisse in partem quinquaginta ipse et puer eius, etc.
How Gideon is said to have gone down into the part of fifty, he and his servant, and so on.
38. (7, 11) Quid sibi vult quod scriptum est de Gedeon: descendit ipse, et Phara puer eius, in partem quinquaginta, qui erant in castris: quod Latini quidam codices habent: in eam partem in qua erant quinquageni custodes in castris; alii vero: in partem quinquagesimam in castra? Obscurum quippe dictum plures sententias interpretum fecit. Sed aut ea pars castrorum erat, quam servabant quinquaginta custodes; aut, si quinquageni intellegendi sunt circumquaque servasse, in unam partem isti descenderunt ubi erant quinquaginta.
38. (7:11) What does it mean that it is written of Gideon: he himself went down, and Phara his servant, into the part of fifty, who were in the camp: which some Latin manuscripts have: into that part in which there were fifty watchmen each in the camp; but others: into the fiftieth part into the camp? For an obscure saying made several opinions of the translators. But either that was the part of the camp which fifty watchmen guarded; or, if fifty each are to be understood to have guarded round about, these men went down into one part where there were fifty.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quid mensa panis hordeacei.
What the table of barley bread is.
39. (7, 13) Quod ille qui proximo suo somnium narravit, quod audivit Gedeon, ut de victoria futura confirmaretur, dixit se vidisse mensam panis hordeacei, volventem in castris, et percutientem tabernaculum Madian, et subvertentem; hoc intellegendum arbitror quod de canibus (Cf. Iudc 7, 5-6), quia per contemptibilia mundi (quod significat mensa panis hordeacei) Salvator superbos fuerat confusurus (Cf. 1 Cor 1, 27-28).
39. (7:13) That the man who told his neighbor the dream, which Gideon heard, that he might be confirmed about the coming victory, said that he had seen a table of barley bread rolling in the camp, and striking the tent of Midian, and overturning it; I think this is to be understood like that about the dogs (See Judg 7:5-6), because through the contemptible things of the world (which the table of barley bread signifies) the Savior was going to confound the proud. (See 1 Cor 1:27-28)
QsHept.7.17.4
Quid quod exclamari iussit Gedeon.
What it is that Gideon bade to be cried out.
40. (7, 20) Quod exclamari iussit Gedeon a trecentis suis: gladius Domino et Gedeon, id est huic Gedeon, hoc significat, quod gladius id erat operaturus quod Domino placeret et Gedeon.
40. (7:20) That Gideon bade his three hundred to cry out: a sword for the Lord and for Gideon, that is, for this Gideon, signifies this: that the sword was going to work what would please the Lord and Gideon.
QsHept.7.17.4
Quid sit Ephod.
What an ephod is.
41. 1. (8, 26-27) Quaeri solet quid sit Ephud, vel Ephod: quod quidem si sacerdotale est indumentum, quod plerique dicunt, vel potius superindumentum, quod Graece dicitur [MISSING GREEK TEXT], vel quod magis superhumerale interpretari Latine potest; merito movet quomodo de tanto auro Gedeon id fecerit. Nam ita scriptum est: et factum est pondus inaurium aurearum quas petierat, sicli mille septingenti auri, praeter brachialia et torques et operimenta purpurea, quae erant super reges Madian, praeter torques quae erant in cervicibus camelorum ipsorum: et fecit illud Gedeon in ephud, et statuit illud in civitate sua in Ephra; et fornicatus est omnis Israel post illud ibi; et factum est Gedeon et domui eius in scandalum. Quomodo ergo ista vestis de tanto auro fieri potuit? Nam et mater Samuelis fecit filio suo, sicut legimus, ephud bar, quod nonnulli interpretati sunt "ephud lineum," quando eum dedit Domino in Templo nutriendum (Cf. 1 Reg 2, 18): ubi evidentius apparet hoc genus esse indumenti. An ideo dictum est: statuit illud in civitate sua, ut hinc intellegeretur aureum fuisse factum? Non enim dictum est: "posuit," sed: statuit; quoniam ita erat solidum et validum ut statui posset, hoc est, positum stare.
41. 1. (8:26-27) It is usually asked what an ephud, or ephod, is: which, if indeed it is a priestly garment, as most say, or rather an over-garment, which in Greek is called ἐπωμίς, or what can rather be translated into Latin as a shoulder-piece; it rightly prompts the question how Gideon made it of so much gold. For it is written thus: and the weight of the gold earrings which he had asked for was a thousand seven hundred shekels of gold, besides the bracelets and the necklaces and the purple coverings which were upon the kings of Midian, besides the necklaces which were on the necks of their camels: and Gideon made it into an ephud, and set it up in his city in Ophrah; and all Israel committed fornication after it there; and it became a stumbling block to Gideon and his house. How, then, could this garment be made of so much gold? For the mother of Samuel too made for her son, as we read, an ephud bar, which some have translated "a linen ephud," when she gave him to the Lord to be brought up in the Temple (See 1 Sam 2:18): where it appears more evidently that this is a kind of garment. Or was it said: he set it up in his city, so that from this it might be understood to have been made of gold? For it did not say: "he placed," but: he set up; since it was so solid and strong that it could be set up, that is, stand when placed.
QsHept.7.17.4
41. 2. Hoc ergo illicitum cum fecisset Gedeon, fornicatus est post illud omnis Israel, id est, sequendo illud contra Legem Dei: ubi non frustra quaeritur, cum idolum non fuerit, id est, cuiusquam Dei falsi et alieni simulacrum, sed ephud, id est, unum de sacramentis tabernaculi quod ad vestem sacerdotalem pertineret, quomodo fornicationem Scriptura dicat populi ista sectantis atque venerantis. Ideo scilicet quod praeter tabernaculum Dei, ubi erant ista quae ibi fieri iusserat Deus, extra simile aliquid fieri fas non erat. Ideo sequitur et dicit Scriptura: et factum est Gedeon et domui eius in scandalum, id est, ut ab offenso Deo discederet: quia et hoc quoddam genus idoli quodam modo erat, quod extra Dei tabernaculum quodlibet manufactum pro Deo coleretur; cum illa ipsa quae iussa sunt in tabernaculo fieri ad Dei potius cultum referrentur, quam pro Deo aliquid eorum, aut pro Dei simulacro colendum haberetur.
41. 2. When, then, Gideon had done this unlawful thing, all Israel committed fornication after it, that is, by following it against the Law of God: where it is not in vain asked, since it was not an idol, that is, an image of any false and foreign god, but an ephod, that is, one of the sacred things of the tabernacle that pertained to the priestly garment, how Scripture calls it the fornication of the people that pursued and venerated it. For this reason, namely, that outside the tabernacle of God, where were those things which God had bidden to be made there, it was not lawful for anything similar to be made elsewhere. Therefore Scripture continues and says: and it became a stumbling block to Gideon and his house, that is, that, with God offended, he departed from him: because this too was, in a manner, a kind of idol, that, outside God's tabernacle, anything made by hand should be worshiped for God; whereas those very things which were bidden to be made in the tabernacle were to be referred rather to the worship of God, than that any of them should be held to be worshiped for God, or for an image of God.
QsHept.7.41.2
41. 3. Quamquam per ephud vel ephod, ea locutione quae significat a parte totum, omnia possint intellegi quae constituit Gedeon in sua civitate, veluti ad colendum Deum similia tabernaculo Dei: et propterea per hoc, quia hoc est sacerdotalis honoris insigne, quod saepe Scriptura commemorat (Cf. Ex 28, 2); ut hoc sit peccatum Gedeon, quod extra Dei tabernaculum fecerit aliquid simile, ubi coleretur Deus: non quod solido auro velut adorandum constituerit ephud; sed quod ex auro ipso, quod esset de praeda, fecerit ea quae pertinerent ad ornamenta vel instrumenta sacrarii, quae omnia per ephud significata sunt, propter excellentiam, ut dixi, vestis sacerdotalis.
41. 3. Although by ephud or ephod, by that manner of speaking which signifies the whole from a part, all the things may be understood which Gideon set up in his city, as it were for the worship of God, similar to the tabernacle of God: and therefore through this, because this is the insignia of priestly honor, which Scripture often mentions (See Ex 28:2); so that this is the sin of Gideon, that he made outside God's tabernacle something similar, where God might be worshiped: not that he set up the ephud of solid gold as though to be adored; but that from the gold itself, which was from the spoil, he made those things which pertained to the ornaments or instruments of the sanctuary, all of which were signified by the ephud, on account of the excellence, as I said, of the priestly garment.
QsHept.7.41.3
Nam et ipsum ephud non quidem ex auro solo fieri praeceptum est, si hoc est superhumerale sacerdotalis vestis: verumtamen etiam aliquid auri habet. Nam ex auro et hyacintho et purpura et coccino et bysso ut fieret, divinitus imperatum est (Cf. Ex 39, 2): sed quia hoc ita posuerunt Septuaginta interpretes, ut commemoratis omnibus quae de spoliis acceperat Gedeon, inferrent: et fecit illud Gedeon in ephud; videtur ita dictum, tamquam ex toto illo quod commemoratum est, hoc factum esse credatur: cum possit etiam illic intellegi locutio quae significat a toto partem, ut quod dictum est: fecit illud in ephud, intellegatur: "fecit inde ephud," vel: "fecit ex eo ephud"; non scilicet illud totum consumens in ephud, sed ex illo quantum sufficiebat impendens.
For the ephud itself was not commanded to be made of gold alone, if this is the shoulder-piece of the priestly garment: yet it does have some gold. For it was divinely commanded to be made of gold and hyacinth and purple and scarlet and fine linen (See Ex 39:2): but because the Septuagint translators set this down in such a way that, having mentioned all the things which Gideon had received from the spoils, they added: and Gideon made it into an ephud; it seems to be said as though it is believed to have been made out of all that was mentioned: although there too the manner of speaking can be understood which signifies the part from the whole, so that what was said: he made it into an ephud, is understood: "he made an ephud from it," or: "he made an ephud out of it"; not, of course, consuming the whole of it in the ephud, but expending of it as much as sufficed.
QsHept.7.41.3
Nam in illa interpretatione quae ex Hebraeo est, sic legitur: fecitque ex eo Gedeon ephod. Quod enim apud Septuaginta scriptum est ephud, hoc in Hebraeo perhibetur dici ephod. Non autem omnes sacerdotes tali utebantur superhumerali, quod esset ex auro et hyacintho et purpura et coccino et bysso, sed solus summus sacerdos. Unde illud quod de Samuele commemoravimus factum illi ab eius matre, non erat utique tale: quoniam cum datus est nutriendus, non erat summus sacerdos, utique puer. Unde, ut dictum est, ephud bar appellatur, vel potius ephud bat, sicut asserunt qui Hebraeam linguam noverunt, et interpretatur "ephud lineum." Sed Gedeon existimo illud fecisse, quod erat praecipuum summi sacerdotis indumentum atque ornamentum, per quod et caetera significata sunt opera sacrarii, quod in sua civitate praeter Dei tabernaculum constituerat; et propter hoc peccatum factum est illi et domui eius in scandalum, ut sic interiret (quod postea Scriptura narrat) tanta eius numerositas filiorum (Cf. Iudc 9, 5).
For in that translation which is from the Hebrew, it is read thus: and Gideon made an ephod from it. For what is written in the Septuagint as ephud, this in the Hebrew is reported to be called ephod. But not all priests used such a shoulder-piece, which was of gold and hyacinth and purple and scarlet and fine linen, but only the high priest. Hence that which we mentioned of Samuel, made for him by his mother, was certainly not such: since, when he was given to be brought up, he was not the high priest, being of course a boy. Hence, as was said, it is called ephud bar, or rather ephud bat, as those who know the Hebrew language assert, and it is translated "a linen ephud." But I think that Gideon made that which was the chief garment and ornament of the high priest, by which also the other works of the sanctuary were signified, which he had set up in his city outside God's tabernacle; and on account of this sin it became a stumbling block to him and his house, so that there perished (as Scripture afterward narrates) so great a number of his sons. (See Judg 9:5)
QsHept.7.41.3
Quomodo quieverit terra XL annos in diebus Gedeon.
How the land rested forty years in the days of Gideon.
42. (8, 27-28) Non praetereunda oritur quaestio, quomodo quieverit terra quadraginta annos in diebus Gedeon, cum post victoriam qua liberavit Hebraeos, ex auro spoliorum fecerit abominationem, et post illam fornicatus sit omnis Israel, et fuerit illi et domui eius in scandalum. Quomodo ergo post hoc tantum nefas, quod et Gedeon et populus admisit, requievit terra quadraginta annos; cum hoc Scriptura soleat ostendere, cum a Domino Deo populus fornicaretur, tunc potius pacem illos perdere, non acquirere; et hostibus subiugari, non ab hostium infestatione muniri?
42. (8:27-28) A question arises that is not to be passed over: how the land rested forty years in the days of Gideon, when, after the victory by which he freed the Hebrews, he made an abomination from the gold of the spoils, and after that all Israel committed fornication, and it became a stumbling block to him and his house. How, then, after so great a wickedness, which both Gideon and the people committed, did the land rest for forty years; when Scripture is accustomed to show that, when the people committed fornication against the Lord God, then they rather lost peace, not gained it; and were subjugated to enemies, not fortified against the enemy's assault?
QsHept.7.41.3
Sed intellegendum est, sicut solet Scriptura, per prolepsim, id est per praeoccupationem dixisse, quod fecerit ephud contra Dei Legem Gedeon ex illo auro, quod fuerat hostibus devictis atque prostratis ablatum, quia uno loco dicere voluit et unde erat aurum, et quid de illo factum sit: sed postea factum est in fine dierum Gedeon hoc peccatum, quando consecuta sunt etiam mala quae deinde Scriptura contexuit, posteaquam commemoravit quot annis in diebus Gedeon terra conquieverit; quos annos recapitulando commemoravit, id est, ad ordinem rediens quem praeterverterat, prius dicendo de illo scandalo quod novissime factum est.
But it is to be understood that Scripture, as it is accustomed, said by prolepsis, that is, by anticipation, that Gideon made the ephud against God's Law from that gold which had been taken from the enemy when they were conquered and laid low, because it wished to say in one place both whence the gold came and what was made of it: but afterward this sin was committed at the end of Gideon's days, when there followed also the evils which Scripture then wove together, after it had mentioned how many years the land rested in the days of Gideon; which years it mentioned by recapitulation, that is, returning to the order which it had overstepped, by first speaking of that stumbling block which was committed last of all.
QsHept.7.41.3
Quibus idolis post mortem Gedeon servierunt filii Israel.
What idols the children of Israel served after the death of Gideon.
43. (8, 33) Et factum est cum esset mortuus Gedeon, et aversi sunt filii Israel, et fornicati sunt post Baalim: et posuerunt ipsi sibi Baalberith testamentum, ut esset eis ipse in deum. Et Baalim et Baalberith idola intellegenda sunt. Maior itaque transgressio et fornicatio commissa est a populo post mortem Gedeon, quam illo vivo propter ephud: quoniam et illud, etsi illicite factum erat, tamen de sacramentis tabernaculi erat; ista vero post idola fornicatio non habet vel falsam paternae religionis defensionem. Unde etiam si illud ephud non in fine temporis Gedeon, sed ante factum est, ita Deus patienter tulit, ut pax in terra perseveraret; quia licet factum erat quod prohibuerat, non tamen longe recessum erat ab illo, qui tale aliquid in tabernaculo suo atque in honorem suum fieri iusserat. Nunc vero graviora commissa, et apertissimam post idola fornicationem populi esse noluit impunitam.
43. (8:33) And it came to pass, when Gideon was dead, that the children of Israel turned away, and committed fornication after the Baalim: and they set up for themselves Baal-berith as a covenant, that he might be a god to them. Both the Baalim and Baal-berith are to be understood as idols. So a greater transgression and fornication was committed by the people after the death of Gideon than while he was living, on account of the ephud: since that too, although it had been made unlawfully, yet was of the sacred things of the tabernacle; but this fornication after idols does not have even a false defense of an ancestral religion. Hence, even if that ephud was made not at the end of Gideon's time, but before, God so patiently endured it that peace continued in the land; because, although what he had forbidden had been done, yet there had not been a great departure from him who had bidden such a thing to be made in his tabernacle and in his honor. But now, with graver things committed, and the people's most open fornication after idols, he was unwilling for it to go unpunished.
QsHept.7.41.3
Quae distinctio sit facienda in verbis rhamni.
What distinction is to be made in the words of the bramble.
44. (9, 14-15) Quod inducitur rhamnus, id est quoddam spinarum genus, in similitudinem dicere omnibus lignis convenientibus eam ut regnaret super ea: si in veritate ungitis me vos regnare super vos, venite, confidite in protectione mea: et si non, exeat ignis de rhamno, et comedat cedros Libani: obscurus sensus est, sed eum inventa distinctio manifestat. Non enim ita legendum est: et si non exeat ignis de rhamno: sed subdistinguendum: et si non, ac deinde inferendum, exeat ignis de rhamno; id est: "et si non confiditis in protectione mea," aut: "et si non in veritate ungitis me regnare super vos," exeat ignis de rhamno, et comedat cedros Libani.
44. (9:14-15) That the bramble, that is, a certain kind of thorn, is brought in as saying, in a likeness, to all the trees coming to it to make it reign over them: if in truth you anoint me to reign over you, come, trust in my protection: and if not, let fire go out from the bramble, and consume the cedars of Lebanon: the sense is obscure, but the finding of the right division makes it plain. For it is not to be read thus: and if not let fire go out from the bramble: but a subordinate division is to be made: and if not, and then is to be added, let fire go out from the bramble; that is: "and if you do not trust in my protection," or: "and if you do not in truth anoint me to reign over you," let fire go out from the bramble, and consume the cedars of Lebanon.
QsHept.7.41.3
Comminantis enim verba sunt quid facere possit, si noluerint eam regnare super se. Verum quia non ait: "exibit ignis de rhamno, et manducabit cedros Libani," sed ait: exeat, et manducet; obscurius factum est quam si sola distinctio lateret. Vehementioris autem comminationis est, et quodam modo praesentioris efficaciae, si quis dicat: "si non vis facere quod volo, saeviat in te ira mea," id est iam saeviat; utquid eam teneo? quam si dicat: "saeviet," promissivo modo poenam intentans futuram.
For these are the words of one threatening what it can do, if they should be unwilling for it to reign over them. But because it did not say: "fire will go out from the bramble, and will devour the cedars of Lebanon," but said: let it go out, and let it devour; it became more obscure than if the division alone were hidden. But it is of a more vehement threatening, and in a manner of more present efficacy, if one says: "if you do not wish to do what I will, let my anger rage against you," that is, let it rage now; why do I hold it back? than if one says: "it will rage," threatening a future punishment in the promissory mood.
QsHept.7.41.3
De verbis: Et emisit Deus spiritum malignum.
Concerning the words: And God sent an evil spirit.
45. (9, 23) Et emisit Deus spiritum malignum inter Abimelech et inter viros Sichimorum. Hoc verbum, utrum imperantem, an permittentem Deum significet, non facile definiri potest. Quod enim hic positum est: emisit, Graecus habet ἐξαπέστειλεν quod etiam est in Psalmis ubi legitur: emitte lucem tuam (Ps 42, 3): quamquam in quibusdam locis interpretes nostri, et ubi est in Graeco ἐξαπέστειλεν, misit interpretati sunt, non, emisit. Potest ergo et sic intellegi, ut spiritum malignum Deus tamquam ire inter eos volentem emiserit, id est, potestatem dederit maligno spiritui ad eorum pacem perturbandam. Usque adeo autem etiam mitti a Domino malignum spiritum propter iustitiam vindicandi non absurdum visum est, ut quidam id quod est ἐξαπέστειλεν, etiam immisit interpretati sint.
45. (9:23) And God sent an evil spirit between Abimelech and the men of Shechem. Whether this word signifies God as commanding or as permitting cannot be easily determined. For what is here set down, sent, the Greek has ἐξαπέστειλεν, which is also in the Psalms where it is read: send out your light (Ps 43:3 (42:3)): although in some places our translators, even where there is in the Greek ἐξαπέστειλεν, have translated sent (misit), not sent out (emisit). It can therefore also be understood thus, that God sent out the evil spirit as though it wished to go between them, that is, gave power to the evil spirit to disturb their peace. But it has not seemed absurd that even an evil spirit is sent by the Lord for the sake of the justice of taking vengeance, so far that some have translated ἐξαπέστειλεν even as sent in.
QsHept.7.41.3
Verba quae misit ad nuntios Abimelech Zebul.
The words which Zebul sent to the messengers of Abimelech.
46. (9, 32-33) Verba quae misit ad nuntios Abimelech Zebul princeps civitatis Sichimorum, etiam id habent: et nunc surge nocte tu et populus tuus tecum, et insidiare in agro. Et erit mane simul ut oritur sol, maturabis, et tendes super civitatem.
46. (9:32-33) The words which Zebul, the prince of the city of Shechem, sent to the messengers of Abimelech, have this too: and now rise by night, you and your people with you, and lie in ambush in the field. And it shall be in the morning, as soon as the sun rises, you shall make haste, and stretch out against the city.
QsHept.7.41.3
Quod Latini quidam habent maturabis, quidam vero manicabis, Graecus habet quod dici posset non uno verbo, diluculo surges. Et fortasse hinc sit dictum, maturabis, a matutino tempore, quamvis etiam aliis temporibus dici soleat ad rem accelerandam. Manicabis autem Latinum verbum esse mihi non occurrit.
What some Latin manuscripts have as you shall make haste (maturabis), but others as manicabis, the Greek has what could be said in more than one word, you shall rise at dawn. And perhaps from this comes the saying, maturabis, from the morning time (a matutino tempore), although at other times too it is accustomed to be said for hastening a matter. But "manicabis" does not occur to me as a Latin word.
QsHept.7.41.3
Sed illud movet, quod cum dixisset: simul ut oritur sol, addidit: diluculo surges; cum ipsum diluculum quod Graece dicitur ὄρθρος, tempus ante solem significet, quod iam usitatissime dicitur, cum albescere coeperit.
But this is troubling, that when it had said: as soon as the sun rises, it added: you shall rise at dawn; when dawn itself, which in Greek is called ὄρθρος, signifies the time before the sun, which is now most commonly so called, when it has begun to grow light.
QsHept.7.41.3
Sic itaque intellegendum est, ut quod positum est mane, ipsum diluculum intellegatur. Additum est autem: simul ut oritur sol, ut exprimeretur non iam orto sole faciendum, sed ubi fulgor apparuerit solis orientis. Non enim aliunde albescit diluculum; nisi cum coeperit partem coeli, quam videmus ab oriente, lux solis ad eam redeuntis attingere. Hinc est quod etiam in Evangelio unam atque eamdem rem alius Evangelista dicit diluculo factam, cum adhuc obscurum esset (Cf. Io 20, 1), alius oriente sole (Cf. Mc 16, 2); quia et ipsa lux quantulacumque diluculi sole utique fiebat oriente, id est ad ortum veniente, et fulgorem suum de suae praesentiae propinquitate iactante. Quam lucem quidam idiotae solis non esse putaverunt, sed illam esse quae primitus condita est, antequam Deus quarto die conderet solem.
So, then, it is to be understood that what is set down as morning, dawn itself is understood. But it was added: as soon as the sun rises, so that it might be expressed that it was to be done not when the sun had already risen, but when the brightness of the rising sun had appeared. For dawn does not grow light from any other source, except when the light of the sun returning to it begins to touch that part of the sky which we see from the east. Hence it is that in the Gospel too one Evangelist says that one and the same thing was done at dawn, while it was still dark (See Jn 20:1), another at the rising of the sun (See Mk 16:2); because that light of dawn itself, however little, was certainly produced by the sun rising, that is, coming to its rising, and casting its brightness from the nearness of its presence. Which light some unlearned men thought was not of the sun, but was that which was first created, before God on the fourth day created the sun.
QsHept.7.41.3
De iudice Thola.
Concerning the judge Tola.
47. (10, 1) Et surrexit post Abimelech, qui salvum faceret Israel Thola filius Phua, filius patris fratris eius, vir Issachar. Filium patrui eius dixit filium patris fratris eius, cum ordinatius et usitatius atque apertius diceretur: filium fratris patris eius: filius enim erat patrui eius, sicut evidentius in ea interpretatione quae ex Hebraeo est, invenitur. Non ergo quod dictum est patris fratris, ab eo declinatum est quod est in nominativo pater fratris, sed ab eo quod est patris frater, hoc est enim patruus. Nam sive ponatur in nominativo, "hic pater fratris," sive ponatur "hic patris frater," genitivum facit huius patris fratris.
47. (10:1) And after Abimelech there rose up to save Israel Tola the son of Puah, the son of the father of his brother, a man of Issachar. It called the son of his uncle the son of the father of his brother, when it would be said more orderly and more commonly and more plainly: the son of the brother of his father: for he was the son of his uncle, as is found more evidently in that translation which is from the Hebrew. So what was said, of the father of the brother, is not declined from that which is in the nominative father of the brother (pater fratris), but from that which is brother of the father (patris frater), for this is the uncle. For whether it is set in the nominative as "this is the father of the brother," or set as "this is the brother of the father," it makes the genitive of this father of the brother (huius patris fratris).
QsHept.7.41.3
Verum altera oritur quaestio, quomodo fuerit patruus Abimelech vir Issachar, id est vir de tribu Issachar, cum Abimelech patrem habuerit Gedeon, qui Gedeon de tribu fuit Manasse. Quomodo ergo Phua et Gedeon fratres fuerunt, ut possit esse Phua patruus Abimelech, cuius patrui filius Thola succederet, secundum istam narrationem, ipsi Abimelech? Potuerunt ergo Gedeon et Phua unam habere matrem, ex qua diversis patribus nascerentur, et fratres essent unius matris filii, non unius patris. Solebant enim nubere feminae de aliis tribubus in alias tribus.
But another question arises, how the uncle of Abimelech was a man of Issachar, that is, a man of the tribe of Issachar, when Abimelech had Gideon as father, and that Gideon was of the tribe of Manasseh. How, then, were Puah and Gideon brothers, so that Puah could be the uncle of Abimelech, whose uncle's son Tola succeeded, according to this narrative, Abimelech himself? Gideon and Puah, then, could have had one mother, from whom they were born of different fathers, and they were brothers as the sons of one mother, not of one father. For women were accustomed to marry from other tribes into other tribes.
QsHept.7.41.3
Unde et Saul cum esset de tribu Beniamin, dedit filiam suam David homini de tribu Iuda (Cf. 1 Reg 18, 27): et sacerdos Ioiade, utique homo de tribu Levi, duxit filiam Ioram regis, hominis de tribu Iuda (Cf. 2 Par 22, 11).
Hence Saul too, although he was of the tribe of Benjamin, gave his daughter to David, a man of the tribe of Judah (See 1 Sam 18:27): and the priest Jehoiada, certainly a man of the tribe of Levi, married the daughter of King Joram, a man of the tribe of Judah (See 2 Chr 22:11).
QsHept.7.41.3
Hinc factum est, ut Elizabeth et Maria cognatas in Evangelio legamus (Cf. Lc 1, 36), cum fuerit Elizabeth de filiabus Aaron: ex quo intellegitur de tribu Levi et filiabus Aaron aliquam nupsisse in tribum Iuda, unde ita fieret inter ambas illa cognatio, ut Domini caro non solum de regia, verum etiam de sacerdotali stirpe propagaretur.
Hence it came about that we read in the Gospel that Elizabeth and Mary were kinswomen (See Lk 1:36), when Elizabeth was of the daughters of Aaron: from which it is understood that some woman of the tribe of Levi and of the daughters of Aaron married into the tribe of Judah, whence that kinship between the two came about, so that the flesh of the Lord was propagated not only from the royal but also from the priestly stock.
QsHept.7.41.3
De eo quod Iephte mandat regi filiorum Ammon.
Concerning what Jephthah sends word of to the king of the children of Ammon.
48. (11, 24) Inter caetera quae Iephte mandat per nuntios regi filiorum Ammon, etiam hoc dicit: nonne quaecumque haereditavit tibi Chamos deus tuus, haec haereditabis; et omnia quaecumque haereditavit Dominus Deus noster a facie vestra, haec haereditabimus? Quod quidam Latini sic interpretandum putaverunt, ut dicerent: nonne quaecumque dedit tibi in haereditate Chamos deus tuus, haec possidebis? ubi videri potest confirmasse Iephte deum istum, qui vocatur Chamos, potuisse aliquid dare in haereditate cultoribus suis. Quidam vero sic habent: nonne quaecumque possedit Chamos deus tuus, haec possidebis? et hoc ita sonat, quasi aliquid potuerit possidere.
48. (11:24) Among the other things which Jephthah sent word of through messengers to the king of the children of Ammon, he also says this: do you not inherit whatever Chemosh your god has given you to inherit; and shall we not inherit all whatever the Lord our God has given us to inherit from before your face? Which some Latin translators thought should be translated so as to say: do you not possess whatever Chemosh your god has given you in inheritance? where Jephthah may seem to have affirmed that this god, who is called Chemosh, could give something in inheritance to his worshipers. But others have it thus: do you not possess whatever Chemosh your god has possessed? and this so sounds as though he could possess something.
QsHept.7.41.3
An forte secundum hoc dictum est, quod sub angelis constitutae sunt gentes, iuxta Canticum Moysi famuli Dei (Cf. Deut 32, 8)? Numquidnam ergo ille angelus, sub quo erant filii Ammon, Chamos appellatus est? Quis hoc audeat affirmare, cum possit intellegi secundum eius opinionem dictum, quia putabat deum suum hoc possidere, vel in possessionem sibi dedisse?
Or was it perhaps said according to this, that the nations were placed under angels, according to the Canticle of Moses the servant of God? (See Deut 32:8) Was, then, that angel under whom the children of Ammon were called Chemosh? Who would dare to affirm this, when it can be understood as said according to his opinion, because he thought his god possessed this, or had given it to him in possession?
QsHept.7.41.3
Magis autem iste sensus elucet in iis verbis quae Graecus habet: nonne quaecumque haereditavit tibi Chamos Deus tuus, haec haereditabis? ut in eo quod positum est: tibi, intellegatur ita dictum, ac si diceretur: "sicut videbitur tibi." "Tibi enim haereditavit qui hoc putas, non quod ille aliquid posset haereditare." Denique in eo quod sequitur: et omnia quaecumque haereditavit Dominus Deus noster, non dixit: haereditavit nobis, tamquam diceret: "sicut nobis videtur"; sed vere haereditavit: a facie vestra; quoniam abstulit ipsis, et his dedit: haec inquit, haereditabimus.
But this sense shines out more in those words which the Greek has: do you not inherit whatever Chemosh your god has given you to inherit? so that in what is set down, you, it is understood to be said as if it were said: "as it will seem to you." "For he has given you to inherit who think this, not that he could inherit anything." Finally, in what follows: and all whatever the Lord our God has given us to inherit, he did not say: has given us to inherit, as though he said: "as it seems to us"; but he has truly given us to inherit: from before your face; since he took it away from them, and gave it to these: this, he says, we shall inherit.
QsHept.7.41.3
De immolatione filiae Iephte.
Concerning the sacrifice of Jephthah's daughter.
49. 1. (11, 29-35) De filia Iephte quod eam pater in holocaustoma obtulit Deo—quoniam in bello voverat, si vicisset, eum se haulocaustoma oblaturum, qui sibi de domo exiens occurrisset; quod cum vovisset, vicit; et occurrente sibi filia, quod voverat reddidit—solet esse magna et ad diudicandum difficillima quaestio; quibusdam quid sibi hoc velit nosse cupientibus et pie quaerentibus;
49. 1. (11:29-35) Concerning Jephthah's daughter, that her father offered her as a holocaust to God—since in war he had vowed that, if he conquered, he would offer as a holocaust the one who, going out of his house, should meet him; and when he had vowed this, he conquered; and, with his daughter meeting him, he paid what he had vowed—there is usually a great question, and most difficult to decide; with some desiring to know what this means, and asking piously;
QsHept.7.41.3
quibusdam vero qui Scripturis his Sanctis imperita impietate adversantur, hoc maxime in crimen vocantibus, quod Legis et prophetarum Deus etiam humanis sacrificiis fuerit delectatus. Quorum calumniis sic primitus respondemus, ut Deum Legis et prophetarum, atque ut expressius dicam, Deum Abraham et Deum Isaac et Deum Iacob (Cf. Ex 3, 16) nec illa sacrificia delectaverint, ubi pecorum holocausta offerebantur; sed quod significativa fuerint et quaedam umbrae futurorum, res ipsas nobis quae his sacrificiis significabantur, commendare voluisse: fuisse autem etiam istam utilem causam cur illa mutarentur, nec modo iuberentur, imo prohiberentur offerri, ne vere secundum carnalem affectum talibus Deum delectari putaremus.
but with some, who oppose these Holy Scriptures with unskilled impiety, charging this above all as a crime: that the God of the Law and the prophets was pleased even with human sacrifices. To whose slanders we reply first thus: that the God of the Law and the prophets, and, to say it more expressly, the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob (See Ex 3:16), was not pleased even with those sacrifices where holocausts of cattle were offered; but, because they were significative and certain shadows of things to come, he willed to commend to us the very realities which were signified by these sacrifices: and that this too was a useful reason why those should be changed, and now not be commanded, indeed be forbidden, to be offered, lest we should think that God was truly pleased with such things according to a carnal affection.
QsHept.7.41.3
49. 2. Sed utrum etiam humanis sacrificiis significari futura oportuerit, merito quaeritur: non quo mortes hominum quandoque moriturorum in hac causa exhorrescere et formidare deberemus, si illi qui haec de se fieri gratanter acciperent, in aeternam remunerationem commendarentur Deo: sed si hoc verum esset, hoc genus sacrificiorum Deo non displiceret; displicere autem Deo satis evidenter eadem Scriptura testatur. Nam cum omnia primogenita sibi dicari, et sua esse voluerit atque praeceperit; redimi tamen a se voluit primogenita hominum (Cf. Ex 13, 2. 12-13), ne immolandos Deo crederent filios suos, quos natos primitus suscepissent.
49. 2. But whether it was fitting that things to come should also be signified by human sacrifices is a question rightly raised—not that we ought to shudder at and dread the deaths, in this matter, of men who are at some point going to die anyway, if those who would gladly accept such things being done to themselves were commended to God for an eternal reward; but if this were true, this kind of sacrifice would not displease God, whereas the same Scripture testifies plainly enough that it does displease him. For although he willed and commanded that all the firstborn be consecrated to him and be his own, he nevertheless willed that the firstborn of men be redeemed from him (See Ex 13:2, 12-13), lest people should think that they must offer their sons to God in sacrifice, the sons whom they had first received at their birth.
QsHept.7.49.2
Deinde hoc apertius ita loquitur, quod humana holocausta sic Deus improbet, ut prohibeat, detestans ea in aliis gentibus, et populo suo praecipiens ne audeat imitari: si autem, inquit, exterminaverit Dominus Deus tuus gentes, in quas tu intras haereditare terram eorum a conspectu tuo, et haereditabis eos, et habitabis in terra eorum; attende tibi ipsi, ne exquiras sequi eos, postquam exterminati fuerint a facie tua, ne exquiras deos eorum dicens: 'quemadmodum faciunt gentes diis suis, faciam et ego: non facies ita Domino Deo tuo. Abominamenta enim quae Dominus odit, fecerunt diis suis; quoniam et filios suos et filias suas comburunt igni diis suis (Deut 12, 29-31).'
Then he speaks of this more openly, saying that God so disapproves of human burnt offerings that he forbids them, detesting them in other nations and commanding his own people not to dare to imitate them: but if the Lord your God cuts off the nations whose land you are entering in to inherit before you, and you inherit them and dwell in their land, take heed to yourself that you do not seek to follow them after they have been cut off before your face, and that you do not seek out their gods, saying, 'As the nations serve their gods, so will I do also.' You shall not do so to the Lord your God. For they have done for their gods the abominations that the Lord hates, since they even burn their sons and their daughters in the fire to their gods (Deut 12:29-31).
QsHept.7.49.2
49. 3. Quid evidentius ostendi potest his Sanctae Scripturae testimoniis, ut alia huiuscemodi omittam, quam Deum a quo haec Scriptura humano generi contributa est, non solum non diligere, verum etiam odisse talia sacrificia, in quibus homines immolantur? Illa plane diligit et coronat, cum quisque iustus iniquitatem patiens usque ad mortem pro veritate decertat, vel ab inimicis, quos pro iustitia offendit, occiditur, retribuens eis bona pro malis, id est pro odio dilectionem.
49. 3. What could be shown more plainly by these testimonies of Holy Scripture—to pass over others of the same kind—than that God, by whom this Scripture was bestowed on the human race, not only does not love but even hates such sacrifices, in which human beings are immolated? Those sacrifices he clearly loves and crowns in which some just man, suffering wickedness even to death, contends for the truth, or is killed by the enemies whom he has offended for the sake of justice, repaying them good for evil, that is, love for hatred.
QsHept.7.49.3
Talem dicit Dominus sanguinem iustum, a sanguine Abel usque ad sanguinem Zachariae (Cf. Mt 23, 35). Praecipue autem quod sanguinem fudit ipse pro nobis, et sacrificium seipsum obtulit Deo; sic utique obtulit, ut ab inimicis pro iustitia occideretur: hunc imitata martyrum millia usque ad mortem pro veritate certarunt, et ab inimicis saevientibus immolata sunt; de quibus dicit Scriptura: tamquam aurum in fornace probavit illos, et sicut holocausta hostiam accepit illos (Sap 3, 6). Unde et Apostolus dicit: ego enim iam immolor (2 Tim 4, 6).
The Lord calls such blood just blood, from the blood of Abel to the blood of Zechariah (See Matt 23:35). Above all there is the blood that he himself shed for us, when he offered himself as a sacrifice to God; and he so offered it that he was killed by his enemies for the sake of justice. In imitation of him thousands of martyrs contended even to death for the truth and were immolated by their raging enemies; of whom Scripture says: like gold in the furnace he tried them, and like a sacrificial burnt offering he accepted them (Wis 3:6). Hence the Apostle too says: for I am already being poured out as a sacrifice (2 Tim 4:6).
QsHept.7.49.3
49. 4. Sed non sic Iephte de filia fecit holocaustoma Domino; sed sicut praeceptum fuerat pecora offerri, et prohibitum fuerat homines immolari. Magis hoc illi simile videtur quod fecit Abraham, quod Dominus specialiter fieri praecepit (Cf. Gen 22, 2-13), non generali lege ut talia sibi sacrificia fierent aliquando mandavit, imo etiam fieri omnino prohibuit. Distat itaque hoc quod Iephte fecit a facto Abrahae, quoniam ipse iussus obtulit filium: iste autem fecit quod et Lege vetabatur, et nullo speciali iubebatur imperio.
49. 4. But Jephthah did not make a burnt offering of his daughter to the Lord in this way; rather, the offering of cattle had been commanded, and the immolation of human beings forbidden. What Abraham did seems more like it, which the Lord specially commanded to be done (See Gen 22:2-13); he did not command by any general law that such sacrifices should at some point be made to him—indeed, he even forbade them altogether to be made. What Jephthah did therefore differs from what Abraham did, since the latter offered his son when commanded, whereas the former did what was both forbidden by the Law and enjoined by no special command.
QsHept.7.49.4
Deinde non solum in sua Lege postea, verum etiam tunc Deus in ipso Abrahae filio talibus sacrificiis quam non delectaretur ostendit; cum patrem cuius fidem iubendo probaverat, a filii tamen interfectione prohibuit, et arietem, quo sacrificium licite secundum veterum congruam temporibus consuetudinem compleretur, apposuit.
Then, not only later in his Law but even at that time, in Abraham's own son, God showed how little he delights in such sacrifices, when he forbade the father—whose faith he had tested by the command—to kill his son, and provided a ram by which the sacrifice might lawfully be completed according to the custom of the ancients suited to their times.
QsHept.7.49.4
49. 5. Si autem hoc quemquam movet, quomodo pie crediderit Abraham Deum sacrificiis talibus delectari, si haec illicite offeruntur Deo; et ideo putat recte credidisse etiam Iephte quod tale sacrificium Deo posset esse acceptum: primo consideret aliud esse ultro vovere, aliud iubenti obtemperare. Non enim, si aliquid praeter morem in domo a domino institutum servo iubetur, atque id laudabili obedientia facit, ideo non est plectendus, si hoc facere sponte praesumpserit.
49. 5. But if anyone is troubled by this—how Abraham could piously believe that God delights in such sacrifices, if they are offered to God unlawfully, and therefore thinks that Jephthah too rightly believed that such a sacrifice could be acceptable to God—let him first consider that it is one thing to vow something of one's own accord, another to obey one who commands. For if a servant is commanded to do something contrary to the usual practice established in the household by his master, and does it with praiseworthy obedience, he is not therefore beyond punishment if he presumes to do this of his own accord.
QsHept.7.49.5
Deinde habebat quod crederet Abraham, ut propter divinum imperium non parceret filio, non credens Deum tales victimas libenter accipere, sed hoc eum propterea iussisse, ut resuscitaret occisum, et hinc aliquid tamquam Deus sapiens demonstraret. Nam hoc de illo etiam in Epistola legitur, quae inscribitur ad Hebraeos; et fides eius, quia hoc de Deo crediderit, quod posset filium eius suscitare, laudatur (Cf. Hebr 11, 17-19).
Then Abraham had grounds for believing that, because of the divine command, he should not spare his son—not because he believed that God gladly accepts such victims, but because he believed that God had commanded it for this reason, that he might raise up the one slain, and thereby, as a wise God, demonstrate something. For this is read of him in the Epistle entitled to the Hebrews; and his faith, in that he believed this of God, that he could raise up his son, is praised (See Heb 11:17-19).
QsHept.7.49.5
Iste vero et Deo non iubente neque poscente, et contra legitimum eius praeceptum, ultro sacrificium vovit humanum. Sic enim scriptum est: et vovit Iephte votum Domino, et dixit: 'si traditione tradideris mihi filios Ammon in manu mea, et erit quicumque exierit de ianuis domus meae in obviam mihi, in revertendo me in pace a filiis Ammon, et erit Domino offeram eum halocaustoma.'
Jephthah, on the other hand, with God neither commanding nor demanding it, and against his lawful precept, of his own accord vowed a human sacrifice. For it is written thus: and Jephthah vowed a vow to the Lord and said, 'If you indeed deliver the sons of Ammon into my hand, then whoever comes out of the doors of my house to meet me when I return in peace from the sons of Ammon shall belong to the Lord, and I will offer him up as a burnt offering.'
QsHept.7.49.5
49. 6. Non utique his verbis pecus aliquod vovit, quod secundum Legem holocaustoma posset offerre. Neque enim est aut fuit consuetudinis, ut redeuntibus cum victoria de bello ducibus pecora occurrerent. Quantum autem attinet ad muta animalia, canes solent dominis blando famulatu alludentes currere in obviam: de quibus ille in suo voto cogitare non posset, ne in iniuriam Dei aliquid, non solum illicitum, verum etiam contemptibile et secundum Legem immundum vovisse videretur. Nec ait: "quodcumque exierit de ianuis domus meae in obviam mihi, offeram illud holocaustoma"; sed ait: quicumque exierit offeram eum: ubi procul dubio nihil aliud quam hominem cogitavit; non tamen fortasse unicam filiam: quamquam illam in tanta paterna gloria quis posset anteire, nisi forte uxor? Nam quod non dixit, quaecumque, sed quicumque exierit de ianuis domus meae, solet Scriptura masculinum genus pro quolibet sexu ponere: sicut de Abraham dictum est: surgens a mortuo (Gen 23, 3); cum eius uxor mortua fuisset.
49. 6. By these words he certainly did not vow any animal that he could lawfully offer as a burnt offering according to the Law. For it neither is nor was the custom that cattle should run to meet leaders returning victorious from war. As for dumb animals, dogs are wont to run to meet their masters, playing about them with fawning service; but he could not have thought of these in his vow, lest he be seen to have vowed, to the injury of God, something not only unlawful but even contemptible and, according to the Law, unclean. Nor did he say, "whatever comes out of the doors of my house to meet me, I will offer it as a burnt offering"; rather he said, whoever comes out, I will offer him. Here, beyond doubt, he thought of nothing but a human being—though perhaps not of his only daughter; yet who, amid such fatherly glory, could come before her, unless perhaps his wife? For as to his saying not whatever woman but whoever comes out of the doors of my house, Scripture is accustomed to put the masculine gender for either sex, as was said of Abraham, rising from the dead one (Gen 23:3), when it was his wife who had died.
QsHept.7.49.6
49. 7. Quia ergo de hoc voto atque facto nihil videtur Scriptura iudicasse, sicut de Abraham, quando filium iussus obtulit, apertissime iudicavit; sed tantummodo scriptum reliquisse legentibus iudicandum, quemadmodum de facto Iudae filii Iacob, quando ad nurum quidem suam nesciens intravit, verum quantum in ipso fuerat fornicatus est, quia meretricem putavit (Cf. Gen 38, 15), neque approbavit hoc Scriptura, neque reprobavit, sed iustitia et Lege Dei consulta aestimandum pensandumque dimisit:
49. 7. Since, then, Scripture seems to have passed no judgment on this vow and deed, as it most clearly judged concerning Abraham when he was commanded and offered his son, but only left it written for readers to judge—just as concerning the deed of Judah the son of Jacob, when he unknowingly went in to his daughter-in-law, yet committed fornication so far as it lay in him, because he thought she was a harlot (See Gen 38:15), and Scripture neither approved nor condemned this, but left it to be weighed and assessed by consulting the justice and the Law of God—
QsHept.7.49.7
quia ergo de isto Iephte facto in neutram partem sententiam Scriptura Dei protulit, ut noster intellectus in iudicando exerceretur, possemus iam dicere Deo displicuisse tale votum, et ad illam perductum esse vindictam, ut patri potissimum filia unica occurreret; quod si sperasset atque voluisset, non continuo, ut eam vidit, scidisset vestimenta sua, et dixisset: heu me, filia mea, impedisti me; in offendiculum facta es in oculis meis.
since, then, the Scripture of God has pronounced no sentence either way concerning this deed of Jephthah, so that our understanding might be exercised in judging, we might now say that such a vow displeased God, and that he was brought to that retribution whereby his only daughter, of all people, should meet her father; for if he had hoped and wished for this, he would not at once, on seeing her, have torn his garments and said, Alas, my daughter, you have brought me low; you have become a stumbling block in my eyes.
QsHept.7.49.7
Deinde sexaginta dierum tam longa dilatione data filiae suae Dominus eum ab unicae carissimae nece cum non prohibuerit, sicut prohibuit Abraham, donec perficiendo quod voverat seipsum percuteret orbitate gravissima (Cf. Iudc 11, 37-39), Deum autem nequaquam hominis immolatione placaret: et ideo huiuscemodi patri poenam fuisse retributam, ne impunitum talis voti relinqueretur exemplum, ut aut magnum aliquid se vovere Deo putarent homines, cum victimas humanas voverent, et, quod est horribilius, filiorum; aut non vera, sed potius simulata eadem vota essent, cum velut exemplo Abrahae sperarent qui vovissent, Deum prohibiturum talia vota compleri.
Then, after granting his daughter so long a delay of sixty days, the Lord did not forbid him from the killing of his dearest only child, as he forbade Abraham, but let him, by carrying out what he had vowed, strike himself with the gravest bereavement (See Judg 11:37-39)—while in no way appeasing God by the immolation of a human being. And so this penalty was meted out to such a father, lest the example of such a vow be left unpunished, with the result that people would either think they were vowing something great to God when they vowed human victims and, what is more horrible, the victims of their own children; or else that such vows would be not genuine but rather feigned, since those who made them would hope, after the example of Abraham, that God would forbid such vows to be carried out.
QsHept.7.49.7
49. 8. Possemus, inquam, haec dicere, nisi ab ista sententia duo nos praecipue Divinarum Scripturarum testimonia retardarent; ut hanc rem gestam et in libris tantae auctoritatis memoriae commendatam, diligentius quantum Dominus adiuvat, et cautius perscrutemur, ne in ullam partem iudicium temerarium proferamus.
49. 8. We could say all this, I repeat, were we not held back from this opinion by two testimonies of the divine Scriptures in particular; so that we should examine this deed—committed to memory in books of such great authority—more carefully, with the Lord's help, and more cautiously, lest we pronounce a rash judgment in either direction.
QsHept.7.49.8
Unum, quod in Epistola ad Hebraeos iste Iephte inter tales commemoratur, ut eum culpare vereamur, ubi sic scriptum est: et quid adhuc dicam? Deficit enim me tempus enarrandi de Gedeon, Barac, Samson, et Iephte, et David, et Samuel, et Prophetis; qui per fidem vicerunt regna, operantes iustitiam consecuti sunt promissiones (Hebr 11, 32-33).
The first is that in the Epistle to the Hebrews this Jephthah is mentioned among such men that we would fear to blame him, where it is written thus: and what more shall I say? For time would fail me to tell of Gideon, Barak, Samson, and Jephthah, of David and Samuel and the prophets, who through faith conquered kingdoms, and working justice obtained promises (Heb 11:32-33).
QsHept.7.49.8
Alterum, quod ubi de illo ista narrantur, quod tale voverit et impleverit votum, praemisit Scriptura dicens: et factus est super Iephte Spiritus Domini, et perrexit Galaad et Manasse, et transiit speculam Galaad, et de specula Galaad ad trans filios Ammon, et votum vovit Iephte Domino (Cf. Iudc 11, 29-30), et caetera ad hoc ipsum votum pertinentia; ut omnia quae deinceps facta sunt, tamquam opera Spiritus Domini, qui super eum factus est, intellegenda videantur. Ista testimonia nos compellunt quaerere potius cur factum sit, quam facile improbare quod factum est.
The second is that, where these things are narrated of him—that he vowed and fulfilled such a vow—Scripture prefaces them by saying: and the Spirit of the Lord came upon Jephthah, and he passed through Gilead and Manasseh, and passed by the watchtower of Gilead, and from the watchtower of Gilead over to the sons of Ammon, and Jephthah vowed a vow to the Lord (See Judg 11:29-30), and the rest pertaining to this very vow; so that everything done thereafter seems to be understood as the work of the Spirit of the Lord, who had come upon him. These testimonies compel us rather to ask why it was done than easily to disapprove what was done.
QsHept.7.49.8
49. 9. Sed primo illud quod ex Epistola quae ad Hebraeos est, commemoravi, inter illos laudabiles viros qui ibidem recoluntur, non solum est Iephte, verum etiam Gedeon, de quo similiter Scriptura dicit: Spiritus Domini confortavit Gedeon (Iudc 6, 34): et tamen eius factum, quod de illo auro praedae operatus est ephud, et fornicatus est post illud omnis Israel, et factum est domui Gedeon in scandalum (Cf. Iudc 8, 27), non solum laudare non possumus; verum etiam quia Scriptura hic apertissime iudicavit, reprobare minime dubitamus: nec tamen ex hoc ulla fit iniuria Spiritui Domini, qui eum confortavit, ut hostes populi eius tanta facilitate superaret. Cur ergo inter eos commemoratur, qui per fidem vicerunt regna, operantes iustitiam; nisi quia Sancta Scriptura, quorum fidem atque iustitiam veraciter laudat, non hinc impeditur eorum etiam peccata, si qua novit, et oportere iudicat, notare veraciter?
49. 9. But first, as for what I mentioned from the Epistle to the Hebrews: among those praiseworthy men recalled there, there is not only Jephthah but also Gideon, of whom Scripture likewise says: the Spirit of the Lord strengthened Gideon (Judg 6:34). And yet his deed—that from that gold of the spoil he made an ephod, and all Israel committed fornication after it, and it became a snare to the house of Gideon (See Judg 8:27)—we not only cannot praise; we even, since Scripture here judged most plainly, do not in the least hesitate to condemn. Nor is any injury thereby done to the Spirit of the Lord, who strengthened him so that he overcame the enemies of his people with such ease. Why, then, is he mentioned among those who through faith conquered kingdoms, working justice—unless because Holy Scripture, whose faith and justice it truly praises, is not thereby hindered from truthfully noting their sins as well, if it knows of any and judges it fitting to note them?
QsHept.7.49.9
Nam et in eo quod idem Gedeon signum petens, sicut ipse locutus est, tentavit in vellere (Cf. Iudc 6, 39), nescio utrum non fuerit transgressus praeceptum quo scriptum est: non tentabis Dominum Deum tuum (Deut 6, 16): verumtamen etiam in eius tentatione Dominus quod praenuntiare volebat ostendit; in compluto scilicet vellere et area tota circumquaque sicca, figurare primum populum Israel, ubi erant sancti cum gratia coelesti, tamquam pluvia spiritali; et postea compluta area sicco vellere, figurare Ecclesiam toto orbe diffusam, habentem non in vellere tamquam in velamine, sed in aperto coelestem gratiam, illo priore populo velut ab eiusdem gratiae rore alienato atque siccato. Nec tamen frustra inter fideles et operantes iustitiam, propter bonam fidelemque vitam, in qua eum credendum est esse defunctum, tale in Epistola ad Hebraeos meruit testimonium.
For even in this—that Gideon, asking for a sign, as he himself put it, made a test with the fleece (See Judg 6:39)—I do not know whether he did not transgress the precept where it is written, you shall not put the Lord your God to the test (Deut 6:16); and yet even in his testing the Lord showed what he wished to foretell. By the drenched fleece while the whole threshing floor all around was dry, he prefigured the first people, Israel, where the saints were with heavenly grace as with a spiritual rain; and afterward by the drenched floor with the fleece dry, he prefigured the Church spread throughout the whole world, having heavenly grace not in a fleece as under a veil but in the open, while that earlier people was, as it were, estranged from the dew of that same grace and dried up. Nor was it in vain that, among the faithful and those working justice, on account of his good and faithful life—in which he must be believed to have died—he earned such a testimony in the Epistle to the Hebrews.
QsHept.7.49.9
49. 10. Utrum autem quia posteaquam dictum est: factus est super Iephte Spiritus Domini, ea secuta sunt, ut votum illud voveret, atque hostes vinceret, et quod voverat redderet, Spiritui Domini omnia deputanda sint, ut perinde habeatur et hoc sacrificium, tamquam id Dominus sicut Abrahae fieri iusserit, non facile dixerim; cum utique de Gedeon possit haec afferri differentia, quia post peccatum quod fecit, quando fecit ephud post quod universus populus fornicatus est, nulla est eius commemorata prosperitas: postea vero quam Iephte votum vovit, illa est insignis eius victoria consecuta, propter quam adipiscendam voverat, et qua adepta quod voverat solvit.
49. 10. But whether, because after it was said, the Spirit of the Lord came upon Jephthah, there followed his vowing that vow, conquering the enemies, and rendering what he had vowed, everything is to be attributed to the Spirit of the Lord, so that this sacrifice too is to be regarded as though the Lord had commanded it to be made, as he did with Abraham—this I would not readily say; since in the case of Gideon this difference can be adduced, that after the sin he committed when he made the ephod, after which the whole people committed fornication, no prosperity of his is recorded, whereas after Jephthah vowed his vow there followed that notable victory of his, for the obtaining of which he had vowed, and once it was obtained he paid what he had vowed.
QsHept.7.49.10
Rursus enim considerandum est, quia Gedeon, etsi non posteaquam fecit ephud, tamen posteaquam tentavit Dominum, quod utique peccatum est, magna strage hostibus caesis atque superatis populo acquisivit salutem. Sic enim scriptum est: et dixit Gedeon ad Dominum: 'non irascatur indignatio tua in me, et loquar adhuc semel, et tentabo adhuc semel in vellere (Iudc 6, 39).' Iram quippe Dei metuebat, quia noverat tentando se peccare, quod Deus in Lege sua manifestissime prohibet (Cf. Deut 6, 16; Mt 4, 7; Lc 4, 12). Hoc tamen peccatum eius et mirabilis signi evidentia et magna victoriae prosperitas liberationisque populi consecuta est. Iam enim Deus statuerat afflicto populo subvenire, atque huius ducis, quem ad hoc opus assumpserat, utebatur animo non solum fideli et pio, verum etiam subdeficiente et delinquente, et ad praenuntianda quae volebat, et complenda quae dixerat.
For again it must be considered that Gideon—if not after he made the ephod, yet after he tested the Lord, which is certainly a sin—won safety for the people by a great slaughter, with the enemies cut down and overcome. For it is written thus: and Gideon said to the Lord, 'Let not your indignation be angry against me, and I will speak yet once more, and I will test once more with the fleece (Judg 6:39).' For he feared the wrath of God, because he knew that in testing he was sinning, which God in his Law most plainly forbids (See Deut 6:16; Matt 4:7; Luke 4:12). Yet this sin of his was followed both by the marvelous evidence of the sign and by the great prosperity of victory and the people's deliverance. For God had already determined to come to the aid of his afflicted people, and he used the disposition of this leader, whom he had taken up for this work—a disposition not only faithful and devout but also failing and falling short—both to foretell what he willed and to fulfill what he had said.
QsHept.7.49.10
49. 11. Non enim per istos tantum, qui etiamsi peccaverunt, inter iustos tamen narrantur, sed etiam per ipsum Saulem omni modo reprobatum, multa Deus populo suo praestitit, in quem insilivit etiam Spiritus Dei, et prophetavit; non cum iuste ageret, sed cum in virum sanctum David innocentemque saeviret (Cf. 1 Reg 19, 20-23). Agit enim Spiritus Domini et per bonos et per malos, et per scientes et per nescientes, quod agendum novit, et statuit: qui etiam per Caipham acerrimum Domini persecutorem, nescientem quid dixerit, insignem protulit prophetiam, quod oporteret Christum mori pro gente (Cf. Io 11, 49-51).
49. 11. For it was not only through these men—who, even if they sinned, are nonetheless reckoned among the just—but even through Saul himself, who was rejected in every way, that God granted many things to his people; the Spirit of God even rushed upon Saul, and he prophesied, not when he was acting justly but when he was raging against the holy and innocent man David (See 1 Sam 19:20-23). For the Spirit of the Lord acts both through the good and through the wicked, both through the knowing and through the unknowing, doing what he knows and determines must be done; he who even through Caiaphas, the Lord's fiercest persecutor, not knowing what he said, brought forth a notable prophecy, that Christ must die for the nation (See John 11:49-51).
QsHept.7.49.11
Quis enim egit nisi Spiritus Domini, curans praenuntiare ventura, ut iudici Gedeon tentare volenti Dominum, et non credenti quod ei fuerat per manum eius de salute populi iam locutus, hoc potissimum de vellere prius compluto, postmodum sicco, et de area primum sicca, postea rigata veniret in mentem? Ut quod subdefecit a fide, infirmitati eius delictoque deputetur; quod vero etiam tali eius animo ad hoc quod generi humano significari oportebat usus est Deus, ad eius intellegatur misericordiam et mirabilem providentiam pertinere.
For who but the Spirit of the Lord, taking care to foretell things to come, brought it to the mind of the judge Gideon—who wished to test the Lord and did not believe what had already been spoken to him by his own hand concerning the people's safety—precisely this thought of the fleece, first drenched then dry, and of the floor, first dry then watered? So that what fell short of faith is to be charged to his weakness and fault, while the fact that God used even such a disposition of his for what had to be signified to the human race is to be understood as belonging to his mercy and marvelous providence.
QsHept.7.49.11
49. 12. Si quis autem dicit omnia scientem fecisse et dixisse Gedeon ex revelatione prophetica, ut per eum signa talia monstrarentur; nec defecisse a fide; et quod ei iam promiserat Dominus credidisse; sed actione prophetica in vellere voluisse tentare, atque ita illius tentationem fuisse inculpabilem, sicut dolum Iacob (Cf. Gen 27, 15-16); et illud quod Domino ait: non irascatur indignatio tua in me (Iudc 6, 39), non ideo dixisse quod iram eius timeret, sed quod eum confideret non irasci, cum ea faceret quae Spiritu eius dictante facienda esse tamquam propheta sentiret: dicat ut videtur, dum modo illud quod de facto ephud Scriptura ipsa culpavit, quodlibet significet, non audeat excusare a peccato.
49. 12. But if anyone says that Gideon did and said everything knowingly, by prophetic revelation, so that through him such signs might be shown; that he did not fall away from faith; that he believed what the Lord had already promised him; but that by a prophetic act he wished to test with the fleece, and that thus his testing was blameless, like the deception of Jacob (See Gen 27:15-16); and that when he said to the Lord, let not your indignation be angry against me (Judg 6:39), he did not say it because he feared his wrath but because he was confident that he would not be angry, since he was doing what, as a prophet, he perceived must be done at the dictation of his Spirit—let him say what seems good to him, provided that he does not dare to excuse from sin that deed of the ephod which Scripture itself blamed, whatever it may signify.
QsHept.7.49.12
Nam et illud quod trecenti viri ad signum crucis ipso numero pertinentes, hydrias fictiles acceperunt, eisque ardentes faculas incluserunt, quibus hydriis fractis repente lumina numerose micantia tantam hostium multitudinem terruerunt, tamquam ex suo arbitrio videtur fecisse Gedeon; non enim Scriptura dicit Dominum admonuisse ut hoc faceret: et tamen tam grande signum quis eius animo atque consilio faciendum, nisi Dominus, inspiravit? Qui praefiguravit sanctos suos thesaurum evangelici luminis in vasis fictilibus habituros, sicut Apostolus dicit: habemus autem thesaurum istum in vasis fictilibus (2 Cor 4, 7): quibus in passione martyrii tamquam vasculis fractis, maior eorum gloriae fulgor emicuit, quae impios Evangelicae praedicationis inimicos inopinata illis Christi claritate superavit.
For that too—that three hundred men, belonging by their very number to the sign of the cross, took earthen pitchers and enclosed in them burning torches, and when these pitchers were broken the lights suddenly flashing in their numbers terrified so great a multitude of enemies—Gideon seems to have done as it were of his own choice; for Scripture does not say that the Lord admonished him to do this. And yet who but the Lord inspired so great a sign to be done by his mind and counsel? He who prefigured that his saints would have the treasure of the gospel light in earthen vessels, as the Apostle says: but we have this treasure in earthen vessels (2 Cor 4:7); vessels in which, broken as it were in the suffering of martyrdom, the greater splendor of their glory shone forth, which by the unlooked-for brightness of Christ overcame the impious enemies of the gospel preaching.
QsHept.7.49.12
49. 13. Seu ergo per scientes, seu per nescientes, praefigurationem praedicationemque futurorum Spiritus Domini propheticis temporibus operatus est (Cf. 1 Cor 12, 6): nec ideo peccata eorum dicendum est non fuisse peccata; quia et Deus, qui et malis nostris bene uti novit, etiam ipsis eorum peccatis usus est ad significanda quae voluit. Proinde si propterea peccatum non fuit, sive cuiuslibet necis humanae, sive etiam parricidale sacrificium vel vovere, vel reddere, quia magnum aliquid et spiritale significavit; frustra Deus talia prohibuit, et se odisse testatus est; quoniam et illa quae fieri iussit, utique ad aliquam significationem rerum spiritalium magnarumque referuntur. Cur ergo illa prohiberet, quandoquidem poterant propter eamdem rerum earumdem significationem, propter quam et ista licite fiebant, nihilominus licite fieri; nisi quia nec tale aliquid significantia quale expedit credere, humana Deo sacrificia placuerunt, quando non pro iustitia quisque ab inimicis, quia recte vivere voluit aut peccare noluit, interimitur, sed homo ab homine tamquam electa hostia more pecoris immolatur?
49. 13. Whether, then, through the knowing or through the unknowing, the Spirit of the Lord in prophetic times worked the prefiguration and proclamation of things to come (See 1 Cor 12:6), their sins are not on that account to be called no sins; for God, who knows how to make good use even of our evils, used even their very sins to signify what he willed. Accordingly, if it was no sin—whether to vow or to render either any human killing or even a parricidal sacrifice—because it signified something great and spiritual, then in vain did God forbid such things and testify that he hates them; since the very things he commanded to be done are likewise referred to some signification of great spiritual realities. Why, then, would he forbid those things, when they could just as lawfully be done for the sake of that same signification of those same realities, for the sake of which these others were lawfully done—unless because human sacrifices, even when signifying something such as it is profitable to believe, did not please God, that is, when someone is not killed by enemies for the sake of justice, because he wished to live rightly or refused to sin, but a man is immolated by a man after the manner of cattle, like a chosen victim?
QsHept.7.49.13
49. 14. Quid si, ait aliquis, quoniam pecorum victimae iam eo ipso quo fuerant usitatae, quamvis et ipsae a recte intellegentibus ad significationem spiritalium referrentur, minus tamen faciebant intentos ad magnum sacramentum Christi et Ecclesiae requirendum; propterea Deus re insigni et inopinata volens quasi dormientes hominum animos excitare, eo magis quod talia sibi sacrificia offerri vetuerat, curavit sibi eiusmodi aliquid offerendum, ut ipsa admiratio magnam gigneret quaestionem, et magna quaestio ad perscrutandum magnum mysterium studium piae mentis erigeret, pie vero scrutans mens hominis altitudinem prophetiae, velut hamo piscem Dominum Christum de profundo Scripturarum levaret?
49. 14. What if, someone says, because animal victims, by the very fact that they had become customary—though they too were referred by those who rightly understood to the signification of spiritual things—nevertheless made people less intent on seeking out the great mystery of Christ and the Church; therefore God, wishing by a remarkable and unexpected event to rouse, as it were, the sleeping minds of men, the more because he had forbidden such sacrifices to be offered to him, arranged for something of this kind to be offered to him, so that the very wonder might beget a great question, and the great question might lift up the zeal of a devout mind to search out a great mystery, and the mind of a man devoutly searching might raise up, like a fish on a hook, the height of prophecy—the Lord Christ—from the deep of the Scriptures?
QsHept.7.49.14
Huic nos rationi et considerationi non obsistimus. Sed alia quaestio est de animo voventis, alia de providentia Dei qualicumque animo eius optime utentis. Quamobrem si Spiritus Domini qui factus est super Iephte, ut hoc voveret omnino praecepit, quod quidem Scriptura non aperuit; tamen si hoc ille praecepit, cuius non licet iussa contemnere, non solum insipientia culpanda non est, verum etiam laudanda obedientia est.
To this reasoning and consideration we offer no resistance. But it is one question concerning the disposition of the one vowing, and another concerning the providence of God making the best use of his disposition, whatever it was. Therefore, if the Spirit of the Lord who came upon Jephthah commanded him outright to make this vow—which Scripture has not disclosed—yet if he commanded it whose commands it is not lawful to despise, then not only is his folly not to be blamed, but his obedience is even to be praised.
QsHept.7.49.14
Hoc enim, etiamsi se homo ipse interimat, quod utique humana voluntate atque consilio facere nefas est, profecto intellegendum est obedienter fieri potius quam sceleste, si divinitus iussum est: de qua quaestione satis in primo libro de Civitate Dei disputavimus (Cf. De civ. Dei 1, 21).
For even if a man kills himself—which it is certainly forbidden to do by human will and counsel—it must surely be understood to be done obediently rather than wickedly, if it is divinely commanded; a question we have discussed sufficiently in the first book of The City of God (See De Civ. Dei 1.21).
QsHept.7.49.14
Si autem Iephte humanum secutus errorem, humanum sacrificium vovendum putavit, eius quidem peccatum de unica filia iure punitum est, quod etiam ipse verbis suis satis videtur ostendere, ubi ait: heu me, filia mea, impedisti me; in offendiculum facta es in oculis meis; discissis etiam vestimentis suis. Verumtamen etiam hic eius error habet aliquam laudem fidei, qua Deum timuit, ut quod voverat redderet, nec divini in se iudicii sententiam declinavit; sive sperans Deum prohibiturum, sicut fecit Abrahae, sive eius voluntatem etiam non prohibentis intellectam facere potius quam contemnere statuens.
But if Jephthah, following human error, thought a human sacrifice must be vowed, then his sin was indeed justly punished in his only daughter, which he himself seems to show clearly enough by his own words, where he says, Alas, my daughter, you have brought me low; you have become a stumbling block in my eyes; having also torn his garments. And yet even here his error has some praise of faith, by which he feared God, so as to render what he had vowed, and did not turn aside the sentence of the divine judgment upon himself—whether hoping that God would forbid it, as he did with Abraham, or resolving to do God's will, understood even though he did not forbid it, rather than to despise it.
QsHept.7.49.14
49. 15. Quamquam et hic merito quaeri potest utrum verius intellegitur hoc Deum nolle fieri, et in eo potius Deo, si non fieret, obediretur, quoniam hoc se nolle et in Abrahae filio (Cf. Gen 22, 12) et in Legitima prohibitione monstraverat. Verumtamen si propterea Iephte non faceret, sibi potius in unica pepercisse, quam Dei voluntatem secutus esse videretur. Magis ergo intellexit in eo quod illi filia occurrit, ultorem Deum, iustaeque poenae se fideliter subdidit, timens saeviorem tamquam de tergiversatione vindictam.
49. 15. And yet here too it may rightly be asked whether it is more truly understood that God did not will this to be done, and that God would rather have been obeyed if it had not been done, since he had shown both in Abraham's son (See Gen 22:12) and in the prohibition of the Law that he did not will this. Nevertheless, if Jephthah had not done it for this reason, he would have seemed rather to have spared his only daughter than to have followed God's will. Rather, then, he understood in the fact that his daughter met him that God was the avenger, and he faithfully submitted himself to a just penalty, fearing a fiercer retribution, as it were, for evasion.
QsHept.7.49.15
Credebat enim etiam bonae et virginis animam filiae bene recipi, quod non seipsa voverat immolandam, sed voto et voluntati non restiterat patris, et Dei fuerat secuta iudicium. Mors enim sicut nec sibi a quoquam sponte nec cuiquam sponte inferenda est; ita Deo iubente recusanda non est, cuius constitutione quocumque tempore subeunda est: nec quisquam qui eam perpeti detrectat, ut omnino evitetur, sed tantummodo ut differatur, laborat.
For he believed that the soul of his good and virgin daughter would be well received, since she had not vowed herself to be immolated but had not resisted her father's vow and will, and had followed the judgment of God. For death, just as it is not to be inflicted by anyone of his own accord either on himself or on anyone else, so it is not to be refused when God commands, since by his appointment it must be undergone at one time or another; nor does anyone who shrinks from enduring it labor to avoid it altogether, but only to defer it.
QsHept.7.49.15
49. 16. Nunc iam quid Spiritus Domini, sive per nescientem Iephte sive per scientem, sive per eius imprudentiam sive per obedientiam, sive per offensionem sive per fidem, in hac re gesta praefiguraverit, quantum Deus adiuvat, requiramus, breviterque pendamus. Admonet enim nos et urget quodam modo iste Sanctarum Scripturarum locus cogitare quemdam potentem virtute. Talis enim dicitur Iephte, quod nomen interpretatur "aperiens." Dominus autem Christus, sicut indicat Evangelium (Cf. Lc 24, 27) discipulis suis aperuit sensum, ut intellegerent Scripturas (Lc 24, 45).
49. 16. Now let us inquire, as far as God helps, and briefly weigh, what the Spirit of the Lord prefigured in this deed—whether through Jephthah unknowing or knowing, whether through his imprudence or his obedience, whether through his offense or his faith. For this passage of the Holy Scriptures admonishes us and in a way urges us to think of a certain man mighty in strength. For such is Jephthah said to be, whose name is interpreted "one who opens." But the Lord Christ, as the Gospel indicates (See Luke 24:27), opened the understanding of his disciples, that they might understand the Scriptures (Luke 24:45).
QsHept.7.49.16
Hunc Iephte fratres eius reprobaverunt, et de paterna domo expulerunt, obiicientes ei quod esset filius fornicariae (Cf. Iudc 11, 2-3), tamquam ipsi essent de uxore legitima nati. Hoc etiam egerunt adversus Dominum principes sacerdotum et Scribae et Pharisaei, qui de Legis observatione gloriari videbantur, tamquam ille solveret Legem (Cf. Io 8, 41), et ideo veluti non esset legitimus filius. Et quamquam de sancta quidem Virgine corpus assumpserat, quod fidelibus notum est; tamen eius mater, quantum ad gentem pertinet, etiam illa Iudaica synagoga dici potest.
This Jephthah his brothers rejected and drove out of their father's house, casting it in his face that he was the son of a harlot (See Judg 11:2-3), as though they themselves were born of a lawful wife. The chief priests and the scribes and the Pharisees did this same thing against the Lord, who seemed to glory in their observance of the Law, as though he were dissolving the Law (See John 8:41), and therefore were as it were not a lawful son. And although he had indeed taken his body from the holy Virgin, which is known to the faithful, yet his mother, as far as the nation is concerned, can also be called that Jewish synagogue.
QsHept.7.49.16
Revolvat qui voluerit propheticos Libros, et videat quoties et quanta verbi severitate atque indignatione Domini, illa gens velut impudica mulier de suis fornicationibus arguatur. Unde est etiam illud in hoc libro recentissimum, vel cum post ephud quod fecit Gedeon, omnis Israel legitur fornicatus (Cf. Iudc 8, 27), vel quod abierunt post deos gentium quibus erant circumdati (Cf. Iudc 8, 33). Unde in illos divina ira commota est, ut per annos decem et octo contererentur a filiis Ammon (Cf. Iudc 10, 6-8). S
Let whoever wishes turn over the prophetic books and see how often and with how great severity and indignation of the Lord's word that nation, like an unchaste woman, is reproached for its fornications. Hence comes that most recent instance in this book, whether when, after the ephod that Gideon made, all Israel is said to have committed fornication (See Judg 8:27), or when they went after the gods of the nations by whom they were surrounded (See Judg 8:33). Hence the divine anger was stirred against them, so that for eighteen years they were crushed by the sons of Ammon (See Judg 10:6-8).
QsHept.7.49.16
ed numquid non ex eadem gente Israel etiam illi nati erant sacerdotes, et Scribae, et Pharisaei, quos in eis diximus fuisse praefiguratos, qui Iephte, tamquam isti Dominum Christum, veluti non legitimum filium persecuti expulerunt? Sed in eo similitudo adumbrata est, quod isti, ut dixi, veluti Legis observatores, eum qui contra praecepta Legis facere videbatur, tamquam legitimi non legitimum, iure sibi visi sunt eiecisse. Secundum hoc enim plebs illa dicta est fornicari, quod Legis praecepta non servans, tamquam viro non exhibebat fidem.
But were not those priests and scribes and Pharisees, whom we have said were prefigured in them, themselves born of the same nation of Israel—they who, like the others persecuting and driving out the Lord Christ as not a lawful son, drove out Jephthah? But in this the likeness is sketched out, that these men, as I said, being as it were observers of the Law, seemed to themselves to have justly cast out, as lawful sons casting out one not lawful, the man who seemed to act against the precepts of the Law. For in this respect that people is said to commit fornication, in that, not keeping the precepts of the Law, it did not, as it were, show fidelity to its husband.
QsHept.7.49.16
49. 17. Sic autem scriptum est de Iephte: et creverunt filii uxoris, et eiecerunt Iephte (Iudc 11, 2). Verbum quod positum est: creverunt, significat in figura: "praevaluerunt": quod in Iudaeis impletum est, qui praevaluerunt infirmitati Christi, quia ita voluit, ut ab eis quae oportebat passione perferret; sicut hoc idem significans Iacob praevaluit angelo, cum quo ut idipsum portenderet luctabatur (Cf. Gen 32, 24-28).
49. 17. Now it is written thus of Jephthah: and the sons of the wife grew up, and they cast out Jephthah (Judg 11:2). The word that is used, grew up, signifies figuratively "prevailed"; which was fulfilled in the Jews, who prevailed over the weakness of Christ, because he so willed it, that he might endure from them the suffering that was fitting—just as, signifying this same thing, Jacob prevailed over the angel with whom he wrestled in order to portend this very thing (See Gen 32:24-28).
QsHept.7.49.17
Dixerunt ergo ad Iephte: non haereditabis in domo patris nostri, quoniam filius mulieris fornicariae tu (Iudc 11, 2). Tamquam dicerent quod Evangelium loquitur: non est iste homo a Deo, qui sic solvit Sabbatum (Io 9, 16): se autem velut iactantes legitimos filios Domino dixerunt: nos ex fornicatione non sumus nati; unum patrem habemus Deum (Io 8, 41).
They said therefore to Jephthah: you shall not inherit in our father's house, because you are the son of a harlot woman (Judg 11:2). As though they said what the Gospel speaks: this man is not from God, who thus breaks the Sabbath (John 9:16); while they themselves, as it were boasting of being lawful sons, said to the Lord: we were not born of fornication; we have one Father, God (John 8:41).
QsHept.7.49.17
Et fugit Iephte a facie fratrum suorum, et habitavit in terra Tob (Iudc 11, 3). Fugit, quoniam se quantus esset abscondit; fugit, quoniam eos saevientes latuit: si enim cognovissent, nunquam Dominum gloriae crucifixissent (1 Cor 2, 8). Fugit, quoniam morientis infirmitatem viderunt, virtutem autem resurgentis non viderunt. Habitavit autem in terra bona, vel, ut expressius dicamus, optima. Quod enim Graece ἀγαθόν, hoc Latine "optimum" dicitur: id autem interpretatur Tob. Ubi mihi videtur intellegenda eius a mortuis resurrectio. Nam quae terra magis opima, quam terrenum corpus excellentia immortalitatis et incorruptionis indutum (1 Cor 15, 53-54)?
And Jephthah fled from the face of his brothers, and dwelt in the land of Tob (Judg 11:3). He fled, because he hid how great he was; he fled, because he lay hidden from those who raged against him: for had they known, they would never have crucified the Lord of glory (1 Cor 2:8). He fled, because they saw the weakness of the one dying, but did not see the power of the one rising again. But he dwelt in a good land—or, to put it more precisely, a best land. For what is in Greek agathon is in Latin called "best"; and this is what Tob is interpreted to mean. Here it seems to me his resurrection from the dead is to be understood. For what land is more rich than an earthly body clothed with the excellence of immortality and incorruption (1 Cor 15:53-54)?
QsHept.7.49.17
49. 18. Quod autem dicitur de Iephte, quia posteaquam fugiens a facie fratrum suorum habitavit in terra Tob, colligebantur ad eum viri latrones, et obambulabant cum ipso (Iudc 11, 3); quamquam et ante passionem obiectum fuerit Domino, quod cum publicanis et peccatoribus manducaret, quando respondit, non esse necessarium sanis medicum, sed aegrotis (Cf. Mt 9, 11-12); et inter iniquos deputatus est (Isa 53, 12), quando inter latrones crucifixus est, et unum ex eis de cruce in paradisum transtulit (Cf. Lc 23, 33. 43): tamen posteaquam resurrexit, et esse coepit, secundum id quod supra exposuimus, in terra Tob, collecti sunt ad illum scelerati homines propter remissionem peccatorum; qui cum illo ambulabant, quia secundum eius praecepta vivebant. Neque hoc fieri desinit usque nunc, et deinceps, quousque ad eum confugiunt mali, ut iustificet impios qui ad eum convertuntur, et discant iniqui vias eius (Cf. Ps 50, 15).
49. 18. As for what is said of Jephthah, that after he fled from the face of his brothers and dwelt in the land of Tob, robber men gathered to him and went about with him (Judg 11:3)—although even before his suffering it was cast in the Lord's face that he ate with tax collectors and sinners, when he answered that the healthy do not need a physician but the sick do (See Matt 9:11-12), and he was reckoned among the wicked (Isa 53:12), when he was crucified among robbers, and carried one of them from the cross into paradise (See Luke 23:33, 43)—yet after he rose again and began to be, according to what we expounded above, in the land of Tob, wicked men were gathered to him for the remission of sins; and they walked with him, because they lived according to his precepts. Nor does this cease to happen even now, and henceforth, so long as the wicked flee to him, that he may justify the impious who turn to him, and that the unjust may learn his ways (See Ps 51:13 (50:15)).
QsHept.7.49.18
49. 19. Iam illud, quod hi qui abiecerant Iephte (erat enim Galaadites), conversi sunt ad eum, et quaesiverunt eum, per quem liberarentur ab inimicis suis; quam clara praefiguratione significat, quod hi qui abiecerunt Christum, ad eum rursus conversi, in illo reperiunt salutem! Sive illi intellegantur quos Petrus Apostolus cum de ipso scelere arguisset, sicut in Actibus Apostolorum legitur (Cf. Act 2, 22-37), et hortatus esset ut ad eum converterentur, quem fuerant persecuti, compuncti sunt corde, et ab illo quem a se alienaverant, desideraverunt salutem (quid est autem liberari ab inimicis, nisi a peccatis? sic enim illis ait: agite poenitentiam, et baptizetur unusquisque vestrum in nomine Domini Iesu Christi; et remittentur vobis peccata vestra (Act 2, 38): sive illa potius significetur, quae in fine speratur vocatio gentis Israel (Cf. Rom 11, 25-26).
49. 19. Now that—those who had cast out Jephthah (for he was a Gileadite) turned to him and sought him out, that through him they might be delivered from their enemies—with how clear a prefiguration it signifies that those who cast out Christ, turning again to him, find salvation in him! Whether those are understood whom the Apostle Peter, when he had reproached them for that very crime, as is read in the Acts of the Apostles (See Acts 2:22-37), and had exhorted them to turn to him whom they had persecuted, were pricked in their heart, and from him whom they had estranged from themselves they desired salvation (for what is it to be delivered from enemies but from sins? for thus he says to them: repent, and let each one of you be baptized in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and your sins will be forgiven you (Acts 2:38)); or whether rather that calling of the nation of Israel is signified which is hoped for at the end (See Rom 11:25-26).
QsHept.7.49.19
Magis quippe ipsa videtur apparere in eo quod dicitur: et factum est post dies (Iudc 11, 4): quod utique "post tempus" significat; et per hoc insinuat non illud intellegendum quod recenti Domini passione est, sed quod postea futurum est. Quo videtur etiam id pertinere, quod seniores Galaad venerunt ad Iephte (Cf. Iudc 11, 5-10), ut per aetatem senilem posteriora et novissima tempora accipienda sint. Interpretatur autem Galaad "abiiciens," sive "revelatio." Quorum utrumque satis apte huic rei congruit; quia primo Dominum Christum abiecerunt, eisque postea revelabitur.
For this latter seems rather to appear in what is said: and it came to pass after some days (Judg 11:4); which certainly signifies "after a time," and through this suggests that we are to understand not what is at the recent suffering of the Lord, but what is to be in the future. To this also seems to pertain the fact that the elders of Gilead came to Jephthah (See Judg 11:5-10), so that by their elderly age the later and last times are to be understood. Now Gilead is interpreted "casting out," or "revelation." Both of these fit this matter aptly enough; because first they cast out the Lord Christ, and afterward he will be revealed to them.
QsHept.7.49.19
49. 20. Quod vero contra filios Ammon dux quaerebatur Iephte (Cf. Iudc 11, 6), quibus victis liberarentur, qui eo duce adversus illos bellare cupiebant, quoniam interpretatur Ammon "filius populi mei," sive "populus moeroris"; profecto aut illi significantur inimici, qui ex ipsa gente perseverantes in infidelitate praedicti sunt; aut omnino omnes gehennae praedestinati, ubi erit eis fletus et stridor dentium (Mt 25, 30), tamquam populo moeroris. Quamquam populus moeroris, etiam diabolus et angeli eius non inconvenienter intelleguntur; sive quia aeternam miseriam eis quos decipiunt acquirunt; sive quia et ipsi aeternae miseriae deputati sunt.
49. 20. As for the fact that Jephthah was sought as leader against the sons of Ammon (See Judg 11:6), by whose defeat those would be delivered who under his leadership desired to make war against them—since Ammon is interpreted "son of my people," or "people of grief"—surely either those enemies are signified who, persevering in unbelief out of that very nation, were foretold; or else all those predestined to hell altogether, where there will be for them weeping and gnashing of teeth (Matt 25:30), as for a people of grief. Although as a people of grief even the devil and his angels are not unfittingly understood; either because they win eternal misery for those they deceive, or because they themselves are assigned to eternal misery.
QsHept.7.49.20
49. 21. Eleganter sane, ad exprimendam multo evidentius prophetiam, Iephte respondit senioribus Galaad: nonne vos odio habuistis me, et eiecistis me de domo patris mei, et emisistis me a vobis? et quid est quod venistis, quando tribulati estis? (Iudc 11, 7) Tale aliquid figuratum est in Ioseph, quem fratres vendentes abiecerunt (Cf. Gen 37, 38); et cum fame tribularentur, ad eius opem misericordiamque conversi sunt (Cf. Gen 42, 44). Hic vero multo amplius elucet significatio futurorum, quod non ipsi prorsus fratres qui eiecerunt Iephte, ad eum venerunt; sed Galaad seniores pro universo illo populo eidem supplicantes. Sicut eadem gens dicitur Israel, sive in eis qui tunc fuerunt, Christumque reprobaverunt, sive in eis qui ad eius opem postea reversi sunt. Populo enim dicitur inimico, sive in maioribus sive in posteris suis longa odia trahenti atque servanti, tandemque converso in eis qui tunc convertendi sunt: nonne vos odio habuistis me, et eiecistis me de domo patris mei? Hoc enim eis visum est qui persecuti sunt, quod eiecerunt Christum de domo David, in qua regni eius non erit finis (Lc 1, 33).
49. 21. Elegantly indeed, to express the prophecy much more clearly, Jephthah answered the elders of Gilead: did you not hate me, and cast me out of my father's house, and send me away from you? And what is it that you have come, now that you are in tribulation? (Judg 11:7) Something like this was figured in Joseph, whom his brothers cast out by selling him (See Gen 37:28); and when they were afflicted by famine, they turned to his aid and mercy (See Gen 42-44). But here the signification of things to come shines forth much more, in that it was not the very brothers who cast out Jephthah that came to him, but the elders of Gilead supplicating him on behalf of that whole people. Just as the same nation is called Israel, whether in those who lived then and rejected Christ, or in those who afterward returned for his aid. For it is said to the enemy people, dragging out and keeping long hatreds whether in its forefathers or in its descendants, and at last converted in those who are then to be converted: did you not hate me, and cast me out of my father's house? For this seemed so to those who persecuted, that they cast Christ out of the house of David, in which of his kingdom there will be no end (Luke 1:33).
QsHept.7.49.21
49. 22. Et dixerunt seniores Galaad ad Iephte: 'non sic modo venimus ad te (Iudc 11, 8).' Tamquam dicerent Iudaei conversi ad Christum: "tunc venimus ut persequeremur, modo venimus ut sequamur." Profitentur etiam adversus inimicos eum futurum sibi caput. Respondet ille, si eorum vicerit inimicos, quod erit eis in principem (Cf. Iudc 11, 8-9): quod Gedeon noluit, cum id Israelitae voluissent (Cf. Iudc 11, 8-9). Respondit quippe illis: princeps vester Dominus erit (Iudc 8, 23). Rex enim nomine principis significatur: quod nondum habebat gens illa tempore Iudicum. Coeperunt autem habere Saulem (Cf. 1 Reg 10, 1) et deinceps successores eius alios, qui in libris Regnorum leguntur. Nam in Deuteronomio cum eis praecipitur qualem debeant habere regem, si hoc eis placuerit, non ibi rex, sed princeps appellatur (Cf. Deut 17, 14 e Quaest. 5, 26).
49. 22. And the elders of Gilead said to Jephthah, 'It is not so; we have now come to you (Judg 11:8).' As though the Jews, converted to Christ, said: "then we came to persecute, now we come to follow." They profess also that he will be their head against their enemies. He answers that, if he conquers their enemies, he will be their prince (See Judg 11:8-9)—which Gideon refused when the Israelites had wished it (See Judg 11:8-9). For he answered them: the Lord shall be your prince (Judg 8:23). For by the name "prince" a king is signified, which that nation did not yet have in the time of the Judges. But they began to have Saul (See 1 Sam 10:1) and thereafter his other successors, who are read of in the books of Kingdoms. For in Deuteronomy, when it is commanded them what sort of king they ought to have, if it should please them, there he is called not king but prince (See Deut 17:14 and QQ. in Hept. 5.26).
QsHept.7.49.21
Sed quia iste Iephte illum figurabat, qui verus est rex, quod etiam in titulo scriptum fuit, qui cruci eius affixus est, quem Pilatus delere vel emendare non ausus est (Cf. Io 19, 19-22); ideo credendum est esse dictum: ero vobis in principem (Iudc 11, 9). Illi autem dixerant: eris nobis in caput (Iudc 11, 8): quoniam caput viri Christus (1 Cor 11, 3), et ipse est caput corporis Ecclesiae (Cf. Eph 5, 23).
But because this Jephthah figured the one who is the true king—which was even written in the title affixed to his cross, which Pilate did not dare to delete or amend (See John 19:19-22)—therefore it must be believed that it was said: I will be your prince (Judg 11:9). They, however, had said, you shall be our head (Judg 11:8); since the head of the man is Christ (1 Cor 11:3), and he himself is the head of the body, the Church (See Eph 5:23).
QsHept.7.49.21
Denique posteaquam eos liberavit Iephte ab omnibus inimicis, non eis factus est rex, ut intellegeremus, illud quod dictum est, ad prophetiam potius pertinuisse de Christo, quam ad ipsum proprie Iephte, de quo Scriptura narrationem ita concludit: et iudicavit Iephte Israel sex annis, et mortuus est Iephte Galaadites, et sepultus est in civitate sua Galaad (Iudc 12, 7). Iudicavit ergo Israel sicut caeteri Iudices: non ibi regnavit ut princeps, sicut hi qui Regnorum voluminibus continentur.
Finally, after Jephthah had delivered them from all their enemies, he did not become king over them, so that we might understand that what was said pertained rather to the prophecy concerning Christ than properly to Jephthah himself, of whom Scripture thus concludes its narrative: and Jephthah judged Israel six years, and Jephthah the Gileadite died, and was buried in his city, Gilead (Judg 12:7). He judged Israel, then, like the other Judges; he did not reign there as a prince, like those who are contained in the volumes of Kingdoms.
QsHept.7.49.21
49. 23. Iam vero quod posteaquam eis idem Iephte dux constitutus est, misit nuntios ad hostes prius pacis verba portantes (Cf. Iudc 11, 11), illud ostenditur quod ait Apostolus, in quo Christus loquebatur: si fieri potest, quod ex vobis est, cum omnibus hominibus pacem habentes (Rom 12, 18). Verba porro ipsa quae mandavit Iephte, omnia pertractare nimis longum est, festinantibus nobis: videntur tamen mihi sic intellegenda, quantum attinet ad significationem futurorum, ut in eis advertatur doctrina Christi, admonens nos quemadmodum sit ambulandum, hoc est, vivendum inter eos qui non secundum propositum vocati sunt (Cf. Rom 8, 28). Novit enim Dominus qui sunt eius (2 Tim 2, 19).
49. 23. Now indeed, as for the fact that after the same Jephthah was set up as their leader, he sent messengers to the enemies bearing words of peace first (See Judg 11:11), this shows what the Apostle says, in whom Christ was speaking: if it is possible, so far as it depends on you, be at peace with all men (Rom 12:18). To treat in full the very words that Jephthah sent would take too long, since we are hastening on; yet they seem to me to be understood thus, so far as concerns the signification of things to come, that in them is noticed the teaching of Christ, admonishing us how we ought to walk—that is, to live—among those who are not called according to the purpose (See Rom 8:28). For the Lord knows those who are his (2 Tim 2:19).
QsHept.7.49.23
49. 24. Iam vero quod cum esset debellaturus inimicos, factus est super eum Spiritus Domini (Cf. Iudc 11, 29), significatur Spiritus sanctus impertitus membris Christi.
49. 24. Now indeed, as for the fact that when he was about to make war on his enemies, the Spirit of the Lord came upon him (See Judg 11:29), the Holy Spirit imparted to the members of Christ is signified.
QsHept.7.49.24
49. 25. Quod autem pertransiit Galaad et Manasse, et transiit speculam Galaad, et ab specula Galaad ad trans filios Ammon (Iudc 11, 29), proficientia significantur membra Christi ad victoriam de inimicis reportandam. Galaad quippe interpretatur "abiiciens," Manasse "necessitas." Transeundi sunt ergo a proficientibus abiicientes, id est contemnentes: transeunda et "necessitas," ne forte cum transierit qui proficit contemnentes, cedat terrentibus.
49. 25. As for the fact that he passed through Gilead and Manasseh, and passed by the watchtower of Gilead, and from the watchtower of Gilead over to the sons of Ammon (Judg 11:29), the members of Christ are signified advancing to carry off the victory over their enemies. For Gilead is interpreted "casting out," Manasseh "necessity." Those who cast out, that is, those who despise, must therefore be passed by those who advance; and "necessity" too must be passed, lest perchance, when the one who advances has passed those who despise, he should yield to those who terrify.
QsHept.7.49.25
Transeunda etiam specula Galaad, quoniam Galaad etiam "revelatio" interpretatur. Est autem specula altitudo ad prospiciendum, vel despiciendum, id est desuper aspiciendum. Specula itaque Galaad congruenter mihi videtur significare superbiam revelationis: unde dicit Apostolus: et in magnitudine revelationum ne extollar (2 Cor 12, 7). Ergo et ipsa transeunda est, id est, non est in ea manendum propter cadendi periculum. His pertransitis, facile superantur inimici: quod significat dicendo: et ab specula Galaad transiit ad filios Ammon, de quibus inimicis iam supra dictum est.
Also the watchtower of Gilead must be passed, since Gilead is also interpreted "revelation." Now a watchtower is a height for looking out from, or for looking down from, that is, for viewing from above. And so the watchtower of Gilead seems to me fittingly to signify the pride of revelation; whence the Apostle says: and lest I be exalted by the greatness of the revelations (2 Cor 12:7). Therefore this too must be passed, that is, one must not remain in it, because of the danger of falling. When these have been passed through, the enemies are easily overcome; which he signifies by saying, and from the watchtower of Gilead he passed over to the sons of Ammon, concerning which enemies enough has already been said above.
QsHept.7.49.25
49. 26. Et vovit Iephte votum, et dixit: 'si traditione tradideris mihi filios Ammon in manu mea, et erit quicumque exierit de ianuis domus meae in obviam mihi in revertendo me in pace a filiis Ammon, et erit Domino, et offeram eum holocaustoma (Iudc 11, 30-31).' Quemlibet in hoc loco cogitaverit Iephte secundum cogitationem humanam, non videtur unicam filiam cogitasse; alioquin non diceret, cum illam cerneret occurrisse: heu me, filia mea, impedisti me; in offendiculum facta es in oculis meis (Iudc 11, 35). Impedisti enim ita dictum est, tamquam ad hoc se impeditum indicaverit, ne illud quod cogitarat impleret. Sed quem potuit cogitare primitus occurrentem, qui filios alios non habebat? An coniugem cogitavit, et ut hoc fieret Deus noluit, et ut non relinqueret impunitum, ne quis deinceps id auderet; et ut magna providentia, ex hoc quoque ipso quod accidit, sacramentum Ecclesiae figuraret?
49. 26. And Jephthah vowed a vow and said, 'If you indeed deliver the sons of Ammon into my hand, then whoever comes out of the doors of my house to meet me when I return in peace from the sons of Ammon shall belong to the Lord, and I will offer him up as a burnt offering (Judg 11:30-31).' Whomever Jephthah thought of in this place according to human reckoning, he does not seem to have thought of his only daughter; otherwise he would not say, when he saw that she had met him, Alas, my daughter, you have brought me low; you have become a stumbling block in my eyes (Judg 11:35). For you have brought me low is said as though to indicate that he was hindered in this, that he might not fulfill what he had intended. But whom could he have thought of as the first to meet him, who had no other children? Or did he think of his wife, and God did not will this to be done, and willed not to leave it unpunished, lest anyone thereafter should dare it; and willed, by his great providence, from this very thing that happened to figure the mystery of the Church?
QsHept.7.49.25
Ex utroque igitur prophetia coaptata est; et ex eo quod vovens cogitavit, et ex eo quod nolenti contigit. Si enim coniugem cogitavit, coniux Christi Ecclesia est. Propterea relinquet homo patrem et matrem, et adhaerebit uxori suae; et erunt duo in carne una. Sacramentum hoc magnum est, inquit Apostolus, ego autem dico in Christo et in Ecclesia (Eph 5, 31-32).
From both, then, the prophecy has been fitted together: both from what the one vowing thought, and from what befell him against his will. For if he thought of his wife, the wife of Christ is the Church. For this reason a man will leave father and mother and will cleave to his wife, and the two will be one flesh. This is a great mystery, says the Apostle; but I speak of Christ and of the Church (Eph 5:31-32).
QsHept.7.49.25
Sed quia huius Iephte coniux virgo esse non potuit, in eo quod filia potius occurrit, et inulta non remansit prohibitum sacrificium voventis audacia, et virginitas Ecclesiae figurata est. Nec abhorret a vero, quod filiae nomine eadem significatur Ecclesia: nam cuius alterius typum gerebat etiam illa mulier, cui post tactam fimbriam suam sanatae, ait Dominus: filia, fides tua te salvam fecit; vade in pace (Mt 9, 20-22)?
But because this Jephthah's wife could not be a virgin, in the fact that his daughter rather met him both the forbidden boldness of the one vowing the sacrifice did not remain unavenged, and the virginity of the Church was figured. Nor is it foreign to the truth that the same Church is signified by the name "daughter"; for whose type else did that woman bear, to whom, after she had touched his hem and been healed, the Lord said: daughter, your faith has made you well; go in peace (Matt 9:20-22)?
QsHept.7.49.25
Et certe, unde nullus ambigit, discipulos suos ipse sponsi filios appellavit, se apertissime indicans sponsum: non possunt, inquit, ieiunare filii sponsi, quamdiu cum illis est sponsus; venient autem dies cum auferetur ab eis sponsus, et tunc ieiunabunt (Mt 9, 15). Holocaustoma ergo erit Ecclesia, quam virginem castam beatus Apostolus appellat (Cf. 2 Cor 11, 2), quando in resurrectione mortuorum fiet in universa, quod scriptum est: absorpta est mors in victoriam (1 Cor 15, 54). Tunc tradet regnum Deo et Patri (1 Cor 15, 24).
And surely—a point about which no one is in doubt—he himself called his disciples the sons of the bridegroom, indicating most plainly that he was the bridegroom: the sons of the bridegroom, he says, cannot fast as long as the bridegroom is with them; but the days will come when the bridegroom is taken away from them, and then they will fast (Matt 9:15). The burnt offering, then, will be the Church, whom the blessed Apostle calls a chaste virgin (See 2 Cor 11:2), when in the resurrection of the dead there shall come to pass in her entirety what is written: death is swallowed up in victory (1 Cor 15:54). Then he will hand over the kingdom to God and the Father (1 Cor 15:24).
QsHept.7.49.25
Quod regnum ipsa Ecclesia est, rex ipse cuius figuram vovens ille gestabat. Sed quoniam tunc fiet, cum completa fuerit sexta aetas saeculi, ideo sexaginta dierum a virginitate dilatio postulata est (Cf. Iudc 11, 37). Ex omnibus quippe aetatibus Ecclesia congregatur. Quarum prima est, ab Adam usque ad diluvium: secunda a diluvio, id est, a Noe usque ad Abraham: tertia ab Abraham usque ad David: quarta a David usque ad transmigrationem in Babyloniam: quinta ab hac transmigratione usque ad Virginis partum: sexta inde usque in huius saeculi finem. Per quas sex aetates tamquam per sexaginta dies flevit sancta virgo Ecclesia virginalia sua: quia licet virginalia, tamen fuerant peccata deflenda; propter quae universa ipsa virgo toto orbe diffusa quotidie dicit: dimitte nobis debita nostra (Mt 6, 12). Eosdem autem sexaginta dies, duos menses maluit appellare, quantum existimo, propter duos homines; unum per quem mors, alterum per quem resurrectio mortuorum (Cf. 1 Cor 15, 21); propter quos etiam duo Testamenta dicuntur.
Which kingdom is the Church itself; the king is he himself, whose figure the one vowing bore. But since this will come to pass when the sixth age of the world has been completed, therefore the delay of sixty days was requested from her virginity (See Judg 11:37). For the Church is gathered out of all the ages. Of these the first is from Adam to the flood; the second from the flood, that is, from Noah, to Abraham; the third from Abraham to David; the fourth from David to the migration into Babylon; the fifth from this migration to the childbearing of the Virgin; the sixth from then to the end of this world. Through these six ages, as through sixty days, the holy virgin Church wept over her virginal things; for although they were virginal, they were nevertheless sins to be lamented, on account of which that whole virgin spread throughout the world says daily: forgive us our debts (Matt 6:12). But these same sixty days she preferred to call two months, as I judge, on account of the two men: the one through whom came death, the other through whom comes the resurrection of the dead (See 1 Cor 15:21); on whose account also there are said to be two Testaments.
QsHept.7.49.25
49. 27. Quod vero factum est in praecepto in Israel, ex diebus in dies conveniebant lamentari filiam Iephte Galaaditem, quatuor dies in anno (Iudc 11, 39-40): non puto significare aliquid post impletum holocaustoma, quod erit in vitam aeternam; sed praeterita tempora Ecclesiae, in quibus erant beati lugentes (Cf. Mt 5, 4). Quatriduo autem figurata est eius universitas, propter quatuor partes orbis, per quas longe lateque diffusa est. Ad historiae vero proprietatem, non arbitror hoc decrevisse Israelitas, nisi quia intellegebant in ea re iudicium Dei magis ad percutiendum patrem fuisse depromptum, ne tale vovere sacrificium deinceps ullus auderet. Nam quare luctus et lamentatio decerneretur, si votum illud laetitiae fuit?
49. 27. As for what became a custom in Israel, that from days to days they came together to lament the daughter of Jephthah the Gileadite, four days in the year (Judg 11:39-40): I do not think it signifies anything after the burnt offering is completed, which will be unto eternal life, but the past times of the Church, in which there were the blessed who mourn (See Matt 5:4). By the four days her universality was figured, on account of the four parts of the world, through which she is spread far and wide. But as for the literal sense of the history, I do not think the Israelites decreed this except because they understood that in this matter the judgment of God had been brought forth rather to strike the father, lest anyone thereafter should dare to vow such a sacrifice. For why would mourning and lamentation be decreed, if that vow was a matter of joy?
QsHept.7.49.27
49. 28. Si autem et illud, quod populus Ephraem postea ab eodem Iephte debellatus est (Cf. Iudc 12, 4-6), ad iudicium Dei, quod erit in fine, referendum est, sicut ipse Dominus dicit: eos qui noluerunt me regnare sibi, adducite et interficite coram me (Lc 19, 27); nec ibi quadraginta duo millia, quae ceciderunt, vacanti numero commemorata sunt (Cf. Iudc 12, 6). Sicut enim illi duo menses propter sexaginta dies senarium numerum sex aetatum significant: ita et ibi sexies septenarius ductus hoc idem figurat, quantum ad sex aetates saeculi pertinet; sexies enim septeni quadraginta duo sunt. Nec frustra et ipse Iephte sex annis populum iudicavit (Cf. Iudc 12, 7).
49. 28. But if that too—that the people of Ephraim were afterward defeated by the same Jephthah (See Judg 12:4-6)—is to be referred to the judgment of God that will be at the end, as the Lord himself says: those who did not wish me to reign over them, bring here and slay before me (Luke 19:27); then neither there were the forty-two thousand who fell mentioned as an idle number (See Judg 12:6). For just as those two months, on account of the sixty days, signify the number six of the six ages, so there too seven taken six times figures this same thing, so far as it pertains to the six ages of the world; for six sevens are forty-two. Nor was it in vain that Jephthah himself judged the people for six years (See Judg 12:7).
QsHept.7.49.28
Quomodo praecipiatur matri Samsonis ne manducet quid immundum sit.
How Samson's mother is commanded not to eat anything unclean.
50. (13, 4) Quaeri potest quomodo dixerit angelus ad matrem Samson, cum annuntiaret ei filium futurum, quia sterilis erat: et nunc observa, et non bibas vinum et siceram, non manduces omne immundum. Quid est enim immundum? nisi forte dissolutio disciplinae, quae esse coeperat in Israel, etiam ad ea manducanda eos labefecerat, quae prohibuerat Deus in generibus animalium (Cf. Deut 14, 3 ss). Cur enim non credatur etiam hoc eos multo proclivius facere potuisse, qui etiam ad cultum idolorum transgrediebantur?
50. (13:4) It can be asked how the angel said to Samson's mother, when he announced to her that she would have a son, since she was barren: and now take heed, and do not drink wine and strong drink, and do not eat anything unclean. For what is the unclean thing? Unless perhaps the dissolution of discipline, which had begun to exist in Israel, had brought them down even to eating those things that God had forbidden among the kinds of animals (See Deut 14:3-21). For why should it not be believed that they could do this all the more readily, who were even going over to the worship of idols?
QsHept.7.49.28
Quomodo mater Samsonis plura dicat sibi dicta ab angelo.
How Samson's mother says more things were spoken to her by the angel.
51. (13, 6) Quod mater Samson viro suo indicans quemadmodum illi angelus annuntiaverit filium futurum, dixit: et interrogabam eum unde esset, et nomen suum non annuntiavit mihi, quaeri potest utrum verum dixerit; quoniam hoc non legitur, cum ei angelus loqueretur. Sed intellegendum est hoc ibi Scripturam tacuisse, hic autem commemorasse quod ibi tacuerat. Illud etiam quod non ait: "interrogavi eum quid vocaretur, et nomen suum non annuntiavit mihi," sed ait: interrogavi unde esset; videtur inconsequens quod addidit, et nomen suum non annuntiavit mihi. Non enim nomen eius interrogaverat, cum quaereret unde esset, sed locum vel civitatem, cum hominem putaret. Nam et hominem Dei eum appellavit, specie tamen vel habitu angelo similem, hoc est, quia tam praeclarum vidit, sicut ipsa narravit. Sed si ita distinguatur: et interrogabam eum unde esset, et nomen suum, ut subaudiatur, interrogabam eum, et postea inferatur: non annuntiavit mihi, non habet quaestionem: ad utrumque enim referri potest, quod ait: non annuntiavit mihi, id est, nec unde esset, nec nomen suum.
51. (13:6) As for the fact that Samson's mother, telling her husband how the angel had announced to her that she would have a son, said: and I asked him where he was from, and he did not tell me his name, it can be asked whether she spoke truly, since this is not read when the angel was speaking to her. But it must be understood that Scripture was silent about this there, and recalled here what it had passed over in silence there. As for the fact too that she does not say, "I asked him what he was called, and he did not tell me his name," but says, I asked where he was from, what she added—and he did not tell me his name—seems inconsistent. For she had not asked his name when she asked where he was from, but his place or city, since she thought him a man. For she also called him a man of God, yet like an angel in appearance or bearing—that is, because she saw him so resplendent, as she herself related. But if it is punctuated thus, and I asked him where he was from, and his name, so that "I asked him" is understood, and then there follows, he did not tell me, there is no problem; for what she says, he did not tell me, can be referred to both—that is, neither where he was from nor his name.
QsHept.7.49.28
Quomodo et plura et pauciora recitat quam audivit.
How she recites both more and fewer things than she heard.
52. (13, 7. 5) Item quod ait eadem mulier, dictum sibi esse ab angelo, quoniam Nazaraeus Dei erit puer a ventre usque ad diem mortis suae, non legitur ab angelo dictum. Et quod legitur dictum: ipse incipiet salvum facere Israel de manu Philistiim, non est a muliere commemoratum. Itaque et aliquid non dixit, quod audivit; et tamen nihil credenda est dixisse quod non audivit: sed Scripturam potius non omnia verba angeli posuisse, cum ipsum mulieri loquentem insereret narrationi. Ideo autem dictum est: a ventre usque ad diem mortis suae, quia Nazaraei dicebantur in Lege, ad tempus qui votum habebant, secundum ea quae Scriptura per Moysen praeceperat (Cf. Num 6, 2-21). Unde est hoc, quod huic iussum est ut ferrum non ascenderet in caput eius, et vinum et siceram non biberet. Hoc enim tota vita sua observavit Samson, quod illi qui vocati sunt Nazaraei certis diebus observabant, voventes votumque reddentes.
52. (13:7, 5) Likewise, what the same woman says was told to her by the angel, that the boy will be a Nazirite of God from the womb until the day of his death, is not read as having been said by the angel. And what is read as having been said, he will begin to save Israel from the hand of the Philistines, was not recalled by the woman. And so she both failed to say something that she heard, and yet she must not be believed to have said anything that she did not hear; rather Scripture did not set down all the angel's words when it inserted his speaking to the woman into the narrative. But it was said, from the womb until the day of his death, because in the Law those were called Nazirites who had a vow for a time, according to what Scripture had commanded through Moses (See Num 6:2-21). Hence comes this, that it was commanded him that iron should not go up upon his head, and that he should not drink wine and strong drink. For Samson observed throughout his whole life what those who were called Nazirites observed for certain days, vowing and rendering their vow.
QsHept.7.49.28
Quomodo Manue ignoravit quia angelus Dei est.
How Manoah did not know that he was an angel of God.
53. (13, 15-16) Quod dicit Scriptura: quoniam ignoravit Manue quia angelus Dei est, manifestum est etiam eius uxorem hominem credidisse. Quod ergo ei dixit: vim faciamus tibi nunc, et faciamus in conspectu tuo haedum caprarum, tamquam hominem invitavit, sed ita ut hoc cum illo epularetur, quod sacrificium fecisset. Nam "facere haedum caprarum" non solet dici, nisi cum fit sacrificium. Denique et ille ita respondit: si vim feceris mihi, non manducabo de panibus tuis; ubi ostendit se fuisse ad epulas invitatum.
53. (13:15-16) As for what Scripture says, for Manoah did not know that he was an angel of God, it is clear that his wife too believed him to be a man. So when he said to him, let us detain you now, and let us prepare a kid of the goats before you, he invited him as a man, but in such a way that he might share with him in the meal what he had prepared as a sacrifice. For "to prepare a kid of the goats" is not usually said except when a sacrifice is made. Finally, the angel too answered thus: if you detain me, I will not eat of your bread; wherein he shows that he had been invited to a meal.
QsHept.7.49.28
Deinde addidit: et si feceris holocaustum, Domino offeres illud. Utique ideo dixit: si feceris holocaustum, quia ille dixerat: faciamus in conspectu tuo haedum caprarum. Non autem omne sacrificium holocaustum erat; nam de holocausto non manducabatur, quia totum incendebatur, et ideo vocabatur holocaustum. Sed angelus etiam non manducaturus, holocaustum potius fieri admonuit, non tamen sibi, sed Domino: propter hoc maxime, quia gens Israel illo tempore consueverat, quibuslibet diis falsis sacrificare; unde et tunc offenderat Deum, ut traderetur inimicis per quadraginta annos (Cf. Iudc 13, 1).
Then he added: and if you make a burnt offering, you shall offer it to the Lord. He said, if you make a burnt offering, precisely because Manoah had said, let us prepare a kid of the goats before you. But not every sacrifice was a burnt offering; for of a burnt offering none was eaten, because the whole was burned, and for that reason it was called a holocaust. But the angel, although he too would not eat, admonished that a burnt offering should rather be made—yet not to himself, but to the Lord; chiefly for this reason, because the nation of Israel at that time had grown accustomed to sacrifice to any false gods whatever; whence at that time too it had offended God, so as to be handed over to its enemies for forty years (See Judg 13:1).
QsHept.7.49.28
Quomodo viso angelo dicuntur se Deum vidisse.
How, having seen the angel, they are said to have seen God.
54. (13, 16-23) Quid sibi vult, quod posteaquam manifestatus est Manue et uxori eius angelus, qui cum eis loquebatur, dixit idem Manue uxori suae: morte moriemur, quoniam Deum vidimus; ex illa scilicet Legis sententia, ubi scriptum est: nemo potest faciem meam videre et vivere (Ex 32, 20)? Opinabantur ergo ut homines, Deum se vidisse, tanto utique miraculo facto, quod in igni sacrificii stetit, qui cum illis prius quasi homo loquebatur.
54. (13:16-23) What does it mean that, after the angel who was speaking with them was made manifest to Manoah and his wife, the same Manoah said to his wife: we shall surely die, because we have seen God—from that statement of the Law, namely, where it is written: no one can see my face and live (Ex 33:20)? They supposed, then, as men do, that they had seen God, since so great a miracle had been done, that he stood in the fire of the sacrifice who had before been speaking with them as a man.
QsHept.7.49.28
Sed Deum in angelo, an Deum ipsum angelum appellabant? Sic enim scriptum est: et sumpsit Manue haedum caprarum, et sacrificium; et obtulit super petram Domino mirabilia facienti; et Manue et uxor eius exspectabant. Et factum est dum ascenderet flamma desuper altare ad coelum, et ascendit angelus Domini in flamma. Et Manue uxorque illius exspectabant; et ceciderunt super faciem suam super terram. Et non apposuit ultra angelus Domini apparere ad Manue et ad uxorem eius. Tunc cognovit Manue quoniam angelus Domini est; et dixit Manue ad uxorem suam: 'morte moriemur, quoniam Deum vidimus.'
But did they call God the one in the angel, or did they call the angel himself God? For it is written thus: and Manoah took the kid of the goats, and the offering, and offered it upon the rock to the Lord who works wonders; and Manoah and his wife were watching. And it came to pass, as the flame went up from off the altar toward heaven, the angel of the Lord went up in the flame. And Manoah and his wife were watching, and they fell on their faces to the ground. And the angel of the Lord did not appear again to Manoah and his wife. Then Manoah knew that he was an angel of the Lord; and Manoah said to his wife, 'We shall surely die, because we have seen God.'
QsHept.7.49.28
In his ergo verbis quia non dixit: "morte moriemur, quoniam angelum Domini vidimus," sed: Deum vidimus, oritur quaestio, utrum in angelo intellegebant Deum, an eumdem angelum Deum vocabant. Illud enim tertium, quod Deum putaverant qui erat angelus, dici non potest, apertissime dicente Scriptura: tunc cognovit Manue quoniam angelus Domini est.
In these words, then, since he did not say, "we shall surely die, because we have seen an angel of the Lord," but, we have seen God, a question arises whether they understood God in the angel, or called the same angel God. For that third possibility—that they thought him God who was an angel—cannot be maintained, since Scripture says most plainly: then Manoah knew that he was an angel of the Lord.
QsHept.7.49.28
Sed unde metuebant mortem? Non enim Scriptura in Exodo dixerat: "nemo videt faciem angeli, et vivet," sed: faciem meam dixit, cum Deus loqueretur. An et in hoc ipso quod in angeli praesentia Deum cognoverat Manue, ita perturbatus est, ut mortem timeret? Quod autem illi uxor sua respondit: si vellet Dominus mortificare nos, non accepisset de manu nostra holocaustoma et sacrificium, nec illuminasset nos omnia haec; sed nec audita fecisset nobis haec: utrum ipsum angelum crediderunt accepisse sacrificium, quia viderunt eum in altaris flamma stetisse? an per hoc intellexerunt accepisse Dominum, quia hoc fecit angelus, ut se ostenderet angelum?
But why did they fear death? For Scripture in Exodus had not said, "no one sees the face of an angel and will live," but said, my face, when God was speaking. Or was it that, in this very thing that Manoah had recognized God in the presence of the angel, he was so disturbed that he feared death? As for what his wife answered him—if the Lord wished to put us to death, he would not have accepted from our hand a burnt offering and a sacrifice, nor would he have shown us all these things; nor indeed would he have made us hear these things—did they believe that the angel himself accepted the sacrifice, because they saw him stand in the flame of the altar? Or did they thereby understand that the Lord had accepted it, because the angel did this in order to show that he was an angel?
QsHept.7.49.28
Quodlibet autem horum sit, iam tamen angelus dixerat: si autem facis holocaustum, Domino offeres illud; hoc est, non mihi, sed Domino. Quod ergo stetit angelus in altaris flamma, magis significasse intellegendus est illum magni consilii angelum (Cf. Isa 9, 6) in forma servi (Cf. Phil 2, 7), hoc est, in homine quem suscepturus erat, non accepturum sacrificium; sed ipsum sacrificium futurum.
But whichever of these it may be, the angel had already said: but if you make a burnt offering, you shall offer it to the Lord—that is, not to me, but to the Lord. The fact, then, that the angel stood in the flame of the altar is to be understood as signifying rather that the angel of great counsel (See Isa 9:6), in the form of a servant (See Phil 2:7)—that is, in the man he was to assume—would not accept a sacrifice, but would himself be the sacrifice.
QsHept.7.49.28
Quomodo dicatur Samson percussisse alienigenas tibiam super femur.
How Samson is said to have struck the foreigners "leg upon thigh."
55. (15, 8. 15) Quid est quod dictum est, quod percussit alienigenas Samson tibiam super femur? Quis enim habet tibiam super femur, cum tibia deorsum versus non sit, nisi a genu usque ad talum? Deinde si locum corporis significaret, ubi eos vulneravit, numquidnam omnes quos percussit, in uno corporis loco fuerant vulnerati? Quod si esset credibile, possemus forsitan suspicari eum pugnasse tibia alicuius animalis tamquam fuste, et ea illos super femur percussisse: sicut de illo scriptum est, quod maxilla asini mille occiderit.
55. (15:8, 15) What does it mean, what is said—that Samson struck the foreigners leg upon thigh? For who has a leg upon a thigh, since the leg is not lower down except from the knee to the ankle? Then, if it signified the place of the body where he wounded them, were all whom he struck wounded in one place of the body? And if this were credible, we might perhaps suspect that he fought with the leg-bone of some animal as with a club, and struck them with it upon the thigh—just as it is written of him that he killed a thousand with the jawbone of an ass.
QsHept.7.49.28
Sed neque illud, ut dixi, credibile est, quod pugnans unum tantum locum observaverit ubi eos percuteret: et non ait Scriptura: "percussit eos tibia super femur," sed tibiam super femur. Nimirum ergo inusitata locutio facit obscuritatem. Ita enim dictum est, ac si diceretur: "percussit eos valde mirabiliter," id est, ut admirando stupentes tibiam super femur ponerent; tibiam scilicet unius pedis super femur alterius, sicut solent sedere, qui mirando stupent. Tamquam si diceretur: "percussit eos manum ad maxillam"; id est, tanta caede, ut manum ad maxillam tristi admiratione ponerent.
But neither is that credible, as I said, that in fighting he aimed at only one place where he struck them; and Scripture does not say, "he struck them with a leg-bone upon the thigh," but a leg upon the thigh. No doubt, then, it is an unusual manner of speaking that produces the obscurity. For it is said as though one were to say, "he struck them most marvelously"—that is, so that, stupefied with wonder, they would set leg upon thigh; namely, the leg of one foot upon the thigh of the other, as those are wont to sit who are stupefied with wonder. As if one were to say, "he struck them hand to cheek"—that is, with such slaughter that they would set hand to cheek in mournful astonishment.
QsHept.7.49.28
Hunc sensum ita se habere etiam interpretatio quae est ex Hebraeo, satis edocet: nam ita legitur: percussit eos ingenti plaga, ita ut stupentes suram femori imponerent. Tale est enim, ac si diceret, "tibiam femori imponerent"; quoniam sura utique retrorsus cum tibia est.
That this is the sense, the translation made from the Hebrew teaches well enough; for it reads thus: he struck them with a mighty blow, so that, stupefied, they set calf upon thigh. For it is the same as if he had said, "they set leg upon thigh"; since the calf is certainly at the back along with the leg.
QsHept.7.49.28
Quod ait Samson viris Iuda: Iurate mihi ne interficiatis me vos...
As for what Samson said to the men of Judah: Swear to me that you yourselves will not kill me . . .
56. (15, 12) Quid est quod ait Samson viris Iuda: iurate mihi ne interficiatis me vos, et tradite me eis, ne forte occurratis in me vos? Quam locutionem ita nonnulli interpretati sunt, ne forte veniatis adversum me vos. Sed hoc eum ne ab his interficeretur dixisse, illud indicat, quod in Regnorum libro scriptum est, iubente Salomone ut homo occideretur, et dicente: vade, occurre illi (3 Reg 2, 29).
56. (15:12) What does it mean, what Samson said to the men of Judah: swear to me that you yourselves will not kill me, and hand me over to them, lest perhaps you yourselves fall upon me? This manner of speaking some have interpreted as, lest perhaps you yourselves come against me. But that he said this lest he be killed by them is shown by what is written in the book of Kingdoms, when Solomon commanded that a man be killed, saying: go, fall upon him (1 Kgs 2:29).
QsHept.7.49.28
Quod ideo non intellegitur, quia non est consuetudinis apud nos ita dici. Sic enim quod militares potestates dicunt: "vade, alleva illum," et significat: "occide illum," quis intellegat, nisi qui illius locutionis consuetudinem novit? Solet et vulgo apud nos dici: "compendiavit illi"; quod est, "occidit illum": et hoc nemo intellegit, nisi qui audire consuevit. Haec est enim vis generalis omnium locutionum, ut quemadmodum ipsae linguae non intellegantur, nisi audiendo vel legendo discantur.
This is not understood because it is not the custom among us to speak so. For when military authorities say, "go, lift him up," and it means, "kill him," who would understand it, unless someone who knows the custom of that manner of speaking? It is also commonly said among us, "he made short work of him," which means, "he killed him"; and no one understands this except one who is accustomed to hearing it. For this is the general force of all manners of speaking, that, like the languages themselves, they are not understood unless they are learned by hearing or reading.
QsHept.7.49.28

Notebook

Full View